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General  Editor,  J.   FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D, 



1630 — 1649 
Volume   II 


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From  a  copy  of  the  original  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 

(Lenox  Building) 










NEW    YORK 1908 


COPYRIGHT,    1908,    BY 

Published  June,  1908 





For  the  opportunity  to  reproduce  the  title-page  of  the  "Bay 
Psalm-Book"  we  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Wilberforce  Eames  of  the 
Lenox  Library.  This  book  of  psalms,  translated  by  various  of  the 
Massachusetts  clergy,  chiefly  by  Richard  Mather,  Thomas  Welde 
and  John  Eliot,  was  the  first  book  issued  from  the  Cambridge  Press 
set  up  by  Stephen  Daye  in  1639;  indeed,  it  was  the  first  book  printed 
in  America  north  of  Mexico.  It  superseded  the  version  of  Sternhold 
and  Hopkins  hitherto  used  at  the  Bay.  Plymouth  continued  as 
before  to  use  the  psalm-book  of  Henry  Ainsworth.  The  "Bay 
Psalm-Book"  is  exceedingly  rare;  only  four  perfect  copies  are  known, 
only  ten  copies  in  all. 

The  second  illustration  is  a  facsimile  of  the  first  page  of  the 
memorable  New  England  Confederation  of  1643.  It  seems  not  to 
have  been  photographed  before.  Two  manuscripts  are  in  existence: 
one  in  the  Connecticut  State  Library,  the  other  in  the  oflSce  of  the 
Register  of  Deeds  for  Plymouth  County,  at  Plymouth.  It  is  the 
former  which,  by  the  kind  consent  of  the  State  Librarian,  Mr.  George 
S.  Godard,  is  reproduced  in  this  volume.  The  document,  which  is 
in  a  fine  state  of  preservation,  is  a  manuscript  of  four  pages,  each  of 
about  16  by  13  inches  in  size,  and  bears  date  Plymouth,  September  5, 

The  last  facsimile  is  of  two  pages  from  An  Almanack  for  1649,  by 
Samuel  Danforth,  printed  at  Cambridge  in  1649.  The  first  almanac 
printed  in  the  colonies  was  that  for  1639,  printed  in  that  year  by 
Stephen  Daye,  the  second  product  of  the  Cambridge  Press  (the  first 
was  the  freemen's  oath).  No  copy  is  known  to  be  extant  of  any 
issue  before  1646.  All  the  earlier  issues  exist  in  single  copies  only; 
that   here   reproduced   is  preserved   in   the   Lenox   Library.     The 




"Chronological  Table"  here  shown  may  be  taken  as  representing 
the  average  man's  conception  as  to  what  had  been  the  most 
important  and  memorable  events  of  New  England  history  in  the 
period  covered  by  these  two  volumes  of  the  Journal  of  Governor 

John  Winthrop. 

J.  F.  J. 



Edited  by  James  Kendall  Hosmer 


Dudley  elected  Governor;  Gift  to  Winthrop 

Lynn  Planters,  Dissatisfied,  go  to  Long  Island  . 

Difficulties  with  the  Dutch  .... 

Rumors  of  Treachery  on  the  Part  of  Miantonomo 

Arrival  of  Thomas  Gorges  at  Agamenticus 

God's  Providence  shown  in  Explosion  on  Board  the  Mary  Rose 

Enmity  shown  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason 

Remorse  and  Confession  of  Captain  John  Underhill  . 

Visit  to  Boston  of  Miantonomo 

Boundary  settled  between  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth     . 
The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  devoured  by  Mice 


Settlement  of  Trouble  in  the  Church  of  Dorchester    . 

New  Meeting  House  in  Boston 

Public  Spirit  of  Rev.  Hugh  Peter        ..... 
Peter,  Welde  and  Hibbins  sent  to  England  as  Colonial  Agents 
Troubles  of  Rev.  Hanserd  Knollys  and  Rev.  Thomas  Larkham 
Richard  Bellingham  elected  Governor         .... 
Action  of  Long  Parliament  stays  Emigration  to  New  England 
Departure  of  Peter,  Welde,  Hibbins  and  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 
Disputes  between  Connecticut  and  the  Dutch     . 
Providence  Island,  in  the  Caribbean,  captured  by  the  Spaniards 
Democratic  Spirit  shown  at  the  Election  of  Bellingham 
Proprietors  at  Piscataqua  offer  to  come  under  Massachusetts 
New  Heresies  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  Friends  at  Aquidneck 

John  Underhill  gives  Trouble 

Parliament  confirms  the  Patent 

















LaTour  makes  Overtures  for  an  Alliance 43 

Bellingham's  Peculiar  Marriage 44 

God's  Judgment  on  the  Crew  of  the  Charles  for  Working  on  the  Lord's  Day  45 

Trouble  with  Bellingham 46 

The  "Body  of  Liberties"  established 48 

Rev.  John  Cotton  opposes  William  Hathorne 49 


Samuel  Gorton  at  Providence 

Turner,  of  Charlestown,  drowns  himself  under  Conviction  of  Sin 
New  Haven  helped  at  Delaware  by  a  Penitent  Pequot 

Underbill  departs  for  the  Dutch 

Winthrop  elected  Governor 

Saltonstall  calls  in  Question  the  Standing  Council 
Rev.  Richard  Gibson,  from  the  Church  of  England,  makes  Trouble 
Darby  Field,  First  of  White  Men,  ascends  White  Mountains 
Dispute  over  Sow  between  Capt.  Keayne  and  Mistress  Sherman 
Edward  Bendall  raises  the  Mary  Rose  by  means  of  Diving-Bell 
Some  of  the  Elders  give  Advice  to  Concord        .... 
Wequash  Cook,  Indian  Preacher,  dies  very  comfortably     . 
Cotton,  Hooker  and  Davenport  invited  to  Westminster  Assembly 
Applications  for  Ministers  from  Virginia  and  Barbadoes    . 
News  from  Connecticut  of  Hostile  Indian  Alliance     . 
Cutshamekin,  Passaconaway  and  Miantonomo  are  disarmed 

Miantonomo  questioned 

Four  Planters  of  Providence  seek  to  come  under  Massachusetts 
Discouragement;   God's  Judgment  on  Traducers  of  New  England 

Nine  Bachelors  commence  at  Cambridge 

Messengers  arrive  from  LaTour 

The  White  Mountains  further  explored 

The  Elders  consider  Saltonstall's  Book  on  the  Standing  Council 

Merchants  Trading  with  LaTour  threatened  by  d'Aulnay 

Sin  of  Rev.  Thomas  Larkham  of  Dover 



News  out  of  England  causes  Appointment  of  Days  of  Humiliation    .         .  91 

Excessive  Rain,  Pigeons  and  Mice,  causing  Scarcity 92 

Insanity  of  Mistress  Onion,  of  Roxbury 93 

Experiences  of  the  Ministers  who  went  to  Virginia 94 

War  between  Dutch  and  Indians;   Roger  Williams  a  Peace-maker     .         .  95 

Parliament  thanked  for  a  Great  Favor 97 

A  Confederation  of  the  Colonies  effected 98 

Text  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation 100 

Arrival  of  LaTour  with  a  Powerful  Ship 105 

Professing  Friendship  and  seeking  Alliance,  he  is  Hospitably  received        .  106 

Disapproval  and  Defence  of  the  Favor  shown  him 108 


The  "Sow  Business"  and  the  Magistrates'  Negative  .... 

Two  Sachems  desire  to  be  received  under  Massachusetts  Government 

Text  of  the  Agreement  with  the  Sachems   . 

Capt.  Carman's  Fight  with  a  Turkish  Ship  described 

CompHcations  with  LaTour  and  d'Aulnay . 

LaTour  charters  Boston  Ships  and  departs 

War  between  Uncas  and  Miantonomo 

Dutch  complain  of  Connecticut's  Encroachment 

Miantonomo  captured  by  Uncas  .... 

Miantonomo  slain        ....... 

Return  of  Ships  chartered  by  LaTour 

Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  Family  killed  by  Indians  near  Manhattan 

Assembly  of  Elders  at  Cambridge  disapproves  the  Presbyterian  Way 

Gorton  and  Followers  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Boston  . 

Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  remonstrate  with  the  Swedes 

Gorton  and  his  Men  Examined,  dealt  with,  and  characterized  . 

A  Ship  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  promotes  Disorder     .         .        .        , 


A  Pinnace  blown  up,  showing  God's  Judgment  on  profane  Men 

Return  of  Thomas  Morton,  an  Ill-wisher  and  Traducer 

Consultation  as  to  Maintaining  the  Castle  . 

Overtures  from  Cutshamekin  and  other  Sachems 

Fortunes  of  the  Plough  Patent  or  Lygonia 

Uneasiness  about  the  Defenceless  Castle 

Letters  from  the  Dutch  denying  ill  Treatment  of  English 

The  Sad  Case  of  Mary  Latham 

The  Legislature  becomes  Bi-cameral  .... 

The  Banishment  of  Rev.  John  Wheelwright  rescinded 

Canonicus  and  Pessacus  purpose  to  war  against  Uncas 

John  Endicott  elected  Governor;   Messengers  sent  to  the  Narragansetts 

The  Magistrates  foil  a  plot  of  the  Essex  Deputies 

Pumham  asks  aid  against  the  Narragansetts 

Dispute  between  Magistrates  and  Deputies  as  to  the  Vacancy 

Simon  Bradstreet  and  William  Hathorne  unwisely  chosen  Commissioners 

Deputies  refuse  Powder  to  Plymouth  and  Aquidneck  ... 

Increase  of  Anabaptistry  in  spite  of  Penalty  of  Banishment 

LaTour  arrives  to  ask  for  Aid  against  d'Aulnay         .... 

Trouble  in  the  Hampton  Church  over  Rev.  Mr.  Batchellor 

D'Aulnay  at  Penobscot  robbed  by  Englishmen  from  Maine 

English  Vessel  at  Delaware  turned  back  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes   . 

A  Letter,  not  Conciliatory,  sent  to  d'Aulnay 

Captain  Stagg  seizes  a  Bristol  Ship  in  Boston  Harbor 

One  Franklin  executed  for  Murder  of  an  Indentured  Child 

Endicott  bewails  Jarrings  between  Magistrates  and  Deputies 

An  Over-zealous  Constable  causes  International  Misunderstanding    . 

LaTour  sails  from  Boston  with  Honors;  Thomas  Morton  dealt  with 



Arrival  of  the  Lady  LaTour  causes  more  Complications    ....  197 

Roger  Williams  arrives  with  Friendly  Letter  from  Men  in  Power       .        .  198 

Awkward  Complication  as  to  a  Ship  from  Dartmouth        ....  199 

A  Supposed  Friar  arrives  with  a  Message  from  d'Aulnay  ....  201 

Peace  arranged  between  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansetts          .        .        .  204 

More  Trouble  with  LaTour 204 

Lady  LaTour  departs 206 

Power  and  Mercy  of  God  shown  in  Recovery  of  Children          .        .        .  209 
General  Court  and  Elders  settle  Powers  of  Magistrates,  etc.      .         .        .211 

Winthrop  and  Deputies  differ 217 

Saltonstall  tries  to  resign 218 


The  Colony  Powder  destroyed,  wherein  is  a  Special  Providence         .        .  220 

The  Church  at  Exeter  admonished 221 

An  Advisory  Commission  appointed  in  England 222 

John  Winthrop,  jr.,  establishes  Iron- works 222 

Public  Schools  established;  Support  for  the  College 224 

Mistress  Hopkins  of  Hartford  goes  Insane  through  Studies         .        .        .  225 

More  Trouble  with  LaTour  and  d'Aulnay 225 

Deputies  arrogate  the  Right  to  choose  Preacher  at  Election        .        .        .  226 

War  in  England  diminishes  the  Supply  of  Laborers 228 

Thomas  Dudley  chosen  Governor 229 

Trouble  over  Captaincy  of  the  Hingham  Train-band          ....  229 

Speech  of  Winthrop  defining  the  Just  Bounds  of  Liberty  ....  237 

Authority  of  the  Magistrates  weakened  by  Mutinous  Practices  .        .        .  240 

Rev.  Peter  Hobart's  Presbyterial  Spirit 244 

Commerce  freed  from  Restraints 246 

Angry  Controversy  with  d'Aulnay,  who  captures  LaTour's  Fort         .        .  247 

Wreck  of  the  Seafort 248 

Higginson,  Bulkeley  and  George  Downing  depart  for  England  .        .         .  250 

The  Castle  repaired  and  strengthened 251 

Negroes  freed  and  Offenders  punished  on  a  Boston  Slave-Ship  .         .         .  252 

Commissioners  of  United  Colonies  discuss  Indian  War  and  LaTour  .         .  254 

Military  Officers  given  full  Authority  in  War  Matters         ....  254 

Sir  Henry  Vane,  the  Younger,  does  New  England  a  Service       .         .         .  256 

The  New  England  Divines  answer  the  Opponents  of  Congregationalism    .  257 

Laws  as  to  Entertainment  of  Strangers,  etc.,  maintained    ....  259 

Dispute  between  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  as  to  Title  of  Lands  .         .  261 


Rev.  Peter  Hobart  of  Hingham  gives  Further  Trouble 

Dispute  as  to  Proprietorship  of  Lygonia 

Harmony  between  Magistrates  and  Deputies;   the  Laws  digested 
Negotiations  with  d'Aulnay  ....... 

William  Vassall  and  Others  petition  for  Greater  Freedom . 



Title-page  of  the  "Bay  Psalm-Book."    From  a  copy  in  the  New  York 

Public  Library  (Lenox  Building) Frontispiece 


First  Page  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies OF  New  England.  From  the  manuscript  in  the  Connecticut 
State  Library 100 

A  New  England  Chronology,  from  "An  Almanack  for  1649."    From 

the  original  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  (Lenox  Building)       .    340 



I 630-1 649 
Vol.  H 



I 630-1 649 


(3.)  (May)  13.]  The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston,  and 
Thomas  Dudley,  Esq.,  was  chosen  governor.  Some  trouble 
there  had  been  in  making  way  for  his  election,  and  it  was 
obtained  with  some  difficulty ;  for  many  of  the  elders  labored 
much  in  it,  fearing  lest  the  long  continuance  of  one  man  in  the 
place  should  bring  it  to  be  for  Ufe,  and,  in  time,  hereditary. 
Beside,  this  gentleman  was  a  man  of  approved  wisdom  and 
godliness,  and  of  much  good  service  to  the  country,  and  there- 
fore it  was  his  due  to  share  in  such  honor  and  benefit  as  the 
country  had  to  bestow.  The  elders,  being  met  at  Boston  about 
this  matter,  sent  some  of  their  company  to  acquaint  the  old 
governor  with  their  desire,  and  the  reasons  moving  them, 
clearing  themselves  of  all  dislike  of  his  government,  and 
seriously  professing  their  sincere  affections  and  respect  towards 
him,  which  he  kindly  and  thankfully  accepted,  concurring  with 
them  in  their  motion,  and  expressing  his  unfeigned  desire  of 
more  freedom,  that  he  might  a  little  intend  his  private  occa- 
sions, wherein  (they  well  knew)  how  much  he  had  lately  suf- 
fered (for  his  bailiff,  whom  he  trusted  with  managing  his  farm, 
had  engaged  him  £2500  without  his  privity)  in  his  outward 
estate.  This  they  had  heard  of,  and  were  much  affected  there- 
with, and  all  the  country  in  general,  and  took  course,  (the  elders 
agreeing  upon  it  at  that  meeting,)  that  supply  should  be  sent 



in  from  the  several  towns,  by  a  voluntary  contribution,  for  free- 
ing of  those  engagements ;  and  the  court  (having  no  money  to 
bestow,  and  being  yet  much  indebted)  gave  his  wife  three 
thousand  acres  of  land,  and  some  of  the  towns  sent  in  liberally, 
and  some  others  promised,  but  could  perform  but  little,  and 
the  most  nothing  at  all.  The  whole  came  not  to  £500  whereof 
near  half  came  from  Boston,  and  one  gentleman  of  Newbury, 
Mr.  Richard  Dummer,  propounded  for  a  supply  by  a  more 
private  way,  and  for  example,  himself  disbursed  £100.* 

This  first  court  there  fell  some  difference  between  the  gov- 
ernor and  some  of  the  deputies  about  a  vote,  upon  a  motion  to 
have  the  fine  of  £200  imposed  upon  Mr.  Robert  Keaine  to  be 
abated.  Some  would  have  had  it  at  £100, — others  at  100 
marks,  others  at  50,  and  because  the  governor  put  the  lowest 
to  the  vote  fii'st,  whereas  divers  called  for  the  highest,  they 
charged  the  governor  with  breach  of  order,  whereupon  he 
grew  into  some  heat,  professing  that  he  would  not  suffer  such 
things,  etc.  The  deputies  took  this  as  a  menacing,  and  much 
offence  they  took  at  it ;  but  the  next  day  he  cleared  his  inten- 
tion to  them,  and  all  was  quiet. 

Mo.  4  (June).]  Divers  of  the  inhabitants  of  Linne,  finding 
themselves  straitened,  looked  out  for  a  new  plantation,  and 
going  to  Long  Island,  they  agreed  with  the  Lord  Sterling's 
agent  there,  one  Mr.  Forrett,^  for  a  parcel  of  the  isle  near  the 
west  end,  and  agreed  with  the  Indians  for  their  right.  The 
Dutch,  hearing  of  this,  and  making  claim  to  that  part  of  the 
island  by  a  former  purchase  of  the  Indians,  sent  men  to  take 
possession  of  the  place,  and  set  up  the  arms  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  upon  a  tree.    The  Linne  men  sent  ten  or  twelve  men 

^  This  liberality  to  Winthrop,  suffering  thus  heavily  through  his  devotion  to 
the  public  service,  is  the  best  possible  evidence  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was 
held.  The  large  gift  of  Richard  Dummer,  in  particular,  who  had  been  dis- 
ciplined in  the  antinomian  excitement,  (see  Vol.  I.,  p.  215),  is  a  sign,  from  a 
magnanimous  sufferer,  of  appreciation  of  substantial  worth  in  a  persecutor. 

=^Read  Farrett.  James  Farrett,  a  Scotsman,  was  from  1637  to  1641  the 
agent  of  Lord  Stirling  for  selling  lands  on  Long  Island.  See  Slafter,  Sir  Wil- 
liam Alexander,  pp.  87-90. 


with  provisions,  etc.,  who  began  to  build,  and  took  down  the 
prince's  arms,  and,  in  place  thereof,  an  Indian  had  drawn  an 
unhandsome  face.  The  Dutch  took  this  in  high  displeasure, 
and  sent  soldiers  and  fetched  away  their  men,  and  imprisoned 
them  a  few  days,  and  then  took  an  oath  of  them  [blank]  and  so 
discharged  them.  Upon  this  the  Linne  men  (finding  them- 
selves too  weak,  and  having  no  encouragement  to  expect  aid 
from  the  English)  deserted  that  place,  and  took  another  at  the 
east  end  of  the  same  island;  and,  being  now  about  forty 
families,  they  proceeded  in  their  plantation,  and  called  one 
Mr.  Pierson,  a  godly  learned  man,  and  a  member  of  the  church 
of  Boston,  to  go  with  them,  who  with  some  seven  or  eight  more 
of  the  company  gathered  (9)*  into  a  church  body  at  Linne, 
(before  they  went,)  and  the  whole  company  entered  into  a  civil 
combination  (with  the  advice  of  some  of  our  magistrates)  to 
become  a  corporation. 

•  Upon  this  occasion,  the  Dutch  governor,  one  William  Kyfte, 
(a  discreet  man,)  wrote  to  our  governor  complaint  of  the  Eng- 
lish usurpations,  both  at  Connecticut,  and  now  also  at  Long 
Island,  and  of  the  abuse  offered  to  the  Prince's  arms,  etc.,  and 
thereupon  excused  his  imprisoning  our  men.  To  which  the 
governor  returned  answer,  (in  Latin,  his  letter  being  in  the 
same,)  that  our  desire  had  always  been  to  hold  peace  and  good 
correspondency  with  all  our  neighbors ;  and  though  we  would 
not  maintain  any  of  our  countrymen  in  any  unjust  action,  yet 
we  might  not  suffer  them  to  be  injured,  etc.  As  for  our  neigh- 
bors of  Connecticut,  etc.,  he  knew  they  were  not  under  our 
government,  and  for  those  at  Long  Island,  they  went  volun- 
tarily from  us,  etc.^ 

'  /.  e.,  probably  in  November. 

^  From  another  authority,  we  learn  that  the  arms  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
were  pulled  down  by  Lieutenant  Daniel  Howe,  who  was  at  times  deputy  for 
Lynn  in  the  General  Court.  The  growth  of  the  plantations,  now  causing  en- 
croachment east  and  west,  involved  the  English  in  disputes  with  Dutch  and 
French  neighbors.  The  occupation  of  Long  Island  (near  Oyster  Bay)  was  a 
menace  to  Manhattan. 


This  year  there  came  over  great  store  of  provisions,  both  out 
of  England  and  Ireland,  and  but  few  passengers,  (and  those 
brought  very  little  money,)  which  was  occasioned  by  the  store 
of  money  and  quick  markets,  which  the  merchants  found  here 
the  two  or  three  years  before,  so  as  now  all  our  money  was 
drained  from  us,  and  cattle  and  all  commodities  grew  very 
cheap,  which  enforced  us  at  the  next  general  court,  in  the  8th 
month,  to  make  an  order,  that  corn  should  pass  in  payments 
of  new  debts;  Indian  at  4s.  the  bushel;  rye  at  5s.,  and  wheat 
at  6s.;  and  that,  upon  all  executions  for  former  debts,  the  credi- 
tor might  take  what  goods  he  pleased,  (or,  if  he  had  no  goods, 
then  his  lands,)  to  be  appraised  by  three  men,  one  chosen  by 
the  creditor,  one  by  the  debtor,  and  the  third  by  the  marshal. 

One  of  the  ships,  which  came  this  summer,  struck  upon  a 
whale  with  a  full  gale,  which  put  the  ship  a  stays;  the  whale 
struck  the  ship  on  her  bow,  with  her  tail  a  Httle  above  water, 
and  brake  the  planks  and  six  timbers  and  a  beam,  and  staved 
two  hogsheads  of  vinegar. 

(7.)  (September.)]  There  was  some  rumor  of  the  Indians 
plotting  mischief  against  the  Enghsh ;  and,  to  strengthen  this, 
the  governor  of  Plymouth,  a  Mr.  Bradford,  wrote  a  letter  to 
this  effect :  that  he  was  informed,  (and  did  believe  it,)  that  the 
Naragansett  sachem,  Miantunnomoh,  had  sent  a  great  present 
of  wampum  to  the  Mohawks,  to  aid  him  against  the  Enghsh, 
and  that  it  was  accepted,  and  aid  promised.  The  Hke  news 
was  brought  by  Mr.  Haynes,  one  of  the  magistrates  upon  Con- 
necticut, and  many  words  were  taken  up  from  some  Indians 
among  us,  which  our  fears  interpreted  the  same  way.*  The 
governor  and  council  gave  no  great  credit  to  these  suspicions, 
yet  they  thought  fit  to  take  order,  strengthening  the  watches 
in  all  towns,  and  causing  them  to  be  ordered  by  the  mihtary 
officers,  (being  before  committed  to  the  constables'  charge,) 

*  Rumors  thus  accredited  as  to  danger  from  this  powerful  tribe  were  certainly 
disquieting.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  note  certain  very  harsh  measures  taken 
by  the  colonists,  who  felt  they  were  environed  by  great  perils. 


and  withal  sent  Capt.  Jenyson  with  three  men  and  an  Indian 
interpreter  to  the  Naragansett  sachems,  to  know  the  truth  of 
their  intentions,  etc.  They  were  very  kindly  entertained,  but 
they  would  not  speak  with  him  in  the  presence  of  his  Indian 
interpreter,  because  he  was  a  Pequod,  and  a  servant,  and  their 
enemy,  and  might  discover  their  councils.  So  he  made  use  of 
another  interpreter.  They  denied  all  confederations  with  the 
Mohawks,  etc.,  and  professed  their  purpose  to  continue  friend- 
ship with  us,  and  not  to  use  any  hostility  towards  the  EngHsh, 
except  they  began,  etc.,  and  promised  to  come  to  Boston  (as 
he  was  desired)  if  Mr.  Williams  might  come  with  him,  (but  that 
we  had  denied).  Only  Janemoh,  the  Niantick  sachem,  carried 
himself  proudly,  and  refused  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any 
thing,  only  he  said  he  would  not  harm  us,  except  we  invaded 

The  governor  and  council  took  from  Cutshamekin  the 
powder  and  shot  they  had  bought  of  our  people,  with  promise 
to  pay  for  it,  or  restore  it,  etc. 

This  summer  there  came  divers  godly  men,  as  they  pre- 
tended, from  Christophers  with  their  families.  The  occasion 
was,  one  Mr.  Collins,  a  young  scholar,  full  of  zeal,  etc.,  preach- 
ing in  the  island,  it  pleased  God,  divers  were  wrought  upon  by 
him,  but  he  and  they  being  persecuted,  and  their  hberty  re- 
strained, they  came  away,  and  brought  all  their  substance  in 
tobacco,  which  came  at  so  dead  a  market,  as  they  could  not 
get  above  two  pence  the  pound  (the  freight  came  to  one  penny, 
observe,)  nor  could  sell  half  at  that  rate.  They  arrived  first 
at  Quilipiack,  (since  called  New  Haven,)  and  so  dispersed 
themselves  here  and  there,  and  some  returned  to  Ireland.  Mr. 
Collins  and  one  Mr.  Hales  (a  young  man  very  well  conceited 
of  himself  and  censorious  of  others)  went  to  Aquiday,  and  so 
soon  as  Hales  came  acquainted  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  he  was 
taken  by  her  and  became  her  disciple.  Mr.  Colhns  was  enter- 
tained at  Hartford  to  teach  a  school,  and  hearing  of  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson's opinions,  etc.,  wrote  to  Mr.  Hales  to  beware  of  her. 


Mr.  Hales  returned  him  answer,  and  the  next  morning  he  went 
away,  without  taking  leave,  and  being  come  to  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
son, he  was  also  taken  with  her  heresies,  and  in  great  admira- 
tion of  her,  so  as  these,  and  other  the  Hke  before,  when  she 
dwelt  in  Boston,  gave  cause  of  suspicion  of  witchcraft,  for  it 
was  certainly  known,  that  Hawkins's  wife  (who  continued  with 
her,  and  was  her  bosom  friend)  had  much  familiarity  with  the 
devil  in  England,  when  she  dwelt  at  St.  Ives,  where  divers 
ministers  and  others  resorted  to  her  and  found  it  true. 

This  summer  here  arrived  one  Mr.  Thomas  Gorge,*  a  young 
gentleman  of  the  inns  of  court,  a  kinsman  of  Sir  Ferdinand 
Gorge,  and  sent  by  him  with  commission  for  the  government 
of  his  province  of  Somersetshire.  He  was  sober  and  well  dis- 
posed; he  staid  a  few  days  at  Boston,  and  was  very  careful 
to  take  advice  of  our  magistrates  how  to  manage  his  affairs, 
etc.  When  he  came  to  Acomenticus,  now  called  Bristol,^  he 
found  all  out  of  order,  for  Mr.  Burdett  ruled  all,  and  had  let 
loose  the  reigns  of  liberty  to  his  lusts,  that  he  grew  very  notori- 
ous for  his  pride  and  adultery ;  and  the  neighbors  now  finding 
Mr.  Gorge  well  incHned  to  reform  things,  they  complained  of 
him,  and  produced  such  foul  matters  against  him,  as  he  was 
laid  hold  on,  and  bound  to  appear  at  their  court  at  Sacoe :  but 
he  dealt  so  with  some  other  of  the  commissioners,  that,  when 
the  coiirt  came,  Mr.  Vines  and  two  more  stood  for  him,  but 
Mr.  Gorge  having  the  greater  party  on  his  side,  and  the  jury 
finding  him  guilty  of  adultery  and  other  crimes,  with  much 
labor  and  difficulty  he  was  fined  (under  £30).  He  appealed 
unto  England,  but  Mr.  Gorge  would  not  admit  his  appeal,  but 
seized  some  of  his  cattle,  etc.    Upon  this  Mr.  Burdett  went 

^  Thomas  Gorges,  in  spite  of  his  connection  with  Sir  Ferdinando,  preserved 
friendly  relations  with  his  Puritan  neighbors,  and  is-  remembered  with  honor 
by  the  historians  of  Maine.  Richard  Vines,  too,  a  cavalier,  seems  to  have  been 
a  respectable  man.  Perhaps  the  different  bearing  of  the  royalist  agents  to  the 
Puritans  may  have  been  due  in  part  to  a  recognition  by  them  of  the  fact  that 
the  King  was  powerfully  opposed,  and  that  Massachusetts  would  have  in  Parlia- 
ment an  ally  to  be  reckoned  with. 

^  At  present  York,  Maine, 


into  England,  but  when  he  came  there  he  found  the  state  so 
changed,  as  his  hopes  were  frustrated,  and  he,  after  taking  part 
with  the  cavaUers,  was  committed  to  prison. 

One  Baker,  master's  mate  of  the  ship  [blank,]  being  in  drink, 
used  some  reproachful  words  of  the  queen.  The  governor 
and  council  were  much  in  doubt  what  to  do  with  him,  but 
having  considered  that  he  was  distempered  and  sorry  for 
it,  etc.,  and  being  a  stranger  and  a  chief  officer  in  the  ship,  and 
many  ships  were  then  in  harbor,  they  thought  it  not  fit  to  inflict 
corporal  punishment  upon  him,  but  after  he  had  been  two  or 
three  days  in  prison,  he  was  set  an  hour  at  the  whipping  post 
with  a  paper  on  his  head,  and  so  dismissed. 

Mo.  5.  (July)  27.]  Being  the  second  day  of  the  week,  the 
Mary  Rose,  a  ship  of  Bristol,  of  about  200  tons,  her  master  one 
Capt.  [blank,]  lying  before  Charlton,  was  blown  in  pieces  with 
her  own  powder,  being  21  barrels;  wherein  the  judgment  of 
God  appeared,  for  the  master  and  company  were  many  of  them 
profane  scoffers  at  us,  and  at  the  ordinances  of  religion  here; 
so  as,  our  churches  keeping  a  fast  for  our  native  country,  etc., 
they  kept  aboard,  at  their  common  service,  when  all  the  rest 
of  the  masters  came  to  our  assemblies;  likewise  the  Lord's  day 
following ;  and  a  friend  of  his  going  aboard  next  day  and  asking 
him,  why  he  came  not  on  shore  to  our  meetings,  his  answer 
was,  that  he  had  a  family  of  his  own,. etc.,  and  they  had  as  good 
service  aboard  as  we  had  on  shore.  Within  two  hours  after 
this  (being  about  dinner  time)  the  powder  took  fire  (no  man 
Imows  how)  and  blew  all  up,  viz.  the  captain  and  nine  or  ten  of 
his  men,  and  some  four  or  five  strangers.  There  was  a  special 
providence  that  there  were  no  more,  for  many  principal  men 
were  going  aboard  at  that  time,  and  some  were  in  a  boat  near 
the  ship,  and  others  were  diverted  by  a  sudden  shower  of 
rain,  and  others  by  other  occasions.  There  was  one  man  saved, 
being  carried  up  in  the  scuttle,  and  so  let  fall  in  the  same  into 
the  water,  and  being  taken  up  by  the  ferry  boat,  near  dead,  he 
came  to  himself  the  next  morning,  but  could  not  tell  any  thing 


of  the  blowing  up  of  the  ship,  or  how  he  came  there.  The  rest 
of  the  dead  bodies  were  after  found,  much  bruised  and  broken. 
Some  goods  were  saved,  but  the  whole  loss  was  estimated  at 
£2,000.  A  20s.  piece  was  foimd  sticking  in  a  chip,  for  there 
was  above  £300  in  money  in  her,  and  15  tons  of  lead,  and  10 
pieces  of  ordnance,  which  a  year  after  were  taken  up,  and  the 
hull  of  the  ship  drawn  ashore. 

This  judgment  of  God  upon  these  scomers  of  his  ordi- 
nances and  the  ways  of  his  servants  (for  they  spake  very  evil 
of  us,  because  they  found  not  so  good  a  market  for  their  com- 
modities as  they  expected,  etc.)  gives  occasion  to  mention  other 
examples  of  like  kind,  which  fell  out  at  this  and  other  times, 
by  which  it  will  appear  how  the  Lord  hath  owned  this  work, 
and  preserved  and  prospered  his  people  here  beyond  ordinary 
ways  of  providence. 

One  Capt.  Mason  of  London,'  a  man  in  favor  at  court,  and  a 
professed  enemy  to  us,  had  a  plantation  at  Pascataquack ; 
which  he  was  at  great  charge  about,  and  set  up  a  sawmill,  but 
nothing  prospered.  He  provided  a  ship,  which  should  have 
been  employed  to  have  brought  a  general  governor,  or  in 
some  other  design  to  our  prejudice,  but  in  launching  of  it,  her 
back  was  broken.  He  also  employed  Gardiner,  and  Morton, 
and  others,  to  prosecute  against  us  at  council  table,  and  by  a 
quo  warranto,  etc.,  so  as  Morton  wrote  divers  letters  to  his 
friends  here,  insulting  against  us,  and  assuring  them  of  our 
speedy  ruin,  etc.  But  the  Lord  still  disappointed  them,  and 
frustrated  all  their  designs.  As  for  this  Mason,  he  fell  sick  and 
died  soon  after,  and  in  his  sickness  he  sent  for  the  minister,  and 
bewailed  his  enmity  against  us,  and  promised,  if  he  recovered, 
to  be  as  great  a  friend  to  New  England  as  he  had  formerly  been 
an  enemy. 

Sir  Ferdinand  Gorge  also  had  sided  with  our  adversaries 
against  us,   but  underhand,   pretending  by  his  letters  and 

1  John  Mason,  of  the  Piscataqua,  must  not  be  confounded  with  John  Mason 
of  Connecticut,  captain  in  the  Pequot  war. 


speeches  to  seek  our  welfare ;  but  he  never  prospered.  He  at- 
tempted great  matters,  and  was  at  large  expenses  about  his 
province  here,  but  he  lost  all. 

One  Austin  (a  man  of  good  estate)  came  with  his  family  in 
the  year  1638  to  Quinipiack,  and  not  finding  the  country  as  he 
expected,  he  grew  discontented,  saying  that  he  could  not  sub- 
sist here,  and  thereupon  made  off  his  estate,  and  with  his  family 
and  £1000  in  his  purse,  he  returned  for  England  in  a  ship 
bound  for  Spain,  against  the  advice  of  the  godly  there,  who 
told  him  he  would  be  taken  by  the  Turks ;  and  it  so  fell  out,  for 
in  Spain  he  embarked  himself  in  a  great  ship  bound  for  Eng- 
land which  carried  £200,000  in  money,  but  the  ship  was  taken 
by  the  Turks,  and  Austin  and  his  wife  and  family  were  carried 
to  Algiers,  and  sold  there  for  slaves.^ 

The  Lord  showed  his  displeasure  against  others,  though 
godly,  who  have  spoken  ill  of  this  coimtry,  and  so  discouraged 
the  hearts  of  his  people ;  even  the  lords  and  others  of  Providence 
having  spoken  too  much  in  that  kind,  thinking  thereby  to 
further  their  own  plantation.  They  set  out  a  ship  the  last  year 
with  passengers  and  goods  for  Providence,  but  it  was  taken  by 
the  Turks.  Captain  Newman,  the  same  year,  having  taken 
good  prizes  in  their  service,  returning  home,  when  he  was  near 
Dover,  was  taken  by  a  Dunkirker,  and  all  lost.  Mr.  Humfrey, 
who  was  now  for  Providence  with  his  company,  raised  an  ill 
report  of  this  country,  were  here  kept,  in  spite  of  all  their  en- 
deavors and  means  to  have  been  gone  this  winter,  and  his  corn 
and  all  his  hay  to  the  value  of  £160  were  burnt  by  his  own 

*"Here,"  says  Savage  in  a  foot-note,  "ends  the  perfect  text  of  the  second 
venerable  MS.  of  the  author,  which  began  in  my  Vol.  I.,  p.  197  [Vol.  I.,  p.  191,  of 
this  edition].  On  the  morning  of  the  10th  November  [1825],  the  original  was 
destroyed  by  fire,  and  my  copy,  on  which  the  labor  of  collation,  equally  faithful 
and  pleasant,  had  been  bestowed  by  me,  three  times,  in  different  years,  was  also 
lost.  Another  copy,  designed  for  the  printers,  shared  the  same  fate,  except  that 
the  few  pages  foregoing,  having  been  sent  to  the  press,  were  preserved.  From 
this  place  to  the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  the  original  MS.  [  fost,  p.  207] 
the  boast  of  a  pure  text,  with  correction  of  the  grosser  errors  denoted  in  the  margin, 
and  supplying  of  omissions  in  the  former  edition,  must  be  abandoned." 

12  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1640 

servants^  who  made  a  fire  in  his  barn,  and  by  gunpowder,  which 
accidentally  took  fire,  consumed  all;  himself  having  at  the 
court  before  petitioned  for  some  supply  of  his  want,  whereupon 
the  court  gave  him  £250.  Soon  after  also  Providence  was 
taken  by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  lords  lost  all  their  care  and 
cost  to  the  value  of  above  £60,000/ 

Mo.  7.  (September)  3.]  Captain  Underbill  being  brought,  by 
the  blessing  of  God  in  this  church's  censure  of  excommunica- 
tion, to  remorse  for  his  foul  sins,  obtained,  by  means  of  the 
elders,  and  others  of  the  church  of  Boston,  a  safe  conduct  under 
the  hand  of  the  governor  and  one  of  the  council  to  repair  to  the 
church.  He  came  at  the  time  of  the  court  of  assistants,  and 
upon  the  lecture  day,  after  sermon,  the  pastor  called  him  forth 
and  declared  the  occasion,  and  then  gave  him  leave  to  speak: 
and  indeed  it  was  a  spectacle  which  caused  many  weeping  eyes, 
though  it  afforded  matter  of  much  rejoicing  to  behold  the 
power  of  the  Lord  Jesus  in  his  own  ordinances,  when  they  are 
dispensed  in  his  own  way,  holding  forth  the  authority  of  his 
regal  sceptre  in  the  simphcity  of  the  gospel.  He  came  in  his 
worst  clothes  (being  accustomed  to  take  great  pride  in  his 
bravery  and  neatness)  without  a  band,  in  a  foul  linen  cap  pulled 
close  to  his  eyes ;  and  standing  upon  a  form,  he  did,  with  many 
deep  sighs  and  abundance  of  tears,  lay  open  his  wicked  course, 
his  adultery,  his  hypocrisy,  his  persecution  of  God's  people  here, 
and  especially  his  pride  (as  the  root  of  all,  which  caused  God 
to  give  him  over  to  his  other  sinful  courses)  and  contempt  of 
the  magistrates.  He  justified  God  and  the  church  and  the 
court  in  all  that  had  been  inflicted  on  him.  He  declared  what 
power  Satan  had  of  him  since  the  casting  out  of  the  church; 
how  his  presumptuous  laying  hold  of  mercy  and  pardon,  before 
God  gave  it,  did  then  fail  him  when  the  terrors  of  God  came 

^  So  ended  in  disaster  the  scheme  which  had  threatened  the  uprooting  of 
New  England,  the  hand  of  God  in  Winthrop's  eyes  being  clearly  visible  in  the 
misfortunes  of  the  disaffected.  I'he  Providence  referred  to  is  the  island  Provi- 
dence, or  Catalina,  off  the  Nicaraguan  coast. 


upon  him,  so  as  he  could  have  no  rest,  nor  could  see  any  issue 
but  utter  despair,  which  had  put  him  divers  times  upon  resolu- 
tions of  destroying  himself,  had  not  the  Lord  in  mercy  prevented 
him,  even  when  his  sword  was  ready  to  have  done  the  execu- 
tion. Many  fearful  temptations  he  met  with  beside,  and  in  all 
these  his  heart  shut  up  in  hardness  and  impenitency  as  the 
bondslave  of  Satan,  till  the  Lord,  after  a  long  time  and  great 
afflictions,  had  broken  his  heart,  and  brought  him  to  humble 
himself  before  him  night  and  day  with  prayers  and  tears  till  his 
strength  was  wasted ;  and  indeed  he  appeared  as  a  man  worn 
out  with  sorrow,  and  yet  he  could  find  no  peace,  therefore  he 
was  now  come  to  seek  it  in  this  ordinance  of  God.  He  spake 
well,  save  that  his  blubbering,  etc.,  interrupted  him,  and  all 
along  he  discovered  a  broken  and  melting  heart,  and  gave  good 
exhortations  to  take  heed  of  such  vanities  and  beginnings  of 
evil  as  had  occasioned  his  fall ;  and  in  the  end  he  earnestly  and 
humbly  besought  the  church  to  have  compassion  of  him,  and 
to  deliver  him  out  of  the  hands  of  Satan.  So  accordingly  he 
was  received  into  the  church  again ;  and  after  he  came  into  the 
court  (for  the  general  court  began  soon  after)  and  made  confes- 
sion of  his  sin  against  them,  etc.,  and  desired  pardon,  which 
the  court  freely  granted  him,  so  far  as  concerned  their  private 
judgment.  But  for  his  adultery  they  would  not  pardon  that 
for  example's  sake,  nor  would  restore  him  to  freedom,  though 
they  released  his  banishment,  and  declared  the  former  law 
against  adultery  to  be  of  no  force ;  so  as  there  was  no  law  now 
to  touch  his  life,  for  the  new  law  against  adultery  was  made 
since  his  fact  committed.  He  confessed  also  in  the  congrega- 
tion, that  though  he  was  very  familiar  with  that  woman,  and 
had  gained  her  affection,  etc.,  yet  she  withstood  him  six  months 
against  all  his  solicitations  (which  he  thought  no  woman  could 
have  resisted)  before  he  could  overcome  her  chastity,  but  being 
once  overcome,  she  was  wholly  at  his  will.  And  to  make 
his  peace  the  more  sound,  he  went  to  her  husband  (being  a 
cooper)  and  fell  upon  his  knees  before  him  in  the  presence  of 


some  of  the  elders  and  others,  and  confessed  the  wrong  he  had 
done  him,  and  besought  him  to  forgive  him,  which  he  did  very 
freely,  and  in  testimony  thereof  he  sent  the  captain's  wife  a 

4.  5.  6.]  It  rained  three  days  and  nights  together,  and  the 
tides  were  extraordinary  high. 

Mo.  9  (November).]  It  is  before  declared  how  the  church 
of  Boston  sent  messengers  and  a  letter  to  their  members  at 
Aquiday,  and  how  they  refused  to  hear  them,  pretending  them- 
selves to  be  no  members,  being  now  so  far  removed.  Where- 
upon the  elders  and  most  of  the  church  intended  to  have  cast 
them  out,  as  refusers  to  hear  the  church ;  but  some  others  de- 
sired that  the  church  would  write  to  them  once  again,  which 
accordingly  was  done,  and  the  letter  drawn  by  Mr.  Cotton, 
wherein  he  fully  repeated  all  former  proceedings,  both  of  the 
church  and  of  the  court,  and  justified  both,  and  condemned 
their  errors  and  disturbance  of  the  peace  here,  and  their  re- 
monstrance, and  Mr.  Wheelwright's  sermon,  (which  formerly, 
among  other  his  faihngs,  being  misled  by  their  subtilty,  etc., 
he  had  justified  and  commended,)  and  showed  how  the  church 
had  been  wronged  by  them. 

Miantunnomoh,  the  sachem  of  Naragansett,  came,  and  was 
met  at  Dorchester  by  Captain  Gibbons  and  a  guard  of  twelve 
musketeers,  and  well  entertained  at  Roxbury  by  the  governor ; 
but  when  we  came  to  parley,  he  refused  to  treat  with  us  by  our 
Pequod  interpreter,  as  he  had  done  before  to  Captain  Jenyson, 
and  the  governor  being  as  resolute  as  he,  refused  to  use  any 
other  interpreter,  thinking  it  a  dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  much 
way  to  them.  Whereupon  he  came  from  Roxbury  to  Boston, 
departing  in  a  rude  manner,  without  showing  any  respect  or 
sign  of  thankfulness  to  the  governor  for  his  entertainment, 

'  This  curious  passage,  held  by  Savage  to  be  one  of  Winthrop's  "  best  delinea- 
tions of  manners,"  is  not  conclusive  as  to  the  sincerity  of  Underhill's  repentance. 
Underhill  is  supposed  to  have  lived  until  1672,  his  later  career  being  in  Connecticut, 
on  Long  Island,  and  among  the  Dutch.  He  held  offices  of  importance,  and 
found  opportunity  to  increase  his  fame  as  an  Indian  fighter. 


whereof  the  governor  informed  the  general  court,  and  would 
show  him  no  countenance,  nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table, 
as  formerly  he  had  done,  till  he  had  acknowledged  his  failing, 
etc.,  which  he  readily  did,  so  soon  as  he  could  be  made  to  un- 
derstand it,  and  did  speak  with  our  committees  and  us  by  a 
Pequod  maid  who  could  speak  English  perfectly.  But  it  was 
conceived  by  some  of  the  court  that  he  kept  back  such  things 
as  he  accounted  secrets  of  state,  and  that  he  would  carry  home 
in  his  breast,  as  an  injury,  the  strict  terms  he  was  put  to  both 
in  this,  and  the  satisfaction  he  was  urged  to  for  not  observ- 
ing our  custom  in  matter  of  manners,  for  he  told  us  that 
when  our  men  came  to  him,  they  were  permitted  to  use 
their  own  fashions,  and  so  he  expected  the  same  hberty 
with  us.  So  as  he  departed  and  nothing  agreed,  only  the 
former  articles  of  peace  were  read  to  him  and  allowed  by  him 
with  this  addition,  that  if  any  of  his  men  did  set  traps  in 
our  jurisdiction,  etc.,  they  should  be  hable  to  satisfy  all  dam- 
ages, etc. 

Mo.  8  (October).]  The  elders  had  moved  at  a  general  court 
before,  that  the  distinction  between  the  two  jurisdictions  might 
be  set  down,  that  the  churches  might  know  their  power,  and  the 
civil  magistrate  his.  The  same  had  been  moved  by  the  magis- 
trates formerly,  and  now  at  this  court  they  presented  a  writing 
to  that  effect,  to  be  considered  by  the  court,  wherein  they 
declared  that  the  civil  magistrate  should  not  proceed  against 
a  church  member  before  the  church  had  dealt  with  him,  with 
some  other  restraints  which  the  court  did  not  allow  of.  So 
the  matter  was  referred  to  further  consideration,  and  it  ap- 
peared, indeed,  that  divers  of  the  elders  did  not  agree  in  those 

At  this  court  Mr.  Ezekiel  Rogers,  pastor  of  the  church  in 
Rowley,  being  not  kindly  dealt  with,  nor  justly,  as  he  alleged, 

^The  passage  illustrates  the  growth  of  ecclesiastical  power  at  the  expense 
of  the  civil  authority,  the  theocratic  feature  of  the  polity  becoming  now  pro- 

16  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1640 

concerning  the  limits  of  their  town,  moved  for  further  enlarge- 
ment for  taking  in  a  neck  of  land  upon  Merrimack  near  Co- 
chitawit/  for  which  end  they  desired  their  line  might  run  square 
from  Ipswich  line.  This  line  was  granted,  and  he  said  it  should 
satisfy,  but  within  an  hour  after  it  was  discovered  that  he  was 
mistaken,  and  that  such  a  line  would  not  reach  the  neck, 
whereupon  he  came  again  and  confessed  his  mistake,  and  still 
demanded  the  neck.  The  court  was  very  doubtful  what  to  do 
in  it,  having  formerly  granted  a  plantation  at  Cochitawit,  and 
did  not  yield  his  request.  Whereupon  he  pleaded  justice,  upon 
some  promises  of  large  accommodations,  etc.,  when  we  desired 
his  sitting  down  with  us,  and  grew  into  some  passion,  so  as  in 
departing  from  the  court,  he  said  he  would  acquaint  the  elders 
with  it.  This  behavior,  being  menacing,  as  it  was  taken, 
gave  just  cause  of  offence  to  the  court,  so  as  he  was  sent  for, 
not  by  the  officer,  but  by  one  of  Rowley  deputies.  Before  he 
came,  he  wrote  to  the  governor,  wherein  he  confessed  his  pas- 
sionate distemper,  declared  his  meaning  in  those  offensive 
speeches,  as  that  his  meaning  was  that  he  would  propound  the 
case  to  the  elders  for  advice  only  about  the  equity  of  it,  which 
he  still  defended.  This  would  not  be  accepted,  but  the  court 
would  have  him  appear  and  answer:  only  they  left  him  to  take 
his  own  time,  so  the  next  day  he  came,  not  accompanied  with 
any  other  of  the  elders,  though  many  were  then  in  town,  and 
did  freely  and  humbly  blame  himself  for  his  passionate  distem- 
per; and  the  court  knowing  that  he  would  not  yield  from  the 
justice  of  his  cause,  (as  he  apprehended  it,)  they  would  not  put 
him  upon  any  temptation,  but  accepted  his  satisfaction,  and 
freely  granted  what  he  formerly  desired. 

A  commission  had  formerly  been  granted  to  Mr.  Endecott 
and  Mr.  Stoughton  for  joining  with  the  commissioners  of 
Plymouth,  who  met  the  second  time  at  Scituate,  and  there  came 
to  a  full  agreement,  which  was  certified  this  court,  and  recorded 
to  this  effect:    That  the  bounds  should  be  that  branch  of 

^  Later  Andover. 


Conyhassett  creek  nearest  to  Scituate,  with  60  acres  of  marsh 
in  the  south  side.* 

The  scarcity  of  money  made  a  great  change  in  all  commerce. 
Merchants  would  sell  no  wares  but  for  ready  money,  men  could 
not  pay  their  debts  though  they  had  enough,  prices  of  lands 
and  cattle  fell  soon  to  the  one  half  and  less,  yea  to  a  third,  and 
after  one  fourth  part. 

Mo.  10.  {December)  9.]  The  church  of  Watertown  ordained 
Mr.  Ivnolles,^  a  godly  man  and  a  prime  scholar,  pastor,  and  so 
they  had  now  two  pastors  and  no  teacher,  chffering  from  the 
practice  of  the  other  churches,  as  also  they  did  in  their  privacy, 
not  giving  notice  thereof  to  the  neighboring  churches,  nor  to 
the  magistrates,  as  the  common  practice  was. 

At  the  court  of  assistants  one  Hugh  Bewett  was  banished 
for  holding  publicly  and  maintaining  that  he  was  free  from 
original  sin  and  from  actual  also  for  half  a  year  before,  and 
that  all  true  christians  after  [blank]  are  enabled  to  live  without 
committing  actual  sin. 

15.]  A  pinnace  called  the  Coach,  being  in  her  voyage  to 
New  Haven  (late  Quinipiack)  between  Salem  and  Cape  Cod, 
sprang  a  leak,  so  as  in  the  morning  they  found  her  hold  half 
filled  with  water;  whereupon  the  seamen  and  passengers  be- 
took themselves  to  their  skiff,  being  a  very  small  one,  and  the 
wind  then  growing  very  high  at  S.  W.  Only  one  Jackson,  a 
godly  man  and  an  experienced  seaman,  would  not  leave  the 
vessel  before  he  had  tried  the  utmost,  so  getting  them  in  again, 
and  laying  the  bark  upon  the  contrary  side,  they  fell  to  get- 
ting out  the  water,  which,  it  pleased  God,  they  overcame,  and 
having  a  fine  fresh  gale,  they  got  safe  back  to  Salem. 

^  The  full  text  of  the  agreement  is  given  by  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth 
Plantation,  p.  351,  of  the  edition  in  this  series. 

^  Rev.  John  Knowles,  not  to  be  confounded  with  Hanserd  Knollys  before 
mentioned.  His  ordination  after  this  fashion,  as  colleague  of  the  respected 
Phillips,  is  an  extreme  assertion  of  the  spirit  of  Congregationalism;  in  this  we 
may  see  the  hand  of  Phillips,  whose  radical  temper  was  manifest  from  the  first. 
Savage  finds  here  a  confirmation  of  his  belief  that  no  essential  difference  separated 
the  offices  of  preacher  and  pastor. 


Mr.  Pelham's  house  in  Cambridge  took  fire  in  the  dead  of 
the  night  by  the  chimney.  A  neighbor's  wife  hearing  some 
noise  among  her  hens,  persuaded  her  husband  to  arise,  which, 
being  very  cold,  he  was  loth  to  do,  yet  through  her  great 
importunity  he  did,  and  so  espied  the  fire,  and  came  running 
in  his  shirt,  and  had  much  to  do  to  awake  any  body,  but  he 
got  them  up  at  last,  and  so  saved  all.  The  fire  being  ready 
to  lay  hold  upon  the  stairs,  they  had  all  been  burnt  in  their 
chambers,  if  God  had  not  by  his  special  providence  sent  help 
at  that  very  instant. 

About  this  time  a  pinnace  called  the  Make  Shift,  (so  called 
because  she  was  built  of  the  wreck  of  a  greater  vessel  at  the 
Isle  of  Sable,  and  by  that  means  the  men  saved,)  being  on  a 
voyage  to  the  southward,  was  cast  away  upon  a  ledge  of  rocks 
near  Long  Island,  the  goods  were  all  lost,  but  the  men  were 
saved.  No  winter  but  some  vessels  have  been  cast  away  in 
that  voyage. 

About  this  time  there  fell  out  a  thing  worthy  of  observation. 
Mr.  Winthrop  the  younger,  one  of  the  magistrates,  having 
many  books  in  a  chamber  where  there  was  com  of  divers  sorts, 
had  among  them  one  wherein  the  Greek  testament,  the  psalms 
and  the  common  prayer  were  bound  together.  He  found  the 
common  prayer  eaten  with  mice,  every  leaf  of  it,  and  not  any 
of  the  two  other  touched,  nor  any  other  of  his  books,  though 
there  were  above  a  thousand.^ 

Quere,  of  the  child  at  Cambridge  killed  by  a  cat. 

Mo.  8  (October).]  We  received  a  letter  at  the  general  court 
from  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  and  of 
Aquiday,  wherein  they  declared  their  disHke  of  such  as  would 
have  the  Indians  rooted  out,  as  being  of  the  cursed  race  of  Ham, 

*  The  mice,  like  the  men,  in  New  England,  Winthrop  thinks  were  charac- 
terized by  most  aggressive  dissent;  but  Savage  suggests  that  the  mice,  perhaps, 
"  not  liking  psalmody  and  not  understanding  Greek,  took  their  food  from  another 
part  of  the  volume.  ...  If  the  cat  [mentioned  in  the  next  line  of  text]  had  been 
in  Winthrop's  library,  she  might  have  prevented  the  stigma  on  the  Common 


and  their  desire  of  our  mutual  accord  in  seeking  to  gain  them 
by  justice  and  kindness,  and  withal  to  watch  over  them  to 
prevent  any  danger  by  them,  etc.  We  returned  answer  of 
our  consent  with  them  in  all  things  propoimded,  only  we  re- 
fused to  include  those  of  Aquiday  in  our  answer,  or  to  have  any 
treaty  with  them. 

Mo.  10  (December).]  About  the  end  of  this  month,  a  fishing 
ship  arrived  at  Isle  of  Shoals,  and  another  soon  after,  and  there 
came  no  more  this  season  for  fishing.  They  brought  us  news 
of  the  Scots  entering  into  England,  and  the  calling  of  a  parha- 
ment,  and  the  hope  of  a  thorough  reformation,  etc.,  whereupon 
some  among  us  began  to  think  of  returning  back  to  England. 
Others  despairing  of  any  more  supply  from  thence,  and  yet  not 
knowing  how  to  live  there,  if  they  should  return,  bent  their 
minds  wholly  to  removal  to  the  south  parts,  supposing  they 
should  find  better  means  of  subsistence  there,  and  for  this  end 
put  off  their  estates  here  at  very  low  rates.  These  things,  to- 
gether with  the  scarcity  of  money,  caused  a  sudden  and  very 
great  abatement  of  the  prices  of  all  our  own  commodities. 
Com  (Indian)  was  sold  ordinarily  at  three  shillings  the  bushel, 
a  good  cow  at  seven  or  eight  pounds,  and  some  at  £5, — and 
other  things  answerable  (see  the  order  of  court  in  8ber.  (October) 
about  these  things)  whereby  it  came  to  pass  that  men  could  not 
pay  their  debts,  for  no  money  nor  beaver  were  to  be  had,  and 
he  who  last  year,  or  but  three  months  before,  was  worth  £1000, 
could  not  now,  if  he  should  sell  his  whole  estate,  raise  £200, 
whereby  God  taught  us  the  vanity  of  all  outward  things,  etc.^ 

*The  Parliament  whose  opening  is  referred  to  in  this  paragraph  was  the 
famous  Long  Parliament;  the  convening  of  this  body  was  an  event  epoch-making 
for  New  as  well  as  Old  England.  Since  persecution  no  longer  came  from  court 
and  church,  the  main  incentive  to  emigration  was  removed.  The  additions  to 
the  colony  were  henceforth  not  numerous:  the  body  of  twenty-thousand  that  were 
already  estabhshed,  a  compact,  homogeneous  population,  during  the  coming 
century  and  a  half  multiplied  from  within  itself  almost  undisturbed.  These 
are  the  people  who  have  given  character  to  the  six  north-eastern  states  of  America, 
and  influenced  so  widely  the  character  and  fortunes  of  our  country  in  general. 
See  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England,  preface.    Though  king  and  bishop  ceased 


One  Taylor,  of  Linne,  having  a  milch  cow  in  the  ship  as  he 
came  over,  sold  the  milk  to  the  passengers  for  2d  the  quart,  and 
being  after  at  a  sermon  wherein  oppression  was  complained 
of,  etc.,  he  fell  distracted.  Quere,  of  the  price,  for  2d  the 
quart  was  not  dear  at  sea. 

This  evil  was  very  notorious  among  all  sorts  of  people,  it 
being  the  common  rule  that  most  men  walked  by  in  all  their 
commerce,  to  buy  as  cheap  as  they  could,  and  to  sell  as  dear. 

A  great  ship  called  the  Charles,  of  above  300  tons,  brought 
passengers  hither  this  year.  The  master  was  a  plain,  quiet 
man,  but  his  company  were  very  wicked,  and  did  wrong  the 
passengers  much,  and  being  at  Pascataquack  to  take  in  clap- 
boards with  another  ship  wherein  Mr.  Peter  by  occasion 
preached  one  Lord's  day,  the  company  of  the  Charles  did  use 
all  the  means  they  could  to  disturb  the  exercise,  by  hooting 
and  hollooing,  but  in  their  return  they  were  set  upon  by  the 
Turks  and  divers  of  them  killed. 

A  wicked  fellow,  given  up  to  bestiality,  fearing  to  be  taken 
by  the  hand  of  justice,  fled  to  Long  Island,  and  there  was 
drowned.  He  had  confessed  to  some,  that  he  was  so  given  up 
to  that  abomination,  that  he  never  saw  any  beast  go  before  him 
but  he  lusted  after  it. 

Mr.  Nathaniel  Eaton,  of  whom  mention  is  made  before,  be- 
ing come  to  Virginia,  took  upon*  him  to  be  a  minister,  but  was 
given  up  of  God  to  extreme  pride  and  sensuality,  being  usually 

to  trouble,  the  colonies  were  still  beset  by  embarrassments  from  over  sea.  The 
victory  of  Parliament  at  length  was  a  victory  which  they  welcomed;  but  the 
Presbyterians  who  now  came  into  power  were  no  friends  to  Congregationalism. 
In  1648,  the  Independents  triumphed  over  the  Presbyterians:  these  indeed  the 
colonists  might  feel  were  brothers  of  their  own  household.  They  had  followed 
the  "New  England  way"  in  setting  up  the  Commonwealth.  See  Thornton, 
Historical  Relation  of  Neiv  England  to  the  English  Commonwealth;  also  Borgeaud, 
The  Rise  of  Modern  Democracy  in  Old  and  New  England.  But  Independency 
during  the  Commonwealth  took  on  through  Roger  Williams,  Vane,  Cromwell 
and  the  rest,  a  tolerant  temper  not  congenial  to  John  Endicott  and  Nathaniel 
Ward,  nor  even  to  the  more  moderate  minds  of  Winthrop  and  Cotton.  Now, 
for  twenty  years.  New  England  wrought  out  its  own  problems,  but  at  last,  at  the 
-Restoration,  the  hand  of  the  Stuart  was  again  felt. 

1640]  ■       THOMAS  DUDLEY,   GOVERNOR  21 

drunken,  as  the  custom  is  there.'  He  sent  for  his  wife  and 
children.  Her  friends  here  persuaded  her  to  stay  awhile,  but 
she  went  notwithstanding,  and  the  vessel  was  never  heard  of 

*  Virginia  stands  low  in  Winthrop's  esteem;  though,  as  Savage  suggests, 
the  charge  of  drunkenness  is  to  be  referred  only  to  the  clergy.  The  passage 
may  be  another  illustration  of  the  depth  of  the  estrangement  from  the  Church 
of  England.     The  previous  passage  respecting  Eaton  is  in  Vol.  I.,  pp.  310-315. 


Mo.  12.  (February)  2.]  The  church  of  Dorchester  being 
furnished  with  a  very  godly  and  able  pastor,  one  Mr.  Mather, 
and  having  invited  to  them  one  Mr.  Burr,  who  had  been  a 
minister  in  England,  and  of  very  good  report  there  for  piety  and 
learning,  with  intent  to  call  him  also  to  office,  after  he  was  re- 
ceived a  member  in  their  church,  and  had  given  good  proofs  of 
his  gifts  and  godliness  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  church,  they 
gave  him  a  call  to  office,  which  he  deferring  to  accept,  in  the 
mean  time  he  delivered  some  points  savoring  of  familism, 
wherein  the  church  desiring  satisfaction,  and  he  not  so  free  to 
give  it  as  was  meet,  it  was  agreed  that  Mr.  Mather  and  he 
should  confer  together,  and  so  the  church  should  be  informed 
wherein  the  difference  lay.  Accordingly  Mr.  Burr  wrote  his 
judgment  in  the  points  in  difference,  in  such  manner  and  terms 
as  from  some  of  his  propositions  there  could  no  other  be  gath- 
ered but  that  he  was  erroneous ;  but  this  was  again  so  qualified 
in  other  parts  as  might  admit  of  a  charitable  construction. 
Mr.  Mather  reports  to  the  church  the  errors  which  might  be 
collected,  without  mentioning  the  qualification,  or  acquainting 
Mr.  Burr  with  it  before.  When  this  was  published,  Mr.  Burr 
disclaimed  the  errors,  and  Mr.  Mather  maintained  them  from 
his  writings;  whereupon  the  church  was  divided,  some  joining 
with  the  one,  and  some  with  the  other,  so  as  it  grew  to  some 
heat  and  alienation,  and  many  days  were  spent  for  reconcilia- 
tion, but  all  in  vain.  In  the  end  they  agreed  to  call  in  help  from 
other  churches,  so  this  day  there  was  a  meeting  at  Dorchester 
of  the  governor  and  another  of  the  magistrates,  and  about  ten 
of  the  elders  of  the  neighboring  churches,  wherein  four  days 
were  spent  in  opening  the  cause,  and  such  offences  as  had  fallen 
out  in  the  prosecution ;  and  in  conclusion  the  magistrates  and 



elders  declared  their  judgment  and  advice  in  the  case  to  this 
effect ;  that  both  sides  had  cause  to  be  humbled  for  their  fail- 
ings, more  particularly  Mr.  BmT  for  his  doubtful  and  unsafe 
expressions,  and  backwardness  to  give  clear  satisfaction,  etc., 
and  Mr.  Mather  for  his  inconsideration,  both  in  not  acquainting 
Mr.  Burr  with  his  collections  before  he  had  published  them  to 
the  church,  and  in  not  certifying  the  qualifications  of  those 
errors  which  were  in  his  writings :  for  which  they  were  advised 
to  set  a  day  apart  for  reconciliation.  Upon  this  Mr.  Mather 
and  Mr.  Burr  took  the  blame  of  their  failings  upon  themselves, 
and  freely  submitted  to  the  judgment  and  advice  given,  to 
which  the  rest  of  the  church  yielded  a  silent  assent,  and  God 
was  much  glorified  in  the  close  thereof;  and  Mr.  Burr  did  again 
fully  renounce  those  erroneous  opinions  of  which  he  had  been 
suspected,  confessing  that  he  was  in  the  dark  about  these 
points,  till  God,  by  occasion  of  this  agitation,  had  cleared  them 
to  him,  which  he  did  with  much  meekness  and  many  tears.* 

The  church  of  Boston  were  necessitated  to  build  a  new 
meeting  house,  and  a  great  difference  arose  about  the  place 
of  situation,  which  had  much  troubled  other  churches  on  the 
like  occasion,  but  after  some  debate  it  was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee, and  was  quietly  determined.  It  cost  about  £1000, 
which  was  raised  out  of  the  weekly  voluntary  contribution 
without  any  noise  or  complaint,  when  in  some  other  churches 
which  did  it  by  way  of  rates,  there  was  much  difficulty  and 
compulsion  by  levies  to  raise  a  far  less  sum. 

The  general  fear  of  want  of  foreign  commodities,  now  our 
money  was  gone,  and  that  things  were  hke  to  go  well  in  Eng- 
land, set  us  on  work  to  provide  shipping  of  our  own,  for  which 
end  Mr.  Peter,^  being  a  man  of  a  very  public  spirit  and  singular 
activity  for  all  occasions,  procured  some  to  join  for  building  a 
ship  at  Salem  of  300  tons,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  stirred 

*  Burr,  of  good  education  and  ability,  gave  promise  of  eminence,  but  died 
the  year  following  this. 
'Rev.  Hugh  Peter. 

24  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1641 

up  by  his  example,  set  upon  the  building  another  at  Boston  of 
150  tons.  The  work  was  hard  to  accomplish  for  want  of 
money,  etc.,  but  our  shipwrights  were  content  to  take  such  pay 
as  the  country  could  make.  The  shipwright  at  Salem,  through 
want  of  care  of  his  tackle,  etc.,  occasioned  the  death  of  one 
Baker,  who  was  desired  with  five  or  six  more  to  help  hale  up 
a  piece  of  timber,  which,  the  rope  breaking,  fell  down  upon 
them.  The  rest  by  special  providence  were  saved.  This 
Baker,  going  forth  in  the  morning  very  well,  after  he  had 
prayed,  told  his  wife  he  should  see  her  no  more,  though  he 
could  not  forsee  any  danger  towards  him. 

The  court  having  found  by  experience,  that  it  would  not 
avail  by  any  law  to  redress  the  excessive  rates  of  laborers'  and 
workmen's  wages,  etc.  (for  being  restrained,  they  would  either 
remove  to  other  places  where  they  might  have  more,  or  else 
being  able  to  live  by  planting  and  other  employments  of  their 
own,  they  would  not  be  hired  at  all,)  it  was  therefore  referred 
to  the  several  towns  to  set  down  rates  among  themselves. 
This  took  better  effect,  so  that  in  a  voluntary  way,  by  the  coun- 
sel and  persuasion  of  the  elders,  and  example  of  some  who  led 
the  way,  they  were  brought  to  more  moderation  than  they 
could  be  by  compulsion.     But  it  held  not  long. 

Upon  the  great  liberty  which  the  king  had  left  the  parlia- 
ment to  in  England,  some  of  our  friends  there  wrote  to  us  ad- 
vice to  send  over  some  to  sohcit  for  us  in  the  parliament,  giving 
us  hope  that  we  might  obtain  much,  etc.  But  consulting  about 
it,  we  declined  the  motion  for  this  consideration,  that  if  we 
should  put  ourselves  under  the  protection  of  the  parliament,  we 
must  then  be  subject  to  all  such  laws  as  they  should  make,  or 
at  least  such  as  they  might  impose  upon  us;  in  which  course 
though  they  should  intend  our  good,  yet  it  might  prove  very 
prejudicial  to  us.^    But  upon  this  occasion  the  court  of  assist- 

*  Jonathan  Trumbull,  revolutionary  governor  of  Connecticut,  noted  this 
passage  as  characterized  by  the  same  independence  of  Parliament,  that  marked 
the  men  of  his  own  time. 


ants  being  assembled,  and  advising  with  some  of  the  elders 
about  some  coui'se  to  serve  the  providence  of  God,  in  making 
use  of  present  opportunity  of  a  ship  of  our  own  being  ready 
bound  for  England,  it  was  thought  fit  to  send  some  chosen  men 
in  her  with  commission  to  negotiate  for  us,  as  occasion  should 
be  offered,  both  in  furthering  the  work  of  reformation  of  the 
churches  there  which  was  now  like  to  be  attempted,  and  to 
satisfy  our  countrymen  of  the  true  cause  why  our  engagements 
there  have  not  been  satisfied  this  year,  as  they  were  wont  to  be 
in  all  former  time  since  we  were  here  planted ;  and  also  to  seek 
out  some  way,  by  procuring  cotton  from  the  West  Indies,  or 
other  means  that  might  be  lawful,  and  not  dishonorable  to  the 
gospel  for  our  present  supply  of  clothing,  etc.,  for  the  country 
was  like  to  afford  enough  for  food,  etc.  The  persons  designed 
hereto  were  Mr.  Peter,  pastor  of  the  church  of  Salem, ^  Mr. 
Welde,  the  pastor  of  the  church  of  Roxbury,  and  Mr.  Hibbins 
of  Boston.  For  this  end  the  governor  and  near  all  the  rest  of 
the  magistrates  and  some  of  the  elders  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
church  of  Salem,  acquainting  them  with  om'  intentions,  and 
desiring  them  to  spare  their  pastor  for  that  service.  The 
governor  also  moved  the  church  of  Roxbury  for  Mr.  Welde, 
whom,  after  some  time  of  consideration,  they  freely  yielded. 
But  when  it  was  propounded  to  the  church  of  Salem,  Mr. 
Endecott,  being  a  member  thereof,  and  having  formerly  op- 
posed it,  did  now  again  the  like  in  the  church.  Some  reasons 
were  there  alleged,  as  that  officers  should  not  be  taken  from  their 
churches  for  civil  occasions,  that  the  voyage  would  be  long  and 
dangerous,  that  it  would  be  reported  that  we  were  in  such  want 
as  we  had  sent  to  England  to  beg  relief,  which  would  be  very 
dishonorable  to  religion,  and  that  we  ought  to  trust  God  who 
had  never  failed  us  hitherto,  etc.  But  the  main  reason,  indeed, 
which  was  privately  intimated,  was  their  fear  lest  he  should  be 

*  Evidences  abound  of  the  great  usefulness  of  Hugh  Peter,  who  figures  less 
in  the  dreary  controversies  than  as  the  promoter  of  works  of  practical  advantage. 
The  reluctance  of  Salem  to  part  with  him  can  easily  be  understood. 


kept  there,  or  diverted  to  the  West  Indies,  for  Mr.  Humfrey 
intended  to  go  with  him,  who  was  already  engaged  that  way  by 
the  lord  Say,  etc.,  and  therefore  it  was  feared  he  should  fall 
under  strong  temptations  that  way,  being  once  in  England; 
and  Mr.  Humfrey  discovered  his  intentions  the  more  by  falling 
foul  upon  Mr.  Endecott  in  the  open  assembly  at  Salem  for 
opposing  this  motion,  and  with  that  bitterness  as  gave  great 
offence,  and  was  like  to  have  grown  to  a  professed  breach  be- 
tween them,  but  being  both  godly,  and  hearkening  to  season- 
able counsel  they  were  soon  reconciled,  upon  a  free  and  public 
acknowledgment  of  such  failings  as  had  passed.  But  the 
church,  not  willing  to  let  their  pastor  go,  nor  yet  to  give  a  plain 
denial  to  the  magistrates'  request,  wrote  an  answer  by  way  of 
excuse,  tendering  some  reasons  of  their  unsatisfiedness  about 
his  going,  etc.  The  agitation  of  this  business  was  soon  about 
the  country,  whereby  we  perceived  there  would  be  sinister  in- 
terpretations made  of  it,  and  the  ship  being  suddenly  to  depart, 
we  gave  it  over  for  that  season. 

Mo.  2.  (April)  13.]  A  negro  maid,  servant  to  Mr.  Stough- 
ton  of  Dorchester,  being  well  approved  by  divers  years' 
experience,  for  sound  knowledge  and  true  godliness,  was  re- 
ceived into  the  church  and  baptized. 

Some  agitation  fell  out  between  us  and  Plymouth  about 
Seacunk.  Some  of  our  people  finding  it  fit  for  plantations,  and 
thinking  it  out  of  our  patent,  which  Plymouth  men  understand- 
ing, forbad  them,  and  sent  to  us  to  signify  that  it  was  within 
their  grant,  and  that  we  would  therefore  forbid  ours  to  proceed. 
But  the  planters  having  acquainted  us  with  their  title,  and 
offering  to  yield  it  to  our  jurisdiction,  and  assuring  us  that  it 
could  not  be  in  the  Plymouth  patent,  we  made  answer  to  Ply- 
mouth accordingly,  and  encouraged  our  neighbors  to  go  on,  so 
as  divers  letters  passing  between  us,  and  they  sending  some 
to  take  possession  for  them,  at  length  we  sent  some  to  Plymouth 
to  see  their  patent,  who  bringing  us  a  copy  of  so  much  as 
concerned  the  thing  in  question,  though  we  were  not  fully 


satisfied  thereby,  yet  not  being  willing  to  strive  for  land,  we 
sat  still. 

There  fell  out  much  trouble  about  this  time  at  Pascata- 
quack.  Mr.  Knolles  had  gathered  a  church  of  such  as  he  could 
get,  men  very  raw  for  the  most  part,  etc.  Afterwards  there 
came  amongst  them  one  Mr.  Larkham,  who  had  been  a  minister 
at  Northam  near  Barnstable  in  England,  a  man  not  savoring 
the  right  way  of  church  disciphne,  but  being  a  man  of  good 
parts  and  wealthy,  the  people  were  soon  taken  with  him,  and 
the  greater  part  were  forward  to  cast  off  Mr.  I^olles  their 
pastor  and  to  choose  him,  for  they  were  not  willing  nor  able  to 
maintain  two  officers,  so  Mr.  Knolles  gave  place  to  him,  and  he 
being  thus  chosen,  did  soon  discover  himself.  He  received  into 
the  church  all  that  offered  themselves,  though  men  notoriously 
scandalous  and  ignorant,  so  they  would  promise  amendment, 
and  fell  into  contention  with  the  people,  and  would  take  upon 
him  .to  rule  all,  even  the  magistrates  (such  as  they  were ;)  so  as 
there  soon  grew  sharp  contention  between  him  and  Mr.  ICnolles, 
to  whom  the  more  rehgious  still  adhered,  whereupon  they  were 
divided  into  two  churches.  Mr.  Knolles  and  his  company  ex- 
communicated Mr.  Larkham,  and  he  again  laid  violent  hands 
upon  Mr.  Knolles.  In  this  heat  it  began  to  grow  to  a  tumult, 
some  of  their  magistrates  joined  with  Mr.  Larkham  and  as- 
sembled a  company  to  fetch  Capt.  Underhill  (another  of  their 
magistrates  and  their  captain)  to  their  court,  and  he  also 
gathered  some  of  the  neighbors  to  defend  himself,  and  to  see 
the  peace  kept ;  so  they  marched  forth  towards  Mr.  Larkham's, 
one  carrying  a  Bible  upon  a  staff  for  an  ensign,  and  Mr.  Kjiolles 
with  them  armed  with  a  pistol.  When  Mr.  Larkham  and  his 
company  saw  them  thus  provided,  they  proceeded  no  further, 
but  sent  to  Mr.  Williams,  who  was  governor  of  those  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  river,  who  came  up  with  a  company  of  armed  men 
and  beset  Mr.  Knolles'  house,  where  Capt.  Underhill  then  was, 
and  there  they  kept  a  guard  upon  them  night  and  day,  and  in 
the  mean  time  they  called  a  court,  and  Mr.  Williams  sitting  as 

28  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1641 

judge,  they  found  Capt.  Underbill  and  his  company  guilty  of 
a  riot,  and  set  great  fines  upon  them,  and  ordered  him  and  some 
others  to  depart  the  plantation.  The  cause  of  this  eager 
prosecution  of  Capt.  Underhill  was,  because  he  had  procured 
a  good  part  of  the  inhabitants  there  to  offer  themselves  again 
to  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  being  thus 
prosecuted,  they  sent  a  petition  to  us  for  aid.^ 

The  governor  and  council  considered  of  their  petition,and 
gave  commission  to  Mr.  Bradstreet,  one  of  our  magistrates, 
Mr.  Peter  and  Mr.  Dalton,  two  of  our  elders,  to  go  thither  and 
to  endeavor  to  reconcile  them,  and  if  they  could  not  effect  that, 
then  to  inquire  how  things  stood,  and  to  certify  us,  etc.  They 
went  accordingly,  and  finding  both  sides  to  be  in  fault,  at  length 
they  brought  matters  to  a  peaceable  end.  Mr.  Larkham  was 
released  of  his  excommunication  and  Capt.  Underhill  and  the 
rest  from  their  censures,  and  by  occasion  of  these  agitations 
Mr.  Knolles  was  discovered  to  be  an  imclean  person,  and  to 
have  solicited  the  chastity  of  two  maids,  his  servants,  and  to 
have  used  filthy  dalliance  with  them,  which  he  acknowledged 
before  the  church  there,  and  so  was  dismissed,  and  removed 
from  Pascataquack.  This  sin  of  his  was  the  more  notorious, 
because  the  fact,  which  was  first  discovered,  was  the  same 
night  after  he  had  been  exhorting  the  people  by  reasons  and 
from  scripture,  to  proceed  against  Capt,  Underhill  for  his  adul- 
tery. And  it  is  very  observable  how  God  gave  up  these  two, 
and  some  others  who  had  held  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  in  crying 
down  all  evidence  from  sanctification,  etc.,  to  fall  into  these 
unclean  courses,  whereby  themselves  and  their  erroneous 
opinions  were  laid  open  to  the  world. 

Mr.  Peter  and  Mr.  Dalton,  with  one  of  Acomenticus,  went 

*  Knollys,  who  in  this  small  religious  war  bore  as  ensign  a  Bible  upon  a 
pole,  was  Hanserd  Knollys,  several  times  mentioned  heretofore,  and  later  con- 
spicuous in  England.  The  reprobate  and  combative  Underhill  appears  again, 
while  Francis  Williams  had  been  appointed  by  Mason  and  Gorges  as  governor 
at  Portsmouth  and  Dover.  Winthrop's  portrayal  of  dissenters  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts orthodoxy  must  be  taken  with  some  abatement. 


from  Pascataquack,  with  Mr.  John  Ward,  who  was  to  be 
entertained  there  for  their  minister;  and  though  it  be  but  six 
miles,  yet  they  lost  their  way,  and  wandered  two  days  and  one 
night  without  food  or  fire,  in  the  snow  and  wet.  But  God 
heard  their  prayers,  wherein  they  earnestly  pressed  him  for  the 
honor  of  his  great  name,  and  when  they  were  even  quite  spent, 
he  brought  them  to  the  seaside,  near  the  place  they  were  to  go 
to,  blessed  forever  be  his  name. 

Not  long  before  a  godly  maid  of  the  church  of  Linne,  going 
in  a  deep  snow  from  Meadford  homeward,  was  lost,  and  some 
of  her  clothes  found  after  among  the  rocks. 

One  John  Baker,  a  member  of  the  church  of  Boston,  remov- 
ing from  thence  to  Newbury  for  enlargement  of  his  outward 
accommodation,  being  grown  wealthy  from  nothing,  grew  there 
very  disordered,  fell  into  drunkenness  and  such  violent  conten- 
tion with  another  brother,  maintaining  the  same  by  lying,  and 
other  evil  courses,  that  the  magistrates  sent  to  have  him  appre- 
hended. But  he  rescued  himself  out  of  the  officer's  hands  and 
removed  to  Acomenticus,  where  he  continued  near  two  years, 
and  now  at  this  time  he  came  to  Boston,  and  humbled  himself 
before  the  church,  confessing  all  his  wickedness,  with  many 
tears,  and  showing  how  he  had  been  followed  with  Satan,  and 
how  he  had  labored  to  pacify  his  conscience  by  secret  confes- 
sions to  God,  etc.,  but  could  have  no  peace;  yet  could  not  bring 
his  heart  to  return  and  make  public  acknowledgment,  until  the 
hand  of  God  fell  upon  one  Swain  his  neighbor,  who  fell  into 
despair,  and  would  often  utter  dreadful  speeches  against  him- 
self, and  cry  out  that  he  was  all  on  fire  under  the  wrath  of  God, 
but  would  never  discover  any  other  heinous  sin,  but  that 
having  gotten  about  £40  by  his  labor,  he  went  into  England 
and  there  spent  it  in  wicked  company,  and  so  continued,  and 
after  a  small  time  hanged  himself.  This  Baker  coming  in,  and 
seeing  him  thus  dead,  was  so  struck  with  it  as  he  could  have  no 
rest,  till  he  came  and  made  his  peace  with  the  church  and  court. 
Upon  his  confession,  the  church  was  doubtful  whether  they 


ought  not  to  cast  him  out,  his  offences  being  so  scandalous,  not- 
withstanding they  were  well  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  his  re- 
pentance; but  the  judgment  of  the  church  was,  that,  seeing 
he  had  excommunicated  himself  by  deserting  the  church,  and 
Christ  had  ratified  it  by  giving  him  up  to  Satan,  whereby  the 
ordinance  had  had  its  proper  effect,  therefore  he  ought  now  to 
be  received  and  pardoned,  whereto  the  church  agreed.  Yet 
this  man  fell  into  gross  distempers  soon  after. 

Mr.  Cotton  out  of  that  in  Revelations  15.  none  could  enter 
into  the  temple  until,  etc.,  delivered,  that  neither  Jews  nor  any 
more  of  the  Gentiles  should  be  called  until  Antichrist  were 
destroyed,  viz.  to  a  church  estate,  though  here  and  there  a 

Upon  the  Lord's  day  at  Concord  two  children  were  left  at 
home  alone,  one  lying  in  a  cradle,  the  other  having  burned  a 
cloth,  and  fearing  its  mother  should  see  it,  thrust  it  into  a  hay 
stack  by  the  door  (the  fire  not  being  quite  out)  whereby  the 
hay  and  house  were  burned  and  the  child  in  the  cradle  before 
they  came  from  the  meeting.  About  the  same  time  two  houses 
were  burned  at  Sudbury. 

By  occasion  of  these  fires  I  may  add  another  of  a  different 
kind,  but  of  much  observation.  A  godly  woman  of  the  church 
of  Boston,  dwelling  sometimes  in  London,  brought  with  her  a 
parcel  of  very  fine  Hnen  of  great  value,  which  she  set  her  heart 
too  much  upon,  and  had  been  at  charge  to  have  it  all  newly 
washed,  and  curiously  folded  and  pressed,  and  so  left  it  in  press 
in  her  parlor  over  night.  She  had  a  negro  maid  went  into  the 
room  very  late,  and  let  fall  some  snuff  of  the  candle  upon  the 
linen,  so  as  by  the  morning  all  the  linen  was  burned  to  tinder, 
and  the  boards  underneath,  and  some  stools  and  a  part  of  the 
wainscot  burned,  and  never  perceived  by  any  in  the  house, 
though  some  lodged  in  the  chamber  over  head,  and  no  ceiUng 
between.  But  it  pleased  God  that  the  loss  of  this  linen  did  her 
much  good,  both  in  taking  off  her  heart  from  worldly  comforts, 
and  in  preparing  her  for  a  far  greater  affliction  by  the  untimely 


death  of  her  husband,  who  was  slain  not  long  after  at  Isle  of 

Mo.  4.  (June)  2.]  The  court  of  elections,  Richard  Belling- 
ham,  Esq.,  chosen  governor.    See  more  a  few  leaves  after. 

This  year  the  two  ships  were  finished,  one  at  Salem  of  300 
tons,  and  another  at  Boston  of  160  tons. 

The  parhament  of  England  setting  upon  a  general  reforma- 
tion both  of  church  and  state,  the  Earl  of  Strafford  being  be- 
headed, and  the  archbishop*  (our  great  enemy)  and  many  others 
of  the  great  officers  and  judges,  bishops  and  others,  imprisoned 
and  called  to  account,  this  caused  all  men  to  stay  in  England  in 
expectation  of  a  new  world,  so  as  few  coming  to  us,  all  foreign 
commodities  grew  scarce,  and  our  own  of  no  price.  Com  would 
buy  nothing:  a  cow  which  cost  last  year  £20  might  now  be 
bought  for  4  or  £5,  etc.,  and  many  gone  out  of  the  country,  so 
as  no  man  could  pay  his  debts,  nor  the  merchants  make  return 
into  England  for  their  commodities,  which  occasioned  many 
there  to  speak  evil  of  us.  These  straits  set  our  people  on  work 
to  provide  fish,  clapboards,  plank,  etc.,  and  to  sow  hemp  and 
flax  (which  prospered  very  well)  and  to  look  out  to  the  West 
Indies  for  a  trade  for  cotton.  The  general  court  also  made 
orders  about  payment  of  debts,  setting  com  at  the  wonted  price, 
and  payable  for  all  debts  which  should  arise  after  a  time  pre- 
fixed. They  thought  fit  also  to  send  some  chosen  men  into 
England,  to  congratulate  the  happy  success  there,  and  to  satisfy 
our  creditors  of  the  true  cause  why  we  could  not  make  so 
current  payment  now  as  in  former  years  we  had  done,  and  to 
be  ready  to  make  use  of  any  opportunity  God  should  offer  for 
the  good  of  the  country  here,  as  also  to  give  any  advice,  as  it 
should  be  required,  for  the  settling  the  right  form  of  church 
discipline  there,  but  with  this  caution,  that  they  should  not  seek 
supply  of  our  wants  in  any  dishonorable  way,  as  by  begging  or 
the  like,  for  we  were  resolved  to  wait  upon  the  Lord  in  the  use 
of  all  means  which  were  lawful  and  honorable.    The  men 

*  Laud. 


chosen  were  Mr.  Hugh  Peter,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Salem, 
Mr.  Thos.  Welde,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Roxbury,  and  Mr. 
Wilham  Hibbins  of  Boston.^  There  being  no  ship  which  was 
to  return  right  for  England,  they  went  to  Newfoundland,  in- 
tending to  get  a  passage  from  thence  in  the  fishing  fleet.  They 
departed  hence  the  3d  of  the  6th  month,  and  with  them  went 
one  of  the  magistrates,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  jun.  This  act 
of  the  court  did  not  satisfy  all  the  elders,  and  many  others 
disliked  it,  supposing  that  it  would  be  conceived  we  had  sent 
them  on  begging;  and  the  church  of  Salem  was  unwilhngly 
drawn  to  give  leave  to  their  pastor  to  go,  for  the  court  was  not 
minded  to  use  their  power  in  taking  an  officer  from  the  church 
without  their  consent,  but  in  the  end  they  and  the  other 
churches  submitted  to  the  desire  of  the  court.  These  with 
other  passengers  to  the  number  of  forty  went  to  Newfoundland, 
expecting  to  go  from  thence  in  some  fishing  ships.  They  ar- 
rived there  in  14  days,  but  could  not  go  altogether,  so  were 
forced  to  divide  themselves  and  go  from  several  parts  of  the 
island,  as  they  could  get  shipping.  The  ministers  preached  to 
the  seamen,  etc.,  at  the  island,  who  were  much  affected  with 
the  word  taught,  and  entertained  them  with  all  courtesy,  as  we 
understood  by  letters  from  them  which  came  by  a  fishing  ship 
to  the  Isles  of  Shoales  about  the  beginning  of  October. 

21.]  A  young  man,  a  tanner  in  Boston,  going  to  wash  him- 
self in  a  creek,  said,  jestingly,  I  will  go  and  drown  myself  now, 
which  fell  out  accordingly ;  for  by  the  slipperiness  of  the  earth, 
he  was  carried  beyond  his  depth,  and  having  no  skill  to  swim, 
was  drowned,  though  company  were  at  hand,  and  one  in  the 
water  with  him. 

Letters  came  from  the  governor,  etc.,  of  Connecticut  for 
advice  about  the  difference  between  them  and  the  Dutch.    The 

*  Here  we  take  farewell  of  Hugh  Peter.  Thomas  Welde  acted  in  England 
with  the  Presbyterians,  becoming  estranged  from  Independency  on  account  of 
its  tolerance.  His  connection  with  Winthrop's  Short  Story  of  the  Hutchinsonian 
troubles  has  been  noted  before. 


Dutch  governor  had  pressed  them  hard  for  his  interest  in  all 
Hartford,  etc.,  as  far  as  one  might  see  from  their  house,  alleging 
he  had  purchased  so  much  of  the  Pequods,  and  threatened 
force  of  arms.  They  of  the  river  alleged  their  purchase  of 
other  Indians,  the  true  owners  of  the  place,  etc.,  with  other 
arguments  from  our  patent  and  that  of  Saybrook.  We  re- 
turned answer  without  determining  of  either  side,  but  advising 
to  a  moderate  way,  as  the  yielding  some  more  land  to  the  Dutch 
house  (for  they  had  left  them  but  30  acres).  But  the  Dutch 
would  not  be  thus  pacified,  but  prepared  to  send  soldiers  to  be 
billeted  at  their  house.  But  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  disappoint 
their  purpose,  for  the  Indians  falling  out  with  them,  killed  four 
of  their  men  at  their  fort  Orange,^  whereof  three  were  English, 
who  had  gone  to  dwell  among  them,  whereby  they  were  forced 
to  keep  their  soldiers  at  home  to  defend  themselves ;  and  Mr. 
Peter  going  for  England,  and  being  well  acquainted  with  the 
chief  merchants  in  Holland,  undertook  to  pacify  the  West  India 
company,  but  for  want  of  commission  from  those  of  Hartford, 
the  company  there  would  not  treat  with  him. 

About  this  time  three  boys  of  Summer's  Islands^  stole  away 
in  an  open  boat  or  skiff,  and  having  been  eight  weeks  at  sea, 
their  boat  was  cast  away  upon  a  strand  without  Long  Island, 
and  themselves  were  saved  by  the  Indians. 

A  church  being  gathered  at  Providence  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  their  pastor,  Mr.  Sherwood,  and  another  minister  being 
sent  prisoners  into  England  by  one  Carter,  the  deputy  governor, 
the  rest  of  the  church,  being  but  five,  wrote  to  our  churches 
complaining  of  the  persecution  of  their  magistrates  and  others, 
and  desiring  our  prayers  and  help  from  us,  which  moved  the 
churches  and  magistrates  more  willingly  to  further  those  who 
were  already  resolved  and  preparing  for  that  Island.  Where- 
upon two  small  vessels,  each  of  about  30  tons,  with  divers 
families  and  goods,  so  many  as  they  could  bestow,  30  men,  5 

*  Now  Albany. 

^  The  Summer,  or  Somers,  Islands  were  the  Bermudas. 


women,  and  8  children,  set  sail  for  the  Island,  and  touching  at 
Christophers,  they  heard  that  a  great  fleet  of  Spanish  ships 
was  abroad,  and  that  it  was  feared  they  had  taken  Providence, 
so  as  the  master,  Mr.  Peirce,  a  godly  man  and  most  expert 
mariner,  advised  them  to  return,  and  offered  to  bear  part  of  the 
loss.  But  they  not  hearkening  to  him,  he  repHed,  Then  am  I 
a  dead  man.  And  coming  to  the  Island,  they  marvelled  they 
saw  no  colors  upon  the  fort,  nor  any  boat  coming  towards  them, 
whereupon  he  was  counselled  to  drop  an  anchor.  He  hked  the 
advice,  but  yet  stood  on  into  the  harbor,  and  after  a  second 
advice,  he  still  went  on ;  but  being  come  within  pistol  shot  of 
one  fort  and  haihng,  and  no  answer  made,  he  put  his  bark 
a  stays,  and  being  upon  the  deck,  which  was  also  full  of  pas- 
sengers, women  and  children,  and  hearing  one  cry  out,  they  are 
traversing  a  piece  at  us,  he  threw  himself  in  at  the  door  of  the 
cuddy,  and  one  Samuel  Wakeman,  a  member  of  the  church  of 
Hartford,  who  was  sent  with  goods  to  buy  cotton,  cast  himself 
down  by  him,  and  presently  a  great  shot  took  them  both. 
Mr.  Peirce*  died  within  an  hour;  the  other,  having  only  his 
thighs  tore,  lived  ten  days.  Mr.  Peirce  had  read  to  the  com- 
pany that  morning  (as  it  fell  in  course)  that  in  Genesis  the  last, 
Lo  I  die,  but  God  will  surely  visit  you  and  bring  you  back; 
out  of  which  words  he  used  godly  exhortations  to  them.  Then 
they  shot  from  all  parts  about  thirty  great  shot,  besides  small, 
and  tore  the  sails  and  shrouds,  but  hurt  not  the  bark,  nor  any 
person  more  in  it.  The  other  vessel  was  then  a  league  behind, 
which  was  marvelled  at,  for  she  was  the  better  sailer,  and 
could  fetch  up  the  other  at  pleasure ;  but  that  morning  they 
could  not  by  any  means  keep  company  with  her.  After  this 
the  passengers,  being  ashamed  to  return,  would  have  been 
set  on  shore  at  Cape  Grace  de  Dios,  or  Florida,  or  Virginia,  but 
the  seamen  would  not,  and  through  the  wonderful  providence 
of  God  they  came  all  safe  home  the  3d  of  7ber  following.    This 

*  Apparently  William  Peirce,  earlier  master  of  the  Lyon,  the  boldest  and  most 
trusted  of  the  sea  captains  who  at  that  time  frequented  the  New  England  harbors. 


brought  some  of  them  to  see  their  error,  and  acknowledge  it  in 
the  open  congregation,  but  others  were  hardened.  There  was 
a  special  providence  in  that  the  ministers  were  sent  prisoners 
into  England  before  the  Island  was  taken,  for  otherwise  it  is 
most  probable  they  had  been  all  put  to  the  sword,  because  some 
Spaniards  had  been  slain  there  a  little  before  by  the  deputy 
governor  his  command,  after  the  lieutenant  had  received  them 
upon  quarter,  in  an  attempt  they  had  made  upon  the  Island, 
wherein  they  were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred men.  They  took  it  after,  and  gave  the  people  quarter 
and  sent  them  home. 

A  like  providence  there  was,  though  not  so  safe,  in  that 
divers  godly  people,  in  their  voyage  to  the  Island  the  year 
before,  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Turks,  and  so  their  lives 
saved,  paying  their  ransom. 

This  year  divers  families  in  Linne  and  Ipswich  having  sent 
to  view  Long  Island,  and  finding  a  very  commodious  place  for 
plantations,  but  challenged  by  the  Dutch,  they  treated  with  the 
Dutch  governor  to  take  it  from  them.  He  offered  them  very 
fair  terms,  as  that  they  should  have  the  very  same  Uberties,  both 
civil  and  ecclesiastical,  which  they  enjoyed  in  the  Massachu- 
setts, only  liberty  for  appeal  to  the  Dutch,  and  after  ten  years 
to  pay  the  10th  of  their  corn.  The  court  were  offended  at  this, 
and  sought  to  stay  them,  not  for  going  from  us,  but  for  strength- 
ening the  Dutch,  our  doubtful  neighbors,  and  taking  that 
from  them  which  our  king  challenged  and  had  granted  a 
patent  of,  with  Martha's  Vineyard  and  other  islands  thereby, 
to  the  earl  of  Sterling,  especially  for  binding  themselves  by  an 
oath  of  fealty ;  whereupon  divers  of  the  chief  being  called  before 
the  general  court  in  8ber,  and  reasons  laid  down  to  dissuade 
them,  they  were  convinced,  and  promised  to  desist. 

This  summer  the  merchants  of  Boston  set  out  a  vessel  again 
to  the  Isle  of  Sable,  with  12  men,  to  stay  there  a  year.  They 
sent  again  in  the  8th  month,  and  in  three  weeks  the  vessel 
returned  and  brought  home  400  pair  of  sea  horse  teeth,  which 

36  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1641 

were  esteemed  worth  £300,  and  left  all  the  men  well,  and  12 
ton  of  oil  and  many  skins,  which  they  could  not  bring  away, 
being  put  from  the  island  in  a  storm. 

I  must  here  return  to  supply  what  was  omitted  concerning 
the  proceedings  of  the  last  court  of  elections.  There  had  been 
much  laboring  to  have  Mr.  Bellingham  chosen,  and  when  the 
votes  were  numbered  he  had  six  more  than  the  others;  but 
there  were  divers  who  had  not  given  in  their  votes,  who  now 
came  into  the  court  and  desired  their  liberty,  which  was  denied 
by  some  of  the  magistrates,  because  they  had  not  given  them 
in  at  the  doors.  But  others  thought  it  was  an  injury,  yet  were 
silent,  because  it  concerned  themselves,  for  the  order  of  giving 
in  their  votes  at  the  door  was  no  order  of  court,  but  only  direc- 
tion of  some  of  the  magistrates ;  and  without  question,  if  any 
freeman  tender  his  vote  before  the  election  be  passed  and  pub- 
lished, it  ought  to  be  received. 

Some  of  the  freemen,  without  the  consent  of  the  magistrates 
or  governor,  had  chosen  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward*  to  preach  at  this 
court,  pretending  that  it  was  a  part  of  their  hberty.  The  gov- 
ernor (whose  right  indeed  it  is,  for  till  the  court  be  assembled 
the  freemen  are  but  private  persons)  would  not  strive  about  it, 
for  though  it  did  not  belong  to  them,  yet  if  they  would  have  it, 
there  was  reason  to  yield  it  to  them.  Yet  they  had  no  great 
reason  to  choose  him,  though  otherwise  very  able,  seeing  he 
had  cast  off  his  pastor's  place  at  Ipswich,  and  was  now  no 
minister  by  the  received  determination  of  our  churches.  In  his 
sermon  he  delivered  many  useful  things,  but  in  a  moral  and 
pohtical  discourse,  grounding  his  propositions  much  upon  the 
old  Roman  and  Grecian  governments,  which  sure  is  an  error, 
for  if  religion  and  the  word  of  God  makes  men  wiser  than 
their  neighbors,  and  these  times  have  the  advantage  of  all 

^  Nathaniel  Ward,  author  of  the  Simple  Coblcr  of  Aggawam,  and  credited  with 
the  main  work  in  compiling  the  Body  of  Liberties,  was  the  raciest  and  most  enter- 
taining, if  the  narrowest  and  most  intolerant,  of  the  writers  and  speakers  of  New 
England.  Naturally,  the  freemen  desired  much  to  hear  him,  and  his  counsels 
as  to  political  and  constitutional  matters  made  impression. 


that  have  gone  before  us  in  experience  and  observation,  it  is 
probable  that  by  all  these  helps,  we  may  better  frame  rules  of 
government  for  ourselves  than  to  receive  others  upon  the  bare 
authority  of  the  wisdom,  justice,  etc.  of  those  heathen  common- 
wealths. Among  other  things,  he  advised  the  people  to  keep 
all  their  magistrates  in  an  equal  rank,  and  not  give  more 
honor  or  power  to  one  than  to  another,  which  is  easier  to  ad- 
vise than  to  prove,  seeing  it  is  against  the  practice  of  Israel 
(where  some  were  rulers  of  thousands,  and  some  but  of  tens) 
and  of  all  nations  known  or  recorded.  Another  advice  he 
gave,  that  magistrates  should  not  give  private  advice,  and  take 
knowledge  of  any  man's  cause  before  it  came  to  public  hearing. 
This  was  debated  after  in  the  general  court,  where  some  of  the 
deputies  moved  to  have  it  ordered.  But  it  was  opposed  by 
some  of  the  magistrates  upon  these  reasons:  1.  Because  we 
must  then  provide  lawyers  to  direct  men  in  their  causes.  2. 
The  magistrates  must  not  grant  out  original  process,  as  now 
they  do,  for  to  what  end  are  they  betrusted  with  this,  but  that 
they  should  take  notice  of  the  cause  of  the  action,  that  they 
might  either  divert  the  suit,  if  the  cause  be  unjust,  or  direct  it 
in  a  right  course,  if  it  be  good.  3.  By  this  occasion  the  magis- 
trate hath  opportunity  to  end  many  differences  in  a  friendly 
way,  without  charge  to  the  parties,  or  trouble  to  the  court. 
4.  It  prevents  many  difficulties  and  tediousness  to  the  court 
to  understand  the  cause  aright  (no  advocate  being  allowed, 
and  the  parties  being  not  able,  for  the  most  part,  to  open  the 
cause  fully  and  clearly,  especially  in  public).  5.  It  is  al- 
lowed in  criminal  causes,  and  why  not  in  civil.  6.  Wliereas 
it  is  objected  that  such  magistrate  is  in  danger  to  be  preju- 
diced, answer,  if  the  thing  be  lawful  and  useful,  it  must  not 
be  laid  aside  for  the  temptations  which  are  incident  to  it,  for 
in  the  least  duties  men  are  exposed  to  great  temptations. 

At  this  court  it  was  ordered,  that  the  elders  should  be 
desired  to  agree  upon  a  form  of  catechism  which  might  be 
put  forth  in  print. 


Offence  being  taken  by  many  of  the  people  that  the 
court  had  given  Mr.  Humfrey  £250,  the  deputies  moved  it 
might  be  ordered,  that  the  court  should  not  have  power 
to  grant  any  benevolences;  but  it  was  considered  that  the 
court  could  not  deprive  itself  of  its  honor,  and  that  hereby 
we  should  lay  a  blemish  upon  the  court,  which  might  do 
more  hurt  to  the  country  by  weakening  the  reputation  of 
the  wisdom  and  faithfuhiess  of  the  court  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people,  than  the  money  saved  would  recompense.  There- 
fore it  was  thought  better  to  order  it  by  way  of  declaration, 
as  if  it  were  to  deter  importunity  of  suitors  in  this  kind, 
that  the  court  would  give  no  more  benevolences  till  our 
debts  were  paid,  and  stock  in  the  treasury,  except  upon 
foreign  occasions,  etc. 

There  arose  a  question  in  the  court  about  the  punishment  of 
single  fornication,  because,  by  the  law  of  God,  the  man  was 
only  to  marry  the  maid,  or  pay  a  sum  of  money  to  her  father; 
but  the  case  falling  out  between  two  servants,  they  were 
whipped  for  the  wrong  offered  to  the  master  in  abusing  his 
house,  and  were  not  able  to  make  him  other  satisfaction.  The 
like  difficulty  arose  about  a  rape,  which  was  not  death  by 
the  law  of  God,  but  because  it  was  committed  by  a  boy 
upon  a  child  of  7  or  8  years  old,  he  was  severely  whipped. 
Yet  it  may  seem  by  the  equity  of  the  law  against  sod- 
omy, that  it  should  be  death  for  a  man  to  have  carnal  cop- 
ulation with  a  girl  so  young,  as  there  can  be  no  possibiHty 
of  generation,  for  it  is  against  nature  as  well  as  sodomy  and 

At  this  court  the  gentlemen,  who  had  the  two  patents  of 
Dover  and  Strawberry  bank  at  Pascataquack  in  the  name  of 
the  lords  and  themselves,  granted  all  their  interest  of  juris- 
diction, etc.,  to  our  court,  reserving  the  most  of  the  land  to 
themselves.*    Whereupon  a  commission  was  granted  to  Mr. 

*  Lords  Saye  and  Brooke,  and  their  associates,  gave  up  to  Massachusetts 
their  rights  of  jurisdiction  under  the  Hilton  and  Squamscot  patents. 


Bradstreet  and  Mr.  Simonds,*  with  two  or  three  of  Pascata- 
quack,  to  call  a  court  there  and  assemble  the  people  to  take 
their  submission,  etc.,  but  Mr.  Humfrey,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Mr. 
Dalton  had  been  sent  before  to  understand  the  minds  of  the 
people,  to  reconcile  some  differences  between  them,  and  to  pre- 
pare them.    See  more. 

Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  those  of  Aquiday  island  broached  new 
heresies  every  year.  Divers  of  them  turned  professed  anabap- 
tists, and  would  not  wear  any  arms,  and  denied  all  magistracy 
among  Christians,  and  maintained  that  there  were  no  churches 
since  those  founded  by  the  apostles  and  evangehsts,  nor  could 
any  be,  nor  any  pastors  ordained,  nor  seals  administered  but  by 
such,  and  that  the  church  was  to  want  these  all  the  time  she 
continued  in  the  wilderness,  as  yet  she  was.  Her  son  Francis 
and  her  son-in-law  Mr.  Collins  (who  was  driven  from  Barbadoes 
where  he  had  preached  a  time  and  done  some  good,  but  so  soon 
as  he  came  to  her  was  infected  with  her  heresies)  came  to  Bos- 
ton, and  were  there  sent  for  to  come  before  the  governor  and 
council.  But  they  refused  to  come,  except  they  were  brought ; 
so  the  officer  led  him,  and  being  come  (there  were  divers  of  the 
elders  present)  he  was  charged  with  a  letter  he  had  written  to 
some  in  our  jurisdiction,  wherein  he  charged  all  our  churches 
and  ministers  to  be  antichristian,  and  many  other  reproachful 
speeches,  terming  our  king,  king  of  Babylon,  and  sought  to 
possess  the  people's  hearts  with  evil  thoughts  of  our  government 
and  of  our  churches,  etc.  He  acknowledged  the  letter,  and 
maintained  what  he  had  written,  yet  sought  to  evade  by  con- 
fessing there  was  a  true  magistracy  in  the  world,  and  that 
Christians  must  be  subject  to  it.  He  maintained  also  that 
there  were  no  gentile  churches  (as  he  termed  them)  since  the 
apostles'  times,  and  that  none  now  could  ordain  ministers,  etc. 
Francis  Hutchinson  did  agree  with  him  in  some  of  these,  but 

^  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Samuel  Symonds,  younger  men  now  coming  forward 
into  prominent  position,  at  a  later  time  reached  the  highest  positions,  as  governor 
and  deputy-governor. 


not  resolutely  in  all ;  but  he  had  reviled  the  church  of  Boston 
(being  then  a  member  of  it)  calling  her  a  strumpet.  They  were 
both  committed  to  prison ;  and  it  fell  out  that  one  Stoddard, 
being  then  one  of  the  constables  of  Boston,  was  required  to 
take  Francis  Hutchinson  into  his  custody  till  the  afternoon, 
and  said  withal  to  the  governor,  Sir,  I  came  to  observe  what 
you  did,  that  if  you  should  proceed  with  a  brother  otherwise 
than  you  ought,  I  might  deal  with  you  in  a  church  way.  For 
this  insolent  behavior  he  was  committed,  but  being  dealt  with 
by  the  elders  and  others,  he  came  to  see  his  error,  which  was 
that  he  did  conceive  that  the  magistrate  ought  not  to  deal  with 
a  member  of  the  church  before  the  church  had  proceeded  with 
him.  So  the  next  Lord's  day  in  the  open  assembly,  he  did 
freely  and  very  affectionately  confess  his  error  and  his  contempt 
of  authority,  and  being  bound  to  appear  at  the  next  court,  he 
did  the  like  there  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  Yet  for  example's 
sake  he  was  fined  20s.,  which  though  some  of  the  magistrates 
would  have  had  it  much  less,  or  rather  remitted,  seeing  his 
clear  repentance  and  satisfaction  in  public  left  no  poison  or 
danger  in  his  example,  nor  had  the  commonwealth  or  any 
person  sustained  danger  by  it.  At  the  same  court  Mr.  Collins 
was  fined  £100  and  Francis  Hutchinson  £50,  and  to  remain 
in  prison  till  they  gave  security  for  it.  We  assessed  the  fines 
the  higher,  partly  that  by  occasion  thereof  they  might  be  the 
longer  kept  in  from  doing  harm,  (for  they  were  kept  close 
prisoners,)  and  also  because  that  family  had  put  the  country  to 
so  much  charge  in  the  synod  and  other  occasions  to  the  value 
of  £500  at  least:  but  after,  because  the  winter  drew  on,  and 
the  prison  was  inconvenient,  we  abated  them  to  £40  and  £20. 
But  they  seemed  not  willing  to  pay  any  thing.  They  refused 
to  come  to  the  church  assemblies  except  they  were  led,  and  so 
they  came  duly.  At  last  we  took  their  own  bonds  for  their 
fine,  and  so  dismissed  them.^ 

^  From  the  Colony  Records  it  appears  that  ColHns  and  Francis  Hutchinson 
were  forbidden  to  return  to  the  colony  on  pain  of  death. 


Other  troubles  arose  in  the  island  by  reason  of  one  Nicholas 
Easton,  a  tanner,  a  man  very  bold,  though  ignorant.  He 
using  to  teach  at  Newport,  where  Mr.  Coddington  their  gov- 
ernor lived,  maintained  that  man  hath  no  power  or  will  in 
himself,  but  as  he  is  acted  by  God,  and  that  seeing  God  filled 
all  things,  nothing  could  be  or  move  but  by  him,  and  so  he 
must  needs  be  the  author  of  sin,  etc.,  and  that  a  Christian  is 
united  to  the  essence  of  God.  Being  showed  what  blasphemous 
consequences  would  follow  hereupon,  they  professed  to  abhor 
the  consequences,  but  still  defended  the  propositions,  which 
discovered  their  ignorance,  not  apprehending  how  God  could 
make  a  creature  as  it  were  in  himself,  and  yet  no  part  of  his 
essence,  as  we  see  by  familiar  instances;  the  hght  is  in  the 
air,  and  in  every  part  of  it,  yet  it  is  not  air,  but  a  distinct  thing 
from  it.  There  joined  with  Nicholas  Easton  Mr.  Coddington, 
Mr.  CoggeshalV  and  some  others,  but  their  minister,  Mr. 
Clark,  and  Mr.  Lenthall,  and  Mr.  Harding,  and  some  others 
dissented  and  publicly  opposed,  whereby  it  grew  to  such  heat 
of  contention,  that  it  made  a  schism  among  them. 

Mo.  7  (September).]  Captain  Underbill,  coming  to  Boston, 
was  presently  apprehended  by  the  governor's  warrant  to  appear 
at  the  next  court,  and  bound  for  his  good  behavior  in  the  mean 
time,  which  was  ill  taken  by  many,  seeing  he  did  not  stand 
presented  by  any  man,  and  had  been  reconciled  to  the  church 
and  to  the  court,  who  had  remitted  his  sentence  of  banishment, 
and  showed  their  willingness  to  have  pardoned  him  fully,  but 
for  fear  of  offence.  And  it  was  held  by  some  of  the  magistrates, 
that  the  court,  having  reversed  the  sentence  against  him  for 
former  misdemeanors,  had  implicitly  pardoned  all  other  misde- 
meanors before  that  time,  and  his  adultery  was  no  more  then 
but  a  misdemeanor;  but  to  bind  a  man  to  his  good  behavior, 
when  he  stands  reconciled  to  the  church  and  commonwealth, 
was  certainly  an  error,  as  it  was  also  to  commit  such  an  one, 

*  All  three  of  the  men  were  of  high  repute  in  civil  life,  each  serving  his  colony 
as  governor. 


being  not  presented  nor  accused.  So  easily  may  a  magistrate 
be  misled  on  the  right  hand  by  the  secret  whisperings  of  such  as 
pretend  a  zeal  of  justice  and  the  punishment  of  sin.  The 
governor  caused  him  to  be  indicted  at  the  next  court,  but  he 
was  acquitted  by  proclamation. 

Mo.  7.  (Septemher)  11.]  It  being  court  time,  about  7  or  8  in 
the  evening  there  appeared  to  the  southward  a  great  light, 
about  30  or  40  feet  in  length ;  it  went  very  swift,  and  continued 
about  a  minute.  It  was  observed  by  many  in  the  bay  and  at 
Plymouth  and  New  Haven,  etc.,  and  it  seemed  to  all  to  be  in 
the  same  position. 

15.]  A  great  training  at  Boston  two  days.  About  1200 
men  were  exercised  in  most  sorts  of  land  service;  yet  it  was 
observed  that  there  was  no  man  drunk,  though  there  was  plenty 
of  wine  and  strong  beer  in  the  town,  not  an  oath  sworn,  no 
quarrel,  nor  any  hurt  done. 

The  parliament  in  England  falling  so  readily  to  reform 
all  public  grievances,  some  of  our  people  being  then  in  London 
preferred  a  petition  to  the  Lords'  house  for  redress  of  that 
restraint  which  had  been  put  upon  ships  and  passengers  to 
New  England,  whereupon  an  order  was  made,  that  we  should 
enjoy  all  our  hberties,  etc.,  according  to  our  patent,  whereby 
our  patent,  which  had  been  condemned  and  called  in  upon  an 
erroneous  judgment  in  a  quo  warranto,  was  now  impHcitly 
revived  and  confirmed.  This  petition  was  preferred  without 
warrant  from  our  court. 

7.  (September)  2.]  A  day  of  thanksgiving  was  kept  in  all 
our  churches  for  the  good  success  of  the  parliament  in  England. 

This  year  men  followed  the  fishing  so  well,  that  there  was 
about  300,000  dry  fish  sent  to  the  market. 

The  lords  and  gentlemen  that  had  two  patents  at  Pascata- 
quack,  finding  no  means  to  govern  the  people  there,  nor  to 
restrain  them  from  spoihng  their  timber,  etc.,  agreed  to  assign 
their  interest  to  us  (reserving  the  greatest  part  of  the  propriety 
of  their  lands).    So  commissioners  being  sent  thither,  the  whole 


river  agreed  to  come  under  our  jurisdiction  under  two  proposi- 
tions. 1.  If  we  took  them  in  upon  a  voluntary  submission, 
then  they  would  have  liberty  to  choose  their  own  magistrates, 
etc.  2.  If  we  took  them  in  as  being  within  the  line  of  our 
patent,  they  would  then  submit  to  be  as  Ipswich  and  Salem, 
etc.,  and  would  have  such  liberties  for  felUng  timber,  etc.,  as 
they  had  enjoyed,  etc.,  and  so  referred  it  to  the  next  general 
court;  and  to  have  courts  there  as  Ipswich  and  Salem  had. 
And  accordingly  at  the  general  court  in  the  3d  month  next, 
they  sent  two  deputies,  who,  being  members  of  the  church 
there,  were  sworn  freemen,  and  order  made  for  giving  the  oath 
to  others  at  their  own  court,  the  like  liberty  to  other  courts  for 
ease  of  the  people.^ 

Mo.  9.  (November)  8.]  Monsieur  Rochett,  a  Rocheller  and 
a  Protestant,  came  from  Monsieur  La  Tour,  planted  upon  St. 
John's  River  up  the  great  bay  on  this  side  Cape  Sable.  He 
brought  no  letters  with  him,  but  only  letters  from  Mr.  Shurt  of 
Pemaquid,  where  he  left  his  men  and  boat.  He  propounded 
to  us,  1.  Liberty  of  free  commerce.  This  was  granted.  2. 
Assistance  against  D'Aulnay  of  Penobscott,  whom  he  had  war 
with.  3.  That  he  might  make  return  of  goods  out  of  England 
by  our  merchants.  In  these  two  we  excused  any  treaty 
with  him,  as  having  no  letters  or  commission  from  La  Tour. 
He  was  courteously  entertained  here,  and  after  a  few  days 

9.]    Query,  whether  the  following  be  fit  to  be  published. 

The  governor,  Mr.  Bellingham,  was  married,  (I  would  not 
mention  such  ordinary  matters  in  our  history,  but  by  occasion 
of  some  remarkable  accidents).  The  young  gentlewoman  was 
ready  to  be  contracted  to  a  friend  of  his,  who  lodged  in  his 
house,  and  by  his  consent  had  proceeded  so  far  with  her,  when 
on  the  sudden  the  governor  treated  with  her,  and  obtained  her 

*  An  important  crisis  both  for  Massachusetts  and  the  New  Hampshire  settle- 

^  On  Latour  and  D'Aulnay,  see  Vol.  I.,  p.  163,  note  1. 


for  himself.  He  excused  it  by  the  strength  of  his  affection, 
and  that  she  was  not  absolutely  promised  to  the  other  gentle- 
man. Two  errors  more  he  committed  upon  it.  1.  That  he 
would  not  have  his  contract  published  where  he  dwelt,  contrary 
to  an  order  of  court.  2.  That  he  married  himself  contrary 
to  the  constant  practice  of  the  country.  The  great  inquest 
presented  him  for  breach  of  the  order  of  court,  and  at 
the  court  following,  in  the  4th  month,  the  secretary  called 
him  to  answer  the  prosecution.  But  he  not  going  off  the 
bench,  as  the  manner  was,  and  but  few  of  the  magistrates  pres- 
ent, he  put  it  off  to  another  time,  intending  to  speak  with  him 
privately,  and  with  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  about  the  case, 
and  accordingly  he  told  him  the  reason  why  he  did  not  proceed, 
viz.,  being  unwilling  to  command  him  publicly  to  go  off  the 
bench,  and  yet  not  thinking  it  fit  he  should  sit  as  a  judge,  when 
he  was  by  law  to  answer  as  an  offender.  This  he  took  ill,  and 
said  he  would  not  go  off  the  bench,  except  he  were  com- 

Ai'chibald  Tomson,  of  Marblehead,  carrying  dung  to  his 
ground  in  a  canoe  upon  the  Lord's  day,  in  fair  weather  and 
still  water,  it  sunk  under  him  in  the  harbor  near  the  shores  and 
he  was  never  seen  after. 

One  Knore,  of  Charlestown,  coming  down  Mistick  in  a 
small  boat  laden  with  wood,  was  found  dead  in  it:  a  good 
caveat  for  men  not  to  go  single  in  boats  in  such  a  season  of  the 
year,  for  it  was  very  stormy  weather. 

9.  (November)  12.]  A  great  tempest  of  wind  and  rain  from 
the  S.  E.  all  the  night,  as  fierce  as  an  hurricane.  It  continued 
very  violent  at  N.  W.  all  the  day  after.  Divers  boats  and  one 
bark  were  cast  away  in  the  harbor,  but  (which  was  a  wonder  to 
all)  no  dwelling  house  blown  down,  nor  any  person  killed ;  and 
the  day  after  it  came  to  S.  E.  again,  and  continued  all  the  night 
with  much  wind  and  rain ;  and  thereupon  (it  being  about  the 

*  After  such  an  experience  of  Bellingham,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  colony 
should  restore  its  chief  dignity  to  Winthrop  once  more  in  May,  1642. 


new  moon)  followed  the  highest  tide  which  we  had  seen  since 
our  arrival  here. 

The  summer  past  was  very  cool  and  wet,  so  as  much  Indian 
corn  never  ripened,  though  some  stood  till  the  20th  of  this 
month.  It  was  observed,  that  people  who  fed  upon  that  corn 
were  extraordinarily  infected  with  worms  in  their  bodies  all  the 
year  following,  which  in  some  was  well  prevented  by  leaving 
their  bread  and  feeding  upon  salt  fish. 

The  Charles  of  Dartmouth,  of  400  tons,  lying  at  Pascata- 
quack  to  take  in  pipe  staves,  was  forced  from  her  anchors  in 
the  last  tempest  and  driven  upon  the  rocks ;  yet  all  her  masts 
were  before  taken  down  to  be  new  masted.  There  rode  by  her 
a  small  ship  which  was  safe.  This  small  ship  was  before  de- 
spised by  the  men  of  the  greater,  and  they  would  needs  unrig 
their  ship  upon  the  Lord's  day,  though  they  were  admonished 
not  to  do  it.  In  the  same  great  tempest  a  shallop  of  3  tons 
rode  it  out  all  night  at  the  head  of  Cape  Anne,  and  came  in 
safe  after. 

Mr.  Stephen  Batchellor,  the  pastor  of  the  church  at  Hamp- 
ton, who  had  suffered  much  at  the  hands  of  the  bishops  in 
England,  being  about  80  years  of  age,  and  having  a  lusty 
comely  woman  to  his  wife,  did  solicit  the  chastity  of  his  neigh- 
bor's wife,  who  acquainted  her  husband  therewith ;  whereupon 
he  was  dealt  with,  but  denied  it,  as  he  had  told  the  woman  he 
would  do,  and  complained  to  the  magistrates  against  the  wo- 
man and  her  husband  for  slandering  him.  The  church  Hke- 
wise  dealing  with  him,  he  stiffly  denied  it,  but  soon  after,  when 
the  Lord's  supper  was  to  be  administered,  he  did  voluntarily 
confess  the  attempt,  and  that  he  did  intend  to  have  defiled  her, 
if  she  would  have  consented.  The  church,  being  moved  with 
his  free  confession  and  tears,  silently  forgave  him,  and  com- 
municated with  him :  but  after,  finding  how  scandalous  it  was, 
they  took  advice  of  other  elders,  and  after  long  debate  and 
much  pleading  and  standing  upon  the  church's  forgiving  and 
being  reconciled  to  him  in  communicating  with  him  after 


he  had  confessed  it,  they  proceeded  to  cast  him  out.  After 
this  he  went  on  in  a  variable  course,  sometimes  seeming  very 
penitent,  soon  after  again  excusing  himself,  and  casting  blame 
upon  others^  especially  his  fellow  elder  Mr.  Dalton,  (who  in- 
deed had  not  carried  himself  in  this  cause  so  well  as  became 
him,  and  was  brought  to  see  his  failing,  and  acknowledged  it 
to  the  elders  of  the  other  churches  who  had  taken  much  pains 
about  this  matter).  So  he  behaved  himself  to  the  elders  when 
they  dealt  with  him.  He  was  off  and  on  for  a  long  time,  and 
when  he  had  seemed  most  penitent,  so  as  the  church  were  ready 
to  have  received  him  in  again,  he  would  fall  back  again,  and 
as  it  were  repent  of  his  repentance.  In  this  time  his  house 
and  near  all  his  substance  was  consumed  by  fire.  When  he 
had  continued  excommunicated  near  two  years,  and  much  agi- 
tation had  been  about  the  matter,  and  the  church  being  divided, 
so  as  he  could  not  be  received  in,  at  length  the  matter  was  re- 
ferred to  some  magistrates  and  elders,  and  by  their  mediation 
he  was  released  of  his  excommunication,  but  not  received  to 
his  pastor's  office.  Upon  occasion  of  this  meeting  for  media- 
tion, Mr.  Wilson,  pastor  of  Boston,  wrote  this  letter  to  him, 
(the  letter  is  worthy  inserting).*  ... 

The  general  court  held  in  the  10th  month  past  was  full  of 
uncomfortable  agitations  and  contentions.  The  principal  occa- 
sion (for  history  must  tell  the  whole  truth)  was  from  the  gov- 
ernor, who  being  a  gentleman  of  good  repute  in  England  for 
wisdom  and  godliness,  finding  now  that  some  other  of  the 
magistrates  bare  more  sway  with  the  people  than  himself,  and 
that  they  were  called  to  be  of  the  standing  council  for  hfe,  and 
himself  passed  by,  was  so  taken  with  an  evil  spirit  of  emula- 
tion and  jealousy  (through  his  melancholic  disposition)  as  he 
set  himself  in  an  opposite  frame  to  them  in  all  proceedings, 
which  did  much  retard  all  business,  and  was  occasion  of  grief 
to  many  godly  minds,  and  matter  of  reproach  to  the  whole 
court  in  the  mouths  of  others,  and  brought  himself  low  in  the 

*  It  is  not  preserved.    Several  pages  of  Winthrop's  text  are  here  omitted. 


eyes  of  those  with  whom  formerly  he  had  been  in  honor. 
Some  instances  I  will  give. 

There  fell  out  a  case  between  Mr.  Dudley,  one  of  the  coun- 
cil, and  Mr.  Howe,  a  ruling  elder  of  the  church  of  Watertown, 
about  a  title  to  a  mill.  The  case  is  too  long  here  to  report,  but 
it  was  so  clear  on  Mr.  Dudley's  part,  both  in  law  and  equity, 
(most  of  the  magistrates  also  and  deputies  concurring  therein,) 
as  the  elders,  being  desired  to  be  present  at  the  hearing  of  the 
case,  they  also  consented  with  the  judgment  of  the  court,  be- 
fore the  case  was  put  to  vote,  and  some  of  them  humbly  ad- 
vised the  court  that  it  would  be  greatly  to  their  dishonor,  and 
an  apparent  injustice,  if  they  should  otherwise  determine. 
Notwithstanding,  he  still  labored  to  have  the  cause  carried 
against  Mr.  Dudley,  reproved  some  of  the  elders  for  their 
faithful  advice,  took  upon  him  to  answer  all  the  arguments,  but 
so  weakly  as  many  were  ashamed  at  it,  and  in  reading  an  order 
of  court  whereupon  the  issue  of  the  case  chiefly  depended,  he 
sought  to  help  himself  by  such  unworthy  shifts,  as  interpreting 
some  things  against  the  very  letter  and  common  sense,  wholly 
omitting  the  most  material  part,  etc.,  refusing  to  put  things  to 
the  vote  that  made  against  his  purpose,  etc.,  that  all  might  see 
by  what  spirit  he  was  led. 

Another  case  fell  out  about  Mr.  Maverick  of  Nottles  Island, 
who  had  been  formerly  fined  £100  for  giving  entertainment  to 
Mr.  Owen  and  one  Hale's  wife,  who  had  escaped  out  of  prison, 
where  they  had  been  put  for  notorious  suspicion  of  adultery,* 
as  shall  after  be  showed.  The  court  upon  his  petition  had 
referred  it  to  the  usual  committee,  who  made  return  that 
their  opinion  was,  the  court  might  do  well  to  remit  it  to  £60, 
which  he  knew  would  please  some  of  the  council  well,  who 
had  often  declared  their  judgment  that  fines  should  be  so 
imposed  as  they  might  upon  occasion  be  moderated.    So  when 

*  Maverick,  it  must  be  supposed,  believed  the  parties  innocent.  He  was  of 
a  bold  as  well  as  humane  spirit,  and  ready  to  suffer  while  sheltering  those  whom 
he  thought  persecuted. 


the  petition  was  returned  to  him,  he  takes  it  and  alters  the  sum 
from  £60  to  £80,  without  acquainting  the  court  therewith, 
nor  would  say  that  he  had  done  it,  when  the  committee  in- 
formed the  court  of  the  alteration,  before  the  secretary  charged 
him  with  it.  Then  he  said,  he  did  it  in  jest,  and  when  the 
secretary  said  he  had  reformed  it,  and  the  court  called  to  have 
it  put  to  the  vote,  he  refused,  and  stirred  up  much  heat  and 
contention  about  it,  so  in  the  end  the  court  required  the  deputy 
to  put  it  to  the  vote. 

Upon  these  and  other  miscarriages  the  deputies  consulted 
together,  and  sent  up  their  speaker,^  with  some  others,  to  give 
him  a  solemn  admonition,  which  was  never  done  to  any  gov- 
ernor before,  nor  was  it  in  their  power  without  the  magistrates 
had  jomed. 

These  continual  oppositions  and  delays,  tending  to  the 
liindrance  and  perverting  of  justice,  afforded  much  occasion 
of  grief  to  all  the  magistrates,  especially  to  Mr.  Dudley,  who 
being  a  very  wise  and  just  man,  and  one  that  would  not 
be  trodden  under  foot  of  any  man,  took  occasion  (alleging  his 
age,  etc.)  to  tell  the  court  that  he  was  resolved  to  leave  his 
place,  and  therefore  desired  them  against  the  next  court  of 
elections  to  think  of  some  other.  The  court  was  much  affected 
with  it,  and  entreated  him,  with  manifestation  of  much  affec- 
tion and  respect  towards  him,  to  leave  off  these  thoughts,  and 
offered  him  any  ease  and  liberty  that  his  age  and  infirmities 
might  stand  in  need  of,  but  he  continued  resolute.  Thereupon 
the  governor  also  made  a  speech,  as  if  he  desired  to  leave  his 
place  of  magistracy  also,  but  he  was  fain  to  make  his  own 
answer,  for  no  man  desired  him  to  keep,  or  to  consider  better 
of  it.' 

This  session  continued  three  weeks,  and  established  100 

*  At  this  period,  magistrates  and  deputies  sat  together  in  the  General  Court, 
the  governor  or  deputy-governor  presiding:  the  division  into  two  bodies  had  not 
yet  taken  place.  Savage  understands  by  "speaker"  here  a  temporary  spokes- 

^  Bellingham's  unpopularity  was  plainly  well-deaerved. 


laws,  which  were  called  the  Body  of  Liberties.^  They  had  been 
composed  by  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward,  (sometime  pastor  of  the 
church  of  Ipswich:  he  had  been  a  minister  in  England,  and 
formerly  a  student  and  practiser  in  the  course  of  the  common 
law,)  and  had  been  revised  and  altered  by  the  court,  and  sent 
forth  into  every  town  to  be  further  considered  of,  and  now 
again  in  this  court,  they  were  revised,  amended,  and  presented, 
and  so  established  for  three  years,  by  that  experience  to  have 
them  fully  amended  and  established  to  be  perpetual. 

At  this  session  Mr.  Hathorn,  one  of  the  deputies,  and  usu- 
ally one  of  their  speakers,  made  a  motion  to  some  other  of  the 
deputies  of  leaving  out  two  of  their  ancientest  magistrates, 
because  they  were  grown  poor,  and  spake  reproachfully  of  them 
under  that  motion.  This  coming  to  Mr.  Cotton  his  knowledge, 
he  took  occasion  from  his  text,  the  next  lecture  day,  to  confute, 
and  sharply  (in  his  mild  manner)  to  reprove  such  miscarriage, 
which  he  termed  a  shghting  or  dishonoring  of  parents,  and  told 
the  country,  that  such  as  were  decayed  in  their  estates  by 
attending  the  service  of  the  country  ought  to  be  maintained 
by  the  country,  and  not  set  aside  for  their  poverty,  being 
otherwise  so  well  gifted,  and  approved  by  long  experience  to 
be  faithful.  This  public  reproof  gave  such  a  check  to  the 
former  motion  as  it  was  never  revived  after.  Yet  by  what  fol- 
lowed it  appeared,  that  the  fire,  from  which  it  brake  out,  was 
only  raked  up,  not  quenched,  as  will  be  showed  anon. 

Mr.  Hathorn^  and  some  others  were  very  earnest  to  have 
some  certain  penalty  set  upon  lying,  swearing,  etc.,  which  the 
deputy  and  some  other  of  the  magistrates  opposed,  (not  disUk- 

^  For  the  Body  of  Liberties,  prefaced  by  a  learned  and  copious  introduction 
by  Francis  C.  Gray,  see  Collections  of  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  third 
series,  VIII.  191;  also  Whitmore,  The  Colonial  Laws  of  Massachusetts  (Boston, 
1889);    Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  164;    and  American  History  Leaflets,  No.  25. 

^  William  Hathorne,  or  Hawthorne,  a  leader  in  Salem  till  near  the  end  of 
the  century,  was  first  speaker  of  the  deputies,  after  the  separation  of  the  General 
Court  into  two  bodies,  presently  to  be  described.  He  was  the  ancestor  of  Nathan- 
iel Hawthorne.    The  deputy-governor  mentioned  was  John  Endicott. 


ing  to  have  laws  made  against  these  or  any  other  offences, 
but  in  respect  of  the  certain  punishment,)  whereupon  Mr. 
Hathom  charged  him  with  seeking  to  have  the  government 
arbitrary,  etc.,  and  the  matter  grew  to  some  heat,  for  the  deputy 
was  a  wise  and  a  stout  gentleman,  and  knew  Mr.  Hathom 
his  neighbor  well,  but  the  strife  soon  fell,  and  there  was  no 
more  spoken  of  it  that  court.  Yet  this  gave  occasion  to  some 
of  the  magistrates  to  prepare  some  arguments  against  the 
course  intended,  of  bringing  all  punishments  to  a  certainty. 
The  scope  of  these  reasons  was  to  make  good  this  proposition, 
viz.  All  punishments,  except  such  as  are  made  certain  in  the 
law  of  God,  or  are  not  subject  to  variation  by  merit  of  cir- 
cumstances, ought  to  be  left  arbitrary  to  the  wisdom  of  the 

Reason  1.  God  hath  left  a  pattern  hereof  in  his  word,  where 
so  few  penalties  are  prescribed,  and  so  many  referred  to  the 
judges;  and  God  himself  varieth  the  punishments  of  the  same 
offences,  as  the  offences  vary  in  their  circumstances ;  as  in  man- 
slaughter, in  the  case  of  a  riotous  son  proving  incorrigible,  in 
the  same  sin  aggravated  by  presumption,  theft,  etc.,  which 
are  not  only  rules  in  these  particular  cases,  but  to  guide  the 
judges  by  proportion  in  all  other  cases:  as  upon  the  law  of 
adultery,  it  may  be  a  question  whether  Bathsheba  ought  to  die 
by  that  law,  in  regard  to  the  great  temptation,  and  the  com- 
mand and  power  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  So  that  which  was 
capital  in  the  men  of  Jabesh  Gilead,  Judges  [xxi.  10]  in  not 
coming  up  to  the  princes  upon  proclamation,  was  but  confis- 
cation of  goods,  etc.,  in  Ezra  10.  8.    See  2d  Sam.  14.  6.  11. 

Reason  2.  All  punishments  ought  to  be  just,  and,  offences 
varying  so  much  in  their  merit  by  occasion  of  circumstances, 
it  would  be  unjust  to  inflict  the  same  pimishment  upon  the 
least  as  upon  the  greatest. 

3.  Justice  requireth  that  every  cause  should  be  heard  be- 
fore it  be  judged,  which  cannot  be  when  the  sentence  and 
punishment  is  determined  before  hand. 


4.  Such  parts  and  gifts,  as  the  word  of  God  requires  in  a 
judge,  were  not  so  necessary,  if  all  punishments  were  deter- 
mined beforehand. 

5.  God  hath  not  confined  all  wisdom,  etc.,  to  any  one  gen- 
eration, that  they  should  set  rules  for  all  others  to  walk  by. 

6.  It  is  against  reason  that  some  men  should  better  judge 
of  the  merit  of  a  cause  in  the  bare  theory  thereof,  than  others 
(as  wise  and  godly)  should  be  able  to  discern  of  it  pro  re 

7.  Difference  of  times,  places,  etc.,  may  aggravate  or  ex- 
tenuate some  offences. 

8.  We  must  trust  God,  who  can  and  will  provide  as  wise 
and  righteous  judgment  for  his  people  in  time  to  come,  as  in 
the  present  or  forepassed  times;  and  we  should  not  attempt 
the  hmiting  of  his  providence,  and  frustrating  the  gifts  of  others 
by  determining  all  punishments,  etc. 

Objection.  In  theft  and  some  other  cases,  as  cases  capital, 
God  hath  prescribed  a  certain  punishment. 

Ans.  1.  In  theft,  etc.,  the  law  respects  the  damage  and 
injury  of  the  party,  which  is  still  one  and  the  same,  though 
circumstances  may  aggravate  or  extenuate  the  sin.  2.  In 
capital  cases  death  is  appointed  as  the  highest  degree  of  punish- 
ment which  man's  justice  can  reach. 

Objection.  Then  we  might  as  well  leave  all  laws  arbitrary 
at  the  discretion  of  the  judge. 

Ans.  1.  The  reason  is  not  like.  1.  God  gave  a  certain  law 
where  he  left  the  punishment  arbitrary,  so  as  we  have  a  clear 
rule  to  guide  the  law  where  the  punishment  may  be  uncertain. 
The  varying  of  the  offence  in  the  circumstances  doth  not  vary 
the  ground  or  equity  of  the  law,  nor  the  nature  of  the  guilt,  as 
it  doth  the  measure  of  the  reward.  He  is  as  fully  guilty  of 
theft  who  steals  a  loaf  of  bread  for  his  hunger,  as  he  that  steals 
an  horse  for  his  pleasure. 

Obj ection.  The  statutes  in  IJnglan^  .^t  doyn  5^qigrtain  pen- 
alty for  most  offences.  >  *  '^     Nv 


52  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1641 

Ans.  1.  We  are  not  bound  to  make  such  examples  ourselves. 
2.  The  penalty,  commonly,  is  not  so  much  as  the  least  degree 
of  that  offence  deserves:  12d.  for  an  oath,  5s.  for  drunkenness, 


Mo.  11  (January)].  Those  of  Providence,  being  all  ana- 
baptists, were  divided  in  judgment;  some  were  only  against 
baptizing  of  infants ;  others  denied  all  magistracy  and  churches, 
etc.,  of  which  Gorton,  who  had  lately  been  whipped  at  Aquiday, 
as  is  before  mentioned,  was  their  instructer  and  captain/ 
These,  being  too  strong  for  the  other  party,  provoked  them  by 
injuries,  so  as  they  came  armed  into  the  field,  each  against 
other,  but  Mr.  Williams  pacified  them  for  the  present.  This 
occasioned  the  weaker  party  to  write  a  letter,  under  all  their 
hands,  to  our  governor  and  magistrates,  complaining  of  the 
wrongs  they  suffered,  and  desiring  aid,  or,  if  not  that,  counsel 
from  us.  We  answered  them  that  we  could  not  levy  any  war, 
etc.  without  a  general  court.  For  counsel  we  told  them,  that 
except  they  did  submit  themselves  to  some  jurisdiction,  either 
Plymouth  or  ours,  we  had  no  calling  or  warrant  to  interpose  in 
their  contentions,  but  if  they  were  once  subject  to  any,  then 

*  Here  enters  upon  the  stage  Samuel  Gorton,  an  enthusiast  of  somewhat 
better  birth  and  education  than  many  of*  his  fellow-fanatics.  He  was  scarcely 
less  of  an  embarrassment  to  the  come-outers  about  Narragansett  Bay,  than  to 
the  men  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  Gorton  underwent  severe  persecu- 
tion, which  he  endured  heroically,  the  severities  being  among  the  least  excusable 
of  those  inflicted  by  Puritan  intolerance.  A  good  account  of  Gorton,  who  reached 
considerable  influence,  is  contained  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 
See  also  Richman,  Rhode  Island,  especially  I.  144-148.  No  account  of  Gorton's 
whipping  at  Aquiday  is  to  be  found  on  any  previous  page  of  Winthrop;  but 
Lechford,  in  his  Plain  Dealing,  says  of  this  Rhode  Island  experience,  "there 
lately  they  whipt  one  Mr.  Gorton,  a  grave  man,  for  denying  their  power,  and  abus- 
ing some  of  their  magistrates  with  uncivil  terms;  the  governour,  Mr.  Coddington, 
saying,  in  court,  you  that  are  for  the  king  lay  hold  on  Gorton,  and  he  again  on 
the  other  side  called  forth,  all  you  that  are  for  the  king  lay  hold  on  Coddington, 
whereupon  Gorton  was  banished  the  island.  So  with  his  wife  and  children  he 
went  to  Providence.  They  began  about  a  small  trespass  of  swine,  but  it  is  thought 
some  other  matter  was  ingredient."  The  case  of  Gorton  makes  it  plain  that  even 
in  and  about  Narragansett  Bay  there  were  bounds  to  the  exercise  of  tolerance. 


54  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

they  had  a  calling  to  protect  them.  After  this  answer  we  heard 
no  more  from  them  for  a  time. 

The  frost  was  so  great  and  continual  this  winter,  that  all 
the  bay  was  frozen  over,  so  much  and  so  long,  as  the  like, 
by  the  Indians'  relation,  had  not  been  these  40  years,  and  it 
continued  from  the  18th  of  this  month  to  the  21st  of  the  12th 
month  (February) ;  so  as  horses  and  carts  went  over  in  many 
places  where  ships  have  sailed.  Capt.  Gibbons  and  his  wife, 
with  divers  on  foot  by  them,  came  riding  from  his  farm  at 
Pullen  point,  right  over  to  Boston,  the  17th  of  the  12th  month, 
when  it  had  thawed  so  much  as  the  water  was  above  the  ice 
half  a  foot  in  some  places ;  and  they  passed  with  loads  of  wood 
and  six  oxen  from  Muddy  river  to  Boston,  and  when  it  thawed 
it  removed  great  rocks  of  above  a  ton  or  more  weight,  and 
brought  them  on  shore.  The  snow  likewise  was  very  deep, 
especially  northward  about  Acomenticus,  above  three  feet,  and 
much  more  beyond.  It  was  frozen  also  to  sea  so  far  as  one 
could  well  discern. 

To  the  southward  also  the  frost  was  as  great  and  the  snow 
as  deep,  and  at  Virginia  itself  the  great  bay  was  much  of  it 
frozen  over,  and  all  their  great  rivers,  so  as  they  lost  much  cattle 
for  want  of  hay,  and  most  of  their  swine. 

There  was  a  shallop  with  eight  men  to  go  from  Pascataquack 
to  Pemaquid  about  the  beginning  of  the  frost,  they  would  needs 
set  forth  upon  the  Lord's  day,  though  forewarned,  etc.  They 
were  taken  with  a  N.  W.  tempest  and  put  to  sea  about  14  days: 
at  length  they  recovered  Monhigen.  Four  of  them  died  with 
cold,  the  rest  were  discovered  by  a  fisherman  a  good  time  after, 
and  so  brought  off  the  Island. 

There  was  great  fear  lest  much  hurt  might  have  been  done 
upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  frost,  (men  and  beasts  were  grown 
so  bold,)  but,  by  the  good  providence  of  God,  not  one  person 
miscarried,  save  one  Warde  of  Salem,  an  honest  young  man, 
who  going  to  show  a  traveller  the  safest  passage  over  the  river, 
as  he  thought,  by  the  salthouse,  fell  in,  and,  though  he  had  a 


pitchfork  in  his  hand,  yet  was  presently  carried  under  the  ice 
by  the  tide.  The  traveller  fell  in  with  one  leg  while  he  went 
to  help  the  other,  but  God  preserved  him.  He  had  about  him 
all  the  letters  from  England  which  were  brought  in  a  ship  newly 
arrived  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals,  which  sure  were  the  occasion  of 
God's  preserving  him,  more  than  any  goodness  of  the  man. 
Most  of  the  bridges  were  broken  down  and  divers  mills. 

About  this  time  one  Turner  of  Charlestown,  a  man  of 
about  50  years  of  age,  having  led  a  loose  and  disorderly  hfe, 
and  being  wounded  in  conscience  at  a  sermon  of  Mr.  Shepherd's, 
he  kept  it  in  and  did  not  discover  his  distress  to  such  as  might 
have  offered  him  help,  etc.,  nor  did  attend  upon  the  pubHc 
means  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  and  after  a  good  space  he  went 
out  from  his  wife  on  the  Lord's  day  at  night,  having  kept  at 
home  all  that  day,  and  drowned  himself  in  a  little  pit  where 
was  not  above  two  feet  water.   .   .   . 

Three  men  coming  in  a  shallop  from  Braintree,  the  wind 
taking  them  short  at  Castle  Island,  one  of  them  stepping  for- 
ward to  hand  the  sail,  caused  a  fowling  piece  with  a  French 
lock,  which  lay  in  the  boat,  to  go  off.  The  whole  charge  went 
through  the  thigh  of  one  man  within  one  inch  of  his  belly,  yet 
missed  the  bone,  then  the  shot  (being  goose  shot)  scattered  a 
httle  and  struck  the  second  man  under  his  right  side  upon  his 
breast,  so  as  above  40  shot  entered  his  body,  many  into  the 
capacity  of  his  breast.  The  third  man  being  now  only  able  to 
steer,  but  not  to  get  home  the  boat,  it  pleased  God  the  wind 
favored  him  so  as  he  did  fetch  the  governor's  garden,^  and 
there  being  a  small  boat  and  men  at  that  time,  they  brought 
them  to  Boston  before  they  were  too  far  spent  with  cold  and 
pain,  and  beyond  all  expectation,  they  were  both  soon  perfectly 
recovered,  yet  he  who  was  shot  in  the  breast  fell  into  a  fever 
and  spit  blood. 

One  John  Turner,  a  merchant's  factor  of  London,  had  gone 
from  hence  to  the  West  Indies  the  year  before  in  a  small  pin- 

*  Governor's  Island. 


nace  of  15  tons,  and  returned  with  great  advantage  in  indigo, 
pieces  of  8,^  etc.  He  said  he  got  them  by  trade,  but  it  was 
suspected  he  got  them  by  prize.  He  prepared  a  bigger  vessel 
and  well  manned  in  the  beginning  of  winter,  and  putting  to 
sea  was  forced  in  again  three  times.  1.  By  a  leak.  2.  By  a 
contrary  wind ;  and  3.  he  spent  his  mast  in  fair  weather,  and 
having  gotten  a  new  at  Cape  Anne,  and  towing  it  towards  the 
bay,  he  lost  it  by  the  way,  and  so  by  these  occasions  and  by 
the  frost,  he  was  kept  in  all  winter.  Thereupon  he  gave  over 
his  voyage  and  went  to  Virginia,  and  there  sold  his  vessel  and 
shipped  himself  and  his  commodities  in  a  Dutch  ship  for  the 
West  Indies. 

Mo.  1.  (March)  27.]  Mr.  William  Aspenwall,  who  had  been 
banished,  as  is  before  declared,  for  joining  with  Mr.  Wheel- 
wright, being  licensed  by  the  general  court  to  come  and  tender 
his  submission,  etc.,  was  this  day  reconciled  to  the  church  of 
Boston.  He  made  a  very  free  and  full  acknowledgment  of  his 
error  and  seducement,  and  that  with  much  detestation  of  his 
sin.  The  like  he  did  after,  before  the  magistrates,  who  were 
appointed  by  the  court  to  take  his  submission,  and  upon  their 
certificate  thereof  at  the  next  general  court,  his  sentence  of 
banishment  was  released. 

It  is  observable  how  the  Lord  doth  honor  his  people  and 
justify  their  ways,  even  before  the  heathen,  when  their  proceed- 
ings are  true  and  just,  as  appears  by  this  instance.  Those  at 
New  Haven,  intending  a  plantation  at  Delaware,  sent  some 
men  to  purchase  a  large  portion  of  land  of  the  Indians  there, 
but  they  refused  to  deal  with  them.  It  so  fell  out  that  a  Pequod 
sachem  (being  fled  his  country  in  our  war  with  them,  and  hav- 
ing seated  himself  with  his  company  upon  that  river  ever  since) 
was  accidentally  there  at  that  time.  He,  taking  notice  of  the 
English  and  their  desire,  persuaded  the  other  sachem  to  deal 
with  them,  and  told  him  that  howsoever  they  had  killed  his 
countrymen  and  driven  him  out,  yet  they  were  honest  men, 

*  Pieces  of  eight  reals,  i.  e.,  dollars. 


and  had  just  cause  to  do  as  they  did,  for  the  Pequods  had  done 
them  wrong,  and  refused  to  give  such  reasonable  satisfaction  as 
was  demanded  of  them.  Whereupon  the  sachem  entertained 
them,  and  let  them  have  what  land  they  desired. 

2.  (April)  14.]  A  general  fast  was  kept  for  our  native 
country  and  Ireland  and  our  own  occasions. 

The  spring  began  very  early,  and  the  weather  was  very  mild, 
but  the  third  and  fourth  month  proved  very  wet  and  cold,  so 
that  the  low  meadows  were  much  spoiled,  and  at  Connecticut 
they  had  such  a  flood  as  brake  their  bridges,  and  killed  all  their 
winter  corn,  and  forced  them  to  plant  much  of  their  Indian  over. 

The  last  winter  divers  vessels  were  cast  away  to  the  south- 
ward, one  at  Long  Island,  where  8  or  9  persons  were  drowned. 
These  were  loose  people,  who  Hved  by  trucking  with  the 

Mo.  3.  (May)  9.]  The  ship  Eleanor  of  London,  one  Mr. 
Inglee  master,  arrived  at  Boston.  She  was  laden  with  tobacco 
from  Virginia,  and  having  been  about  14  days  at  sea,  she  was 
taken  with  such  a  tempest,  as  though  all  her  sails  were  down  and 
made  up,  yet  they  were  blown  from  the  yards,  and  she  was 
laid  over  on  one  side  two  and  a  half  hours,  so  low  as  the  water 
stood  upon  her  deck,  and  the  sea  over-raking  her  continually, 
and  the  day  was  as  dark  as  if  it  had  been  night,  and  though 
they  had  cut  her  masts,  yet  she  righted  not  till  the  tempest 
assuaged.  She  staid  here  till  the  4th  of  the  (4)  (June)  and  was 
well  fitted  with  masts,  sails,  rigging,  and  victuals  at  such  rea- 
sonable rates  as  the  master  was  much  affected  with  his  enter- 
tainment, and  professed  that  he  never  found  the  like  usage  in 
Virginia  where  he  had  traded  these  ten  years. 

Captain  Underbill,  finding  no  employment  here  that  would 
maintain  him  and  his  family,  and  having  good  offers  made  him 
by  the  Dutch  governor,  (he  speaking  the  Dutch  tongue  and  his 
wife  a  Dutch  woman,)  had  been  with  the  governor,  and  being 
returned  desired  the  church's  leave  to  depart.  The  church,  \m- 
derstanding  that  the  EngUsh,  at  Stamford  near  the  Dutch,  had 


offered  him  employment  and  maintenance,  (after  their  ability,) 
advised  him  rather  to  go  thither,  seeing  they  were  our  country- 
men and  in  a  church  estate.  He  accepted  this  advice.  His 
wife,  being  more  forward  to  this,  consented,  and  the  church 
furnished  him  out,  and  provided  a  pinnace  to  transport  him; 
but  when  he  came  there  he  changed  his  mind,  or  at  least  his 
course,  and  went  to  the  Dutch/ 

18.]  The  court  of  elections  was.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  again 
chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Endecott  deputy  governor.  This 
being  done,  Mr.  Dudley  went  away,  and  though  he  were  chosen 
an  assistant,  yet  he  would  not  accept  it.  Some  of  the  elders 
went  to  his  house  to  deal  with  him.  His  answer  was,  that  he 
had  sufficient  reasons  to  excuse  and  warrant  his  refusal,  which 
he  did  not  think  fit  to  publish,  but  he  would  impart  to  any  one 
or  two  of  them  whom  they  should  appoint,  which  he  did  ac- 
cordingly. The  elders  acquainted  the  court  with  what  they 
had  done,  but  not  with  the  reasons  of  his  refusal,  only  that 
they  thought  them  not  sufficient.  The  court  sent  a  magistrate 
and  two  deputies  to  desire  him  to  come  to  the  court,  for  as  a 
counsellor  he  was  to  assist  in  the  general  court.  The  next  day 
he  came,  and  after  some  excuse  he  consented  to  accept  the 
place,  so  that  the  court  would  declare  that  if  at  any  time  he 
should  depart  out  of  the  jurisdiction,  (which  he  protested  he 
did  not  intend,)  no  oath,  either  of  officer,  counsellor,  or  as- 
sistant should  hold  him  in  any  bond  where  he  stood.  This 
he  desired,  not  for  his  own  satisfaction,  but  that  it  might  be  a 
satisfaction  to  others  who  might  scruple  his  liberty  herein. 
After  much  debate  the  court  made  a  general  order  which  gave 
him  satisfaction. 

One  Mr.  Blinman,  a  minister  in  Wales,  a  godly  and  able 
man,  came  over  with  some  friends  of  his,  and  being  invited  to 
Green's  Harbor,^  near  Plymouth,  they  went  thither,  but  ere  the 

1  John  Underhill  thus  disappears  from  the  stage  to  dwell  with  the  Dutch, 
his  former  associates  no  doubt  gladly  bidding  him  farewell. 
^  Now  Marshfield. 


year  was  expired  there  fell  out  some  difference  among  them, 
which  by  no  means  could  be  reconciled,  so  as  they  agreed  to 
part,  and  he  came  with  his  company  and  sat  down  at  Cape 
Anne,  which  at  this  court  was  estabhshed  to  be  a  plantation, 
and  called  Gloucester. 

A  book  was  brought  into  the  com*t,  wherein  the  institution 
of  the  standing  council  was  pretended  to  be  a  sinful  innova- 
tion. The  governor  moved  to  have  the  contents  of  the  book 
examined,  and  then,  if  there  appeared  cause,  to  inquire  after 
the  author.  But  the  greatest  part  of  the  court,  having  some 
intimation  of  the  author,  of  whose  honest  intentions  they  were 
well  persuaded,  would  not  consent,  only  they  permitted  it  to 
be  read,  but  not  to  be  spoken  unto,  but  would  have  inquiry 
first  made  how  it  came  into  the  court.  "WTiereupon  it  was 
found  to  have  been  made  by  Mr.  Saltonstall,  one  of  the  assist- 
ants, and  by  him  sent  to  Mr.  Hathom  (then  a  deputy  of  the 
court)  to  be  tendered  to  the  court,  if  he  should  approve  of  it. 
Mr.  Hathom  did  not  acquaint  the  court  with  it,  but  dehvered  it 
to  one  of  the  freemen  to  consider  of,  with  whom  it  remained 
about  half  a  year,  till  he  delivered  it  to  Mr.  Dudley.  This  dis- 
covery being  made,  the  governor  moved  again  that  the  matter 
of  the  book  might  be  considered,  but  the  court  could  not  agree 
to  it  except  Mr.  Saltonstall  were  first  acquit  from  any  censure 
concerning  the  said  book.  This  was  thought  to  be  a  course  out 
of  all  order,  and  upon  that  some  passages  very  offensive  and 
unwarrantable  were  mentioned,  about  which  also  the  court 
being  divided,  the  governor  moved  to  take  the  advice  of  the 
elders  concerning  the  soundness  of  the  propositions  and  argu- 
ments. This  the  court  would  not  allow  neither,  except  the 
whole  cause  were  referred  also,  which  he  thought  sure  they 
would  have  accepted,  for  the  cause  being  of  a  civil  nature,  it 
belonged  to  the  court,  and  not  to  the  elders,  to  judge  of  the 
merit  thereof.  In  the  end,  a  day  or  two  after,  when  no  further 
proceeding  was  otherwise  hke  to  be  had,  it  was  agreed,  that  in 
regard  the  court  was  not  jealous  of  any  evil  intention  in  Mr. 


Saltonstall,  etc.,  and  that  when  he  did  write  and  deliver  it,  (as 
was  supposed,)  there  was  an  order  in  force,  which  gave  hberty 
to  every  freeman  to  consider  and  dehver  their  judgments  to  the 
next  court  about  such  fundamental  laws  as  were  then  to  be 
estabUshed,  (whereof  one  did  concern  the  institution  and  power 
of  the  coimcil,)  therefore  he  should  be  discharged  from  any 
censure  or  further  inquiry  about  the  same,  which  was  voted  ac- 
cordingly, although  there  were  some  expressions  in  the  book 
which  would  not  be  warranted  by  that  order,  as  that  the  coun- 
cil was  instituted  unwarily  to  satisfy  Mr.  Vane's  desire,  etc., 
whereas  it  was  well  known  to  many  in  the  court,  as  themselves 
affirmed,  that  it  was  upon  the  advice  and  sohcitation  of  the 
elders,  and  after  much  deliberation  from  court  to  court.  Other 
passages  there  were  also,  which  were  very  unsound,  reproach- 
ful and  dangerous,  and  was  manifested  by  an  answer  made 
thereunto  by  Mr.  Dudley,  and  received  at  the  next  session 
of  the  court,  and  by  some  observations  made  by  Mr.  Norris,  a 
grave  and  judicious  elder,  teacher  of  the  church  in  Salem,  (and 
with  some  difficulty  read  also  in  court,)  who,  not  suspecting 
the  author,  handled  him  somewhat  sharply  according  to  the 
merit  of  the  matter. 

This  summer  five  ships  more  were  built,  three  at  Boston, 
and  one  at  Dorchester,  and  one  at  Salem. 

A  cooper's  wife  of  Hingham,  having  been  long  in  a  sad  mel- 
ancholic distemper  near  to  phrensy,  and  having  formerly  at- 
tempted to  drown  her  child,  but  prevented  by  God's  gracious 
providence,  did  now  again  take  an  opportunity,  being  alone,  to 
carry  her  child,  aged  three  years,  to  a  creek  near  her  house,  and 
stripping  it  of  the  clothes,  threw  it  into  the  water  and  mud. 
But,  the  tide  being  low,  the  little  child  scrambled  out,  and  tak- 
ing up  its  clothes,  came  to  its  mother  who  was  set  down  not 
far  off.  She  carried  the  child  again,  and  threw  it  in  so  far  as  it 
could  not  get  out ;  but  then  it  pleased  God,  that  a  yoimg  man, 
coming  that  way,  saved  it.  She  would  give  no  other  reason 
for  it,  but  that  she  did  it  to  save  it  from  misery,  and  withal 


that  she  was  assured,  she  had  sinned  against  the  Holy  Ghost, 
and  that  she  could  not  repent  of  any  sin.  Thus  doth  Satan 
work  by  the  advantage  of  our  infirmities,  which  should  stir 
us  up  to  cleave  the  more  fast  to  Christ  Jesus,  and  to  walk  the 
more  humbly  and  watchfully  in  all  our  conversation. 

At  this  general  court  appeared  one  Richard  Gibson  a 
scholar,  sent  some  three  or  fom'  years  since  to  Richman's  Island^ 
to  be  a  minister  to  a  fishing  plantation  there  belonging  to  one 
Mr.  Trelawney  of  Plymouth  in  England.  He  removed  from 
thence  to  Pascataquack,  and  this  year  was  entertained  by  the 
fishermen  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals  to  preach  to  them.  He,  be- 
ing wholly  addicted  to  the  hierarchy  and  discipline  of  England, 
did  exercise  a  ministerial  function  in  the  same  way,  and  did 
marry  and  baptize  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals  which  was  now  found 
to  be  within  our  jurisdiction.  This  man  being  incensed  against 
Mr.  Larkham,  pastor  of  the  church  at  Northam,  (late  Dover,) 
for  some  speeches  he  delivered  in  his  sermon  against  such  hire- 
lings, etc.,  he  sent  an  open  letter  to  him,  wherein  he  did  scan- 
dalize our  government,  oppose  our  title  to  those  parts,  and  pro- 
voke the  people,  by  way  of  arguments,  to  revolt  from  us  (this 
letter  being  showed  to  many  before  it  came  to  Mr.  Larkham). 
Mr.  Gibson  being  now  showed  this  letter,  and  charged  with  his 
offence,  he  could  not  deny  the  thing,  whereupon  he  was  com- 
mitted to  the  marshall.  In  a  day  or  two  after  he  preferred  a 
petition,  which  gave  not  satisfaction,  but  the  next  day  he  made 
a  full  acknowledgment  of  all  he  was  charged  with,  and  the 
evil  thereof,  submitting  himself  to  the  favor  of  the  court. 
Whereupon,  in  regard  he  was  a  stranger,  and  was  to  depart  the 
country  within  a  few  days,  he  was  discharged  without  any  fine 
or  other  punishment. 

Mo.  4.  (June)  8.]  One  Nathaniel  Briscoe,  a  godly  young 
man,  newly  admitted  a  member  of  the  church  of  Boston,  being 
single,  he  kept  with  his  father,  a  godly  poor  man,  but  minded 

*  Near  Scarborough,  Maine.  Robert  Trelawney  and  Moses  Goodyear  had 
here  a  grant,  of  disputed  bounds,  from  the  Council  for  New  England,  1631. 

62  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

his  own  advantage  more  than  his  father's  necessity,  so  as  that 
his  father,  desiring  in  the  evening  to  have  his  help  the  next 
day,  he  neglected  his  father's  request,  and  rose  very  early 
next  morning  to  go  help  another  man  for  wages,  and  being 
loading  a  boat  in  a  small  creek,  he  fell  into  the  water  and  was 

About  this  time  the  adventurers  to  the  Isle  of  Sable  fetched 
off  their  men  and  goods  all  safe.  The  oil,  teeth,  seal  and  horse 
hides,  and  some  black  fox  skins,  came  to  near  £1500. 

One  Darby  Field,  an  Irishman,  hving  about  Pascataquack, 
being  accompanied  with  two  Indians,  went  to  the  top  of  the 
white  hill.*  He  made  his  journey  in  18  days.  His  relation  at 
his  return  was,  that  it  was  about  one  hundred  miles  from 
Saco,  that  after  40  miles  travel  he  did,  for  the  most  part,  ascend, 
and  within  12  miles  of  the  top  was  neither  tree  nor  grass,  but 
low  savins,  which  they  went  upon  the  top  of  sometimes,  but 
a  continual  ascent  upon  rocks,  on  a  ridge  between  two  valleys 
filled  with  snow,  out  of  which  came  two  branches  of  Saco 
river,  which  met  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  where  was  an  Indian 
town  of  some  200  people.  Some  of  them  accompanied  him 
within  8  miles  of  the  top,  but  durst  go  no  further,  telling  him 
that  no  Indian  ever  dared  to  go  higher,  and  that  he  would  die 
if  he  went.  So  they  staid  there  till  his  return,  and  his  two 
Indians  took  courage  by  his  example  and  went  with  him.  They 
went  divers  times  through  the  thick  clouds  for  a  good  space, 
and  within  4  miles  of  the  top  they  had  no  clouds,  but  very 
cold.  By  the  way,  among  the  rocks,  there  were  two  ponds, 
one  a  blackish  water  and  the  other  reddish.  The  top  of  all 
was  plain  about  60  feet  square.  On  the  north  side  there  was 
such  a  precipice,  as  they  could  scarce  discern  to  the  bottom. 
They  had  neither  cloud  nor  wind  on  the  top,  and  moderate 
heat.  All  the  country  about  him  seemed  a  level,  except  here 
and  there  a  hill  rising  above  the  rest,  but  far  beneath  them. 
He  saw  to  the  north  a  great  water  which  he  judged  to  be  about 
*  The  first  ascent  of  the  White  Mountains  by  a  European. 


100  miles  broad,  but  could  see  no  land  beyond  it.  The  sea  by 
Saco  seemed  as  if  it  had  been  within  20  miles.  He  saw  also  a 
sea  to  the  eastward,  which  he  judged  to  be  the  gulf  of  Canada: 
he  saw  some  great  waters  in  parts  to  the  westward,  which  he 
judged  to  be  the  great  lake  which  Canada  river  comes  out  of. 
He  found  there  much  muscovy  glass,^  they  could  rive  out  pieces 
of  40  feet  long  and  7  or  8  broad.  When  he  came  back  to  the 
Indians,  he  found  them  drying  themselves  by  the  fire,  for  they 
had  a  great  tempest  of  wind  and  rain.  About  a  month  after 
he  went  again  with  five  or  six  in  his  company,  then  they  had 
some  wind  on  the  top,  and  some  clouds  above  them  which  hid 
the  sun.  They  brought  some  stones  which  they  supposed  had 
been  diamonds,  but  they  were  most  crystal.  See  after,  another 
relation  more  true  and  exact. 

Mo.  4  (June)  22.]  In  the  time  of  the  general  court,  in  a 
great  tempest  of  thunder  and  lightning,  in  the  evening,  the 
Hghtning  struck  the  upper  sail  of  the  windmill  in  Boston  by  the 
ferry,^  and  shattered  it  in  many  pieces,  and,  missing  the  stones, 
struck  into  the  standard,  rived  it  down  in  three  parts  to  the 
bottom,  and  one  of  the  spars;  and  the  main  standard  being 
bound  about  with  a  great  iron  hoop,  fastened  with  many  long 
spikes,  it  was  plucked  off,  broken  in  the  middle,  and  thrown 
upon  the  floor,  and  the  boards  upon  the  sides  of  the  mill  rived 
off,  the  sacks,  etc.,  in  the  mill  set  on  fire,  and  the  miller  being 
under  the  mill,  upon  the  ground,  chopping  a  piece  of  board,  was 
struck  dead,  but  company  coming  in,  found  him  to  breathe,  so 
they  carried  him  to  an  house,  and  within  an  hour  or  two  he 
began  to  stir,  and  strove  with  such  force,  as  six  men  could 
scarce  hold  him  down.  The  next  day  he  came  to  his  senses, 
but  knew  nothing  of  what  had  befallen  him,  but  found  himself 
very  sore  on  divers  parts  of  his  body.  His  hair  on  one  side  of 
his  head  and  beard  was  singed,  one  of  his  shoes  torn  off  his 
foot,  but  his  foot  not  hurt. 

*  Strictly,  Muscovy  glass  was  isinglass.    Here  mica  is  meant. 
^The  wind-mill  was  on  Copp's  Hill,  opposite  Charlestown. 


The  Indians  at  Kennebeck,  hearing  of  the  general  conspiracy 
against  the  Enghsh,  determined  to  begin  there,  and  one  of  them 
knowing  that  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  did  use  to  walk  within  the 
palisadoes,  prepared  his  piece  to  shoot  him,  but  as  he  was  about 
it,  Mr.  Winslow  not  seeing  him  nor  suspecting  any  thing,  but 
thinking  he  had  walked  enough,  went  suddenly  into  the  house, 
and  so  God  preserved  him. 

At  the  same  general  court  there  fell  out  a  great  business 
upon  a  very  small  occasion.  Anno  1636,  there  was  a  stray  sow 
in  Boston,  which  was  brought  to  Captain  Keayne:  he  had  it 
cried  divers  times,  and  divers  came  to  see  it,  but  none  made 
claim  to  it  for  near  a  year.  He  kept  it  in  his  yard  with  a  sow 
of  his  own.  Afterwards  one  Sherman's  wife,  having  lost  such 
a  sow,  laid  claim  to  it,  but  came  not  to  see  it,  till  Captain 
Keayne  had  killed  his  own  sow.  After  being  showed  the  stray 
sow,  and  finding  it  to  have  other  marks  than  she  had  claimed 
her  sow  by,  she  gave  out  that  he  had  killed  her  sow.  The  noise 
hereof  being  spread  about  the  town,  the  matter  was  brought 
before  the  elders  of  the  church  as  a  case  of  offence ;  many  wit- 
nesses were  examined,  and  Captain  Keajme  was  cleared.  She 
not  being  satisfied  with  this,  by  the  instigation  of  one  George 
Story,  a  young  merchant  of  London,  who  kept  in  her  house, 
(her  husband  being  then  in  England,)  and  had  been  brought 
before  the  governor  upon  complaint  of  Captain  Keayne  as 
living  under  suspicion,  she  brought  the  cause  to  the  inferior 
court  at  Boston,  where,  upon  a  full  hearing,  Capt.  Keayne 
was  again  cleared,  and  the  jury  gave  him  £3  for  his  cost,  and 
he  bringing  his  action  against  Story  and  her  for  reporting  about 
that  he  had  stolen  her  sow,  recovered  £20  damages  of  either 
of  them.  Story  upon  this  searcheth  town  and  country  to  find 
matter  against  Captain  Keayne  about  this  stray  sow,  and  got 
one  of  his  witnesses  to  come  into  Salem  court  and  to  con- 
fess there  that  he  had  forsworn  himself;  and  upon  this  he  peti- 
tions in  Sherman's  name,  to  this  general  court,  to  have  the 
cause  heard  again,  which  was  granted,  and  the  best  part  of 


seven  days  were  spent  in  examining  of  witnesses  and  debating 
of  the  cause;  and  yet  it  was  not  determined,  for  there  being 
nine  magistrates  and  thirty  deputies,  no  sentence  could  by  law 
pass  without  the  greater  number  of  both,  which  neither  plaintiff 
nor  defendant  had,  for  there  were  for  the  plaintiff  two  magis- 
trates and  fifteen  deputies,  and  for  the  defendant  seven  magis- 
trates and  eight  deputies,  the  other  seven  deputies  stood 
doubtful.  Much  contention  and  earnestness  there  was,  which 
indeed  did  mostly  arise  from  the  difficulty  of  the  case,  in  regard 
of  cross  witnesses,  and  some  prejudices  (as  one  professed)  against 
the  person,  which  bhnded  some  men's  judgments  that  they 
could  not  attend  the  true  nature  and  course  of  the  evidence. 
For  all  the  plaintiff's  witnesses  amounted  to  no  more  but  an 
evidence  of  probabihty,  so  as  they  might  all  swear  true,  and 
yet  the  sow  in  question  might  not  be  the  plaintiff's.  But  the 
defendant's  witnesses  gave  a  certain  evidence,  upon  their 
certain  knowledge,  and  that  upon  certain  grounds,  (and  these 
as  many  and  more  and  of  as  good  credit  as  the  others,)  so  as  if 
this  testimony  were  true,  it  was  not  possible  the  sow  should  be 
the  plaintiff's.  Besides,  whereas  the  plaintiff's  wife  was  ad- 
mitted to  take  her  oath  for  the  marks  of  her  sow,  the  defendant 
and  his  wife  (being  a  very  godly  sober  woman)  was  denied  the 
hke,  although  propounded  in  the  court  by  Mr.  Cotton,  upon 
that  rule  in  the  law  he  shall  swear  he  hath  not  put  his 

hands  to  his  neighbor's  goods.  Yet  they  both  in  the  open  court 
solemnly,  as  in  the  presence  of  God,  declared  their  innocency, 
etc.  Further,  if  the  case  had  been  doubtful,  yet  the  defendant's 
lawful  possession  ought  to  have  been  preferred  to  the  plaintiff's 
doubtful  title,  for  in  equali  jure  mehor  est  conditio  possidentis. 
But  the  defendant  being  of  ill  report  in  the  country  for  a  hard 
dealer  in  his  course  of  trading,  and  having  been  formerly  cen- 
sured in  the  court  and  in  the  church  also,  by  admonition  for 
such  offences,  carried  many  weak  minds  strongly  against  him. 
And  the  truth  is,  he  was  very  worthy  of  blame  in  that  kind, 
as  divers  others  in  the  coimtry  were  also  in  those  times,  though 

66  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

they  were  not  detected  as  he  was ;  yet  to  give  every  man  his 
due,  he  was  very  useful  to  the  country  both  by  his  hospitaUty 
and  otherwise.  But  one  dead  fly  spoils  much  good  ointment. 
There  was  great  expectation  in  the  country,  by  occasion  of 
Story's  clamors  against  him,  that  the  cause  would  have  passed 
against  the  captain,  but  falUng  out  otherwise,  gave  occasion  to 
many  to  speak  unreverently  of  the  court,  especially  of  the  mag- 
istrates, and  the  report  went,  that  their  negative  voice  had  hin- 
dered the  course  of  justice,  and  that  these  magistrates  must  be 
put  out,  that  the  power  of  the  negative  voice  might  be  taken 
away.  Thereupon  it  was  thought  fit  by  the  governor  and 
other  of  the  magistrates  to  publish  a  declaration  of  the  true 
state  of  the  cause,  that  truth  might  not  be  condemned  un- 
known. This  was  framed  before  the  court  brake  up ;  for  pre- 
vention whereof,  the  governor  tendered  a  declaration  in  nature 
of  a  pacification,  whereby  it  might  have  appeared,  that,  howso- 
ever the  members  of  the  court  dissented  in  judgment,  yet  they 
were  the  same  in  affection,  and  had  a  charitable  opinion  of  each 
other;  but  this  was  opposed  by  some  of  the  plaintiff's  part, 
so  it  was  laid  by.  And  because  there  was  much  laboring  in 
the  country  upon  a  false  supposition,  that  the  magistrate's 
negative  voice  stopped  the  plaintiff  in  the  case  of  the  sow,  one 
of  the  magistrates  published  a  declaration  of  the  necessity  of 
upholding  the  same.    It  may  be  here  inserted,  being  but  brief.* 

^  The  account  here  of  a  dispute  over  a  very  trivial  matter  must  not  be  over- 
looked, since  from  the  small  occasion  proceeded  a  memorable  constitutional 
change.  Captain  Robert  Keayne,  a  well-to-do  and  highly  connected  man,  in- 
terested in  many  important  events,  often  was  the  object  of  popular  ill-will,  at 
this  time  being  under  suspicion  of  extortion.  The  charge  made  against  him 
by  Mistress  Sherman  seemed  to  many  well-based,  and  being  pushed  with  vigor 
by  her  and  her  friend  Story,  brought  about  at  last  nothing  less  than  a  constitu- 
tional crisis.  Among  the  magistrates  Bellingham  and  Saltonstall  sided  with  the 
people;  but  the  magistrates  in  general  opposing,  much  agitation  arose  as  to  the 
"negative  vote,"  which  ended  in  the  establishment  for  the  colony  of  the  bi- 
cameral system,  the  magistrates  to  sit  by  themselves  as  a  senate,  and  the  deputies 
to  constitute  an  independent  house.  This  change,  whose  consummation  Winthrop 
notes  on  a  later  page,  has  profoundly  affected  political  development.  Records 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  under  date. 


Mo.  5.  (July)  7.]  From  Maryland  came  one  Mr.  Neale 
with  two  pinnaces  and  commission  from  Mr.  Calvert,  the  gover- 
nor there,  to  buy  mares  and  sheep,  but  having  nothing  to  pay 
for  them  but  bills  charged  upon  the  Lord  Baltimore  in  England, 
no  man  would  deal  with  him.  One  of  his  vessels  was  so  eaten 
with  worms  that  he  was  forced  to  leave  her. 

Mr.  Chancey  of  Scituate  persevered  in  his  opinion  of  dipping 
in  baptism,  and  practised  accordingly,  first  upon  two  of  his 
own,  which  being  in  very  cold  weather,  one  of  them  swooned 
away.  Another,  having  a  child  about  three  years  old,  feared 
it  would  be  frightened,  (as  others  had  been,  and  one  caught 
hold  of  Mr.  Chancey  and  had  near  pulled  him  into  the  water,) 
she  brought  her  child  to  Boston,  with  letters  testimonial  from 
Mr.  Chancey,  and  had  it  baptized  there. 

21.]  A  general  fast  was  kept  by  order  of  the  general  court 
and  advice  of  some  of  the  elders.  The  occasion  was  princi- 
pally for  the  danger  we  conceived  our  native  country  was  in, 
and  the  foul  sins  which  had  broken  out  among  ourselves,  etc. 

23.]  Osamaken,  the  great  sachem  of  Pakanocott  in  Plym- 
outh jurisdiction,  came,  attended  with  many  men  and  some 
other  sagamores  accompanying  him,  to  visit  the  governor,  who 
entertained  him  kindly,  etc. 

The  Mary  Rose,  which  had  been  blown  up  and  sunk  with  all 
her  ordnance,  ballast,  much  lead,  and  other  goods,  was  now 
weighed  and  brought  to  shore  by  the  industry  and  dihgence  of 
one  Edward  Bendall  of  Boston.  The  court  gave  the  owners 
above  a  year's  time  to  recover  her  and  free  the  harbor,  which 
was  much  damnified  by  her;  and  they  having  given  her  over 
and  never  attempting  to  weigh  her,  Edward  Bendall  undertook 
it  upon  these  terms,  viz.,  if  he  freed  the  harbor,  he  should  have 
the  whole,  otherwise  he  should  have  half  of  all  he  recovered. 
He  made  two  great  tubs,  bigger  than  a  butt,  very  tight,  and 
open  at  one  end,  upon  which  were  hanged  so  many  weights  as 
would  sink  it  to  the  ground  (600wt).  It  was  let  down,  the 
diver  sitting  in  it,  a  cord  in  his  hand  to  give  notice  when  they 

68  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

should  draw  him  up,  and  another  cord  to  show  when  they  should 
remove  it  from  place  to  place,  so  he  could  continue  in  his  tub 
near  half  an  hour,  and  fasxen  ropes  to  the  ordnance,  and  put  the 
lead,  etc.,  into  a  net  or  tub.  And  when  the  tub  was  drawn  up, 
one  knocked  upon  the  head  of  it,  and  thrust  a  long  pole  under 
water,  which  the  diver  laid  hold  of,  and  so  was  drawn  up  by  it ; 
for  they  might  not  draw  the  open  end  out  of  water  for  en- 
dangering him,  etc.^  The  case  of  the  money,  shot  out  of  one 
of  the  guns,  which  came  to  a  trial  in  the  court  at  Boston,  (8) 
(October)  27,  see  in  the  next  leaf. 

5.  (July)  28.]  A  Dutch  ship  of  300  tons  arrived  here,  laden 
with  salt  from  the  West  Indies,  which  she  sold  here  for  plank 
and  pipe  staves.  She  brought  two  Spanish  merchants,  who 
being  taken  at  sea,  while  they  went  in  a  frigate  from  Domingo 
to  find  an  English  ship  which  they  had  freighted  there,  and  was 
by  their  agreement  stolen  out  of  the  harbor,  where  she  had 
been  long  embarred,  they  hired  this  Dutchman  to  bring  them 
hither  where  they  had  appointed  their  ship  to  come,  not  daring 
to  go  into  Spain  or  England.  They  staid  here  about  a  month, 
but  their  ship  came  not,  so  they  went  away  again.  We  heard 
after  that  their  ship  had  been  14  days  beating  upon  our  coast, 
and  being  put  back,  still,  by  N.  W.  winds,  she  bare  up,  and 
went  for  England,  and  arriving  at  Southampton,  the  parlia- 
ment made  use  of  the  treasure. 

God  would  not  suffer  her  to  come  to  us,  lest  our  hearts  should 
have  been  taken  with  her  wealth,  and  so  have  caused  the 
Spaniard  to  have  an  evil  eye  upon  us. 

Some  of  the  elders  went  to  Concord,  being  sent  for  by  the 
church  there,  to  advise  with  them  about  the  maintenance  of 
their  elders,  etc.  They  found  them  wavering  about  removal, 
not  finding  their  plantation  answerable  to  their  expectation, 
and  the  maintenance  of  two  elders  too  heavy  a  burden  for  them. 
The  elders'  advice  was,  that  they  should  continue  and  wait 

^  A  very  early  instance,  perhaps  the  earliest  on  record,  of  the  use  of  the  diving- 


upon  God,  and  be  helpful  to  their  elders  in  labor  and  what 
they  could,  and  all  to  be  ordered  by  the  deacons,  (whose  office 
had  not  formerly  been  improved  this  way  amongst  them,)  and 
that  the  elders  should  be  content  with  what  means  the  church 
was  able  at  present  to  afford  them,  and  if  either  of  them  should 
be  called  to  some  other  place,  then  to  advise  with  other  churches 
about  removal. 

One  Wequash  Cook,  an  Indian,  hving  about  Connecticut 
river's  mouth,  and  keeping  much  at  Saybrook  with  Mr.  Fen- 
wick,  attained  to  good  knowledge  of  the  things  of  God  and 
salvation  by  Christ,  so  as  he  became  a  preacher  to  other  In- 
dians, and  labored  much  to  convert  them,  but  without  any 
effect,  for  within  a  short  time  he  fell  sick,  not  without  suspicion 
of  poison  from  them,  and  died  very  comfortably. 

There  was  about  £30  put  into  one  of  the  guns  of  the  Mary 
Rose,  which  was  known  all  abroad.  The  guns  being  taken  up 
and  searched,  they  pulled  out  of  one  of  them  a  wad  of  rope 
yarn.  They  handled  it  and  found  it  very  heavy,  and  began  to 
undo  it,  but  being  very  wet  and  foul  they  threw  it  down ;  and 
about  8  or  9  days  after,  coming  to  try  one  of  the  gims,  and 
finding  this  wad  lying  there,  they  thrust  it  in  after  the  powder, 
and  shot  it  off  into  the  channel,  but  perceived  part  of  it  to 
break  and  fall  short,  and  the  rest  fell  into  the  middle  of  the 
channel.  But  the  next  low  water  there  was  taken  up  several 
pieces  of  gold  and  some  silver.  This  was  in  a  place  where 
people  passed  daily,  and  never  any  found  there  before  that 
time.  Those  who  found  the  money  refused  to  restore  it 
to  him  who  had  bought  and  taken  up  the  wreck.  Where- 
upon he  brought  his  action,  and  the  money  was  adjudged 
to  him. 

Two  ships  arrived  from  England,  but  brought  not  above  five 
or  six  passengers,  save  our  own  people,  and  very  few  goods, 
except  rigging,  etc.,  for  some  ships  which  were  building 

Now  came  over  a  book  of  Mr.  Cotton's  sermons  upon 


the  seven  vials.  Mr.  Humfrey  had  gotten  the  notes  from 
some  who  had  took  them  by  characters/  and  printed  them  in 
London,  he  had  300  copies  for  it,  which  was  a  great  wrong 
to  Mr.  Cotton,  and  he  was  much  grieved  at  it,  for  it  had  been 
fit  he  should  have  perused  and  corrected  the  copy  before  it  had 
been  printed. 

Mo.  6  (August).]  Mr.  Welde,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Mr.  Hibbins, 
who  were  sent  the  last  year  into  England,  had  procured  £500 
which  they  sent  over  in  hnen,  woollen,  and  other  useful  com- 
modities for  the  country,  which,  because  the  stock  might  be 
preserved  and  returned  this  year  for  a  further  supply,  were  put 
off  together,  for  about  eighty  pounds  profit,  and  the  principal 
returned  by  Mr.  Stoughton  in  the  next  ship. 

By  their  means  also,  Mr.  Richard  Andrews,  an  haberdasher 
in  Cheapside,  London,  a  godly  man,  and  who  had  been  a 
former  benefactor  to  this  country,  having  500  pounds  due  to 
him  from  the  governor  and  company  of  Plymouth,  gave  it  to 
this  colony  to  be  laid  out  in  cattle,  and  other  course  of  trade, 
for  the  poor. 

Two  fishermen  drowned  in  a  shallop,  which  was  overset 
near  Pascataquack. 

24.]  The  ship  Trial,  about  200  tons,  built  at  Boston  by  the 
merchants  there,  being  now  ready  to  set  sail,  (Mr.  Thomas 
Coytmore^  master,  and  divers  godly  seamen  in  her,)  Mr. 
Cotton  was  desired  to  preach  aboard  her,  etc.,  but  upon  con- 
sideration that  the  audience  would  be  too  great  for  the  ship, 
the  sermon  was  at  the  meeting  house. 

A  plantation  was  begun  the  last  year  at  Delaware  Bay  by 
those  of  New  Haven,  and  some  20  families  were  transported 
thither,  but  this  summer  there  fell  such  sickness  and  mortality 
among  them  as  dissolved  the  plantation.  The  same  sickness 
and  mortality  befell  the  Swedes  also,  who  were  planted  upon 

*  7.  e.,  in  shorthand. 

^  Thomas  Coytmore,  a  worthy  freeman  whose  widow  became  in  1647  the 
fourth  wife  of  Winthrop. 


the  same  river.  The  English  were  after  driven  out  by  the 

Mo.  7  (September).]  Mr.  William  Hibbins,  who  was  one 
of  those  who  were  sent  over  into  England  the  year  before,  ar- 
rived now  in  safety,  with  divers  others  who  went  over  then  also. 
He  made  a  public  declaration  to  the  church  in  Boston,  of  all 
the  good  providences  of  the  Lord  towards  him  in  his  voyage  to 
and  fro,  etc.,  wherein  it  was  very  observable  what  care  the  Lord 
had  of  them,  and  what  desperate  dangers  they  were  delivered 
from  upon  the  seas,  such  as  the  eldest  seamen  were  amazed; 
and  indeed  such  preservations  and  dehverances  have  been  so 
frequent,  to  such  ships  as  have  carried  those  of  the  Lord's 
family  between  the  two  Englands,  as  would  fill  a  perfect  volume 
to  report  them  all. 

6.]  There  came  letters  from  divers  Lords  of  the  upper  house, 
and  some  30  of  the  house  of  commons,  and  others  from  the 
ministers  there,  who  stood  for  the  independency  of  churches, 
to  Mr.  Cotton  of  Boston,  Mr.  Hooker  of  Hartford,  and  Mr. 
Davenport  of  New  Haven,  to  call  them,  or  some  of  them,  if 
all  could  not,  to  England,  to  assist  in  the  synod  there  appoint- 
ed, to  consider  and  advise  about  the  settling  of  church  govern- 
ment. Upon  this  such  of  the  magistrates  and  elders  as  were 
at  hand  met  together,  and  were  most  of  them  of  opinion  that 
it  was  a  call  of  God,  yet  took  respite  of  concluding,  till  they 
might  hear  from  the  rest.  Whereupon  a  messenger  was  pres- 
ently despatched  to  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  with  the 
letters,  etc.  Upon  return,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Hooker  Hked 
not  the  business,  nor  thought  it  any  sufficient  call  for  them  to 
go  3,000  miles  to  agree  with  three  men,  (meaning  those  three 
ministers  who  were  for  independency,  and  did  solicit  in  the  par- 
liament, etc.).  Mr.  Davenport  thought  otherwise  of  it,  so  as 
the  church  there  set  apart  a  day  to  seek  the  Lord  in  it,  and 
thereupon  came  to  this  conclusion,  that  seeing  the  church  had 
no  other  officer  but  himself,  therefore  they  might  not  spare  him. 

Mr.  Cotton  apprehended  strongly  a  call  of  God  in  it;  though 


he  were  very  averse  to  a  sea  voyage,  and  the  more  because  his 
ordinary  topic  in  Acts  13,  led  him  to  dehver  that  doctrine  of 
the  interest  all  chm'ches  have  in  each  other's  members  for  mu- 
tual helpfulness,  etc.  But  soon  after  came  other  letters 
out  of  England,  upon  the  breach  between  the  king  and  parlia- 
ment, from  one  of  the  former  Lords,  and  from  Mr.  Welde 
and  Mr.  Peter,  to  advise  them  to  stay  till  they  heard  further; 
so  this  care  came  to  an  end.^ 

There  arrived  another  ship  with  salt,  which  was  put  off  for 
pipe  staves,  etc.,  so  by  an  unexpected  providence  we  were  sup- 
plied of  salt  to  go  on  with  our  fishing,  and  of  ships  to  take  off 
our  pipe  staves,  which  lay  upon  men's  hands. 

There  fell  out  a  very  sad  accident  at  Weymouth.  One 
Richard  Sylvester,  having  three  small  children,  he  and  his  wife 
going  to  the  assembly,  upon  the  Lord's  day,  left  their  children 
at  home.  The  eldest  was  without  doors  looking  to  some  cat- 
tle; the  middle-most,  being  a  son  about  five  years  old,  seeing 
his  father's  fowling  piece,  (being  a  very  great  one,)  stand  in  the 
chimney,  took  it  and  laid  it  upon  a  stool,  as  he  had  seen  his 
father  do,  and  pulled  up  the  cock,  (the  spring  being  weak,)  and 
put  down  the  hammer,  then  went  to  the  other  end  and  blowed 
in  the  mouth  of  the  piece,  as  he  had  seen  his  father  also  do, 
and  with  that  stirring  the  piece,  being  charged,  it  went  off,  and 
shot  the  child  into  the  mouth  and  through  his  head.  When 
the  father  came  home  he  found  his  child  lie  dead,  and  could 
not  have  imagined  how  he  should  have  been  so  killed,  but  the 
youngest  child,  (being  but  three  years  old,  and  could  scarce 
speak,)  showed  him  the  whole  manner  of  it. 

*  This  invitation,  extended  by  Owen,  Goodwin  and  Nye,  the  three  chief 
ministers  of  the  Independents  in  England,  to  the  three  Hghts  of  the  New  England 
Congregationalism,  to  take  part  in  the  Westminster  Assembly,  is  very  significant. 
From  the  three,  especially  Cotton,  had  gone  back  to  England  a  powerful  influence, 
so  much  so  that  Independency  in  England  was  called  "  the  New  England  way." 
At  this  period  Independency  was  just  rising  into  consequence,  but  afterwards  it 
became  dominant.  It  would  have  been  a  calamity  to  New  England  had  Cotton, 
Hooker  and  Davenport  at  this  time  departed,  and  their  presence  in  England  could 
scarcely  have  affected  the  general  result. 

1642]  JOHN  WINTHROP,   GOVERNOR  73  j 

There  arrived  in  a  small  pinnace  one  Mr.  Bennet,  a  gentle- 
man of  Virginia,  with  letters  from  many  well  disposed  people 
of  the  upper  new  farms^  in  Virginia  to  the  elders  here,  be- 
wailing their  sad  condition  for  want  of  the  means  of  salvation, 
and  earnestly  entreating  a  supply  of  faithful  ministers,  whom, 
upon  experience  of  their  gifts  and  godliness,  they  might  call 
to  office,  etc.  Upon  these  letters,  (which  were  openly  read  in 
Boston  upon  a  lecture  day,)  the  elders  met,  and  set  a  day 
apart  to  seek  God  in  it,  and  agreed  upon  three  who  might 
most  likely  be  spared,  viz.,  Mr.  Phillips  of  Watertown,  Mr. 
Tompson  of  Braintree,  and  Mr.  Miller  of  Rowley,  for  these 
churches  had  each  of  them  two.  Having  designed  these  men, 
they  acquainted  the  general  court  herewith,  who  did  approve 
thereof,  and  ordered  that  the  governor  should  commend  them 
to  the  governor  and  council  of  Virginia,  which  was  done 
accordingly.  But  Mr.  Phillips  being  not  willing  to  go,  Mr. 
Knolles,  his  fellow  elder,  and  Mr.  Tompson,  with  the  consent 
of  their  churches,  were  sent  away,  and  departed  on  their  way 
8ber  (October)  7.  to  Taunton,  to  meet  the  bark  at  Narragansett. 
Mr.  Miller  did  not  accept  the  call.  The  main  argument,  which 
prevailed  with  the  churches  to  dismiss  them  to  that  work,  and 
with  the  court  to  allow  and  further  it,  was  the  advancement  of 
the  kingdom  of  Christ  in  those  parts,  and  the  confidence  they 
had  in  the  promise,  that  whosoever  shall  part  with  father,  etc., 
for  my  sake  and  the  gospel's,  shall  receive  an  hundred  fold. 
We  were  so  far  from  fearing  any  loss  by  parting  with  such  de- 
sirable men,  as  we  looked  at  them  as  seed  sown,  which  would 
bring  us  in  a  plentiful  harvest,  and  we  accounted  it  no  small 
honor  that  God  had  put  upon  his  poor  churches  here,  that  other 
parts  of  the  world  should  seek  to  us  for  help  in  this  kind.  For 
about  the  same  time,  two  of  our  vessels  which  had  been  gone 
near  a  year,  and  were  much  feared  to  be  lost,  returned  home 
with  a  good  supply  of  cotton,  and  brought  home  letters  with 

'  Perhaps  the  reading  should  be  "of  upper  Norfolke."  At  any  rate  the  chief 
signers  of  the  letter  were  magistrates  of  that  county. 


them  from  Barbadoes  and  other  islands  in  those  parts,  intreat- 
ing  us  to  supply  them  with  ministers.  But,  understanding  that 
these  people  were  much  infected  with  famihsm,  etc.,  the  elders 
did  nothing  about  it,  intending  to  inquire  further  by  another 
vessel,  which  was  preparing  for  those  parts. 

Mo.  7.  (September)  1.]  There  came  letters  from  the  court 
at  Connecticut,  and  from  two  of  the  magistrates  there,  and  from 
Mr.  Ludlow,  near  the  Dutch,  certifying  us  that  the  Indians 
all  over  the  country  had  combined  themselves  to  cut  off  all  the 
English,  that  the  time  was  appointed  after  harvest,  the  manner 
also,  they  should  go  by  small  companies  to  the  chief  men's 
houses  by  way  of  trading,  etc.,  and  should  kill  them  in  the 
houses  and  seize  their  weapons,  and  then  others  should  be  at 
hand  to  prosecute  the  massacre ;  and  that  this  was  discovered 
by  three  several  Indians,  near  about  the  same  time  and  in  the 
same  manner;  one  to  Mr.  Eaton  of  New  Haven,  another  to 
Mr.  Ludlow,  and  the  third  to  Mr.  Haynes.  This  last  being 
hurt  near  to  death  by  a  cart,  etc.,  sent  after  Mr.  Haynes,  and 
told  him  that  Englishman's  God  was  angry  with  him,  and  had 
set  Enghshman's  cow  to  kill  him,  because  he  had  concealed 
such  a  conspiracy  against  the  English,  and  so  told  him  of  it,  as 
the  other  two  had  done.  Upon  this  their  advice  to  us  was,  that 
it  was  better  to  enter  into  war  presently,  and  begin  with  them, 
and  if  we  would  send  100  men  to  the  river's  mouth  of  Con- 
necticut, they  would  meet  us  with  a  proportionable  number. 

Upon  these  letters,  the  governor  called  so  many  of  the  mag- 
istrates as  were  near,  and  being  met,  they  sent  out  summons 
for  a  general  court,  to  be  kept  six  days  after,  and  in  the  mean 
time,  it  was  thought  fit,  for  our  safety,  and  to  strike  some  ter- 
ror into  the  Indians,  to  disarm  such  as  were  within  our  jurisdic- 
tion. Accordingly  we  sent  men  to  Cutshamekin,  at  Brain  tree, 
to  fetch  him  and  his  guns,  bows,  etc.,  which  was  done,  and  he 
came  wilhngly,  and  being  late  in  the  night  when  they  came  to 
Boston,  he  was  put  in  the  prison ;  but  the  next  morning,  find- 
ing upon  examination  of  him  and  divers  of  his  men,  no  ground 


of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in  any  such  conspiracy,  he  was 

Upon  the  warrant  which  went  to  Ipswich,  Rowley,  and  New- 
bury, to  disarm  Passaconamy,  who  hved  by  Merrimack,  they 
sent  forth  40  men  armed  the  next  day,  being  the  Lord's  day. 
But  it  rained  all  the  day,  as  it  had  done  divers  days  before,  and 
also  after,  so  as  they  could  not  go  to  his  wigwam,  but  they 
came  to  his  son's  and  took  him,  which  they  had  warrant  for, 
and  a  squaw  and  her  child,  which  they  had  no  warrant  for, 
and  therefore  order  was  given  so  soon  as  we  heard  of  it,  to 
send  them  home  again.  They,  fearing  his  son's  escape,  led 
him  in  a  line,  but  he  taking  an  opportunity,  slipped  his  Une 
and  escaped  from  them,  but  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot 
at  him,  and  missed  him  narrowly.  Upon  the  intelligence  of 
these  unwarranted  proceedings,  and  considering  that  Passa- 
conamy would  look  at  it  as  a  manifest  injury,  (as  indeed 
we  conceived  it  to  be,  and  had  always  shunned  to  give  them 
any  just  occasion  against  us,)  the  court  being  now  assembled, 
we  sent  Cutshamekin  to  him  to  let  him  know  that  what  was 
done  to  his  son  and  squaw  was  without  order,  and  to  show  him 
the  occasion  whereupon  we  had  sent  to  disarm  all  the  Indians, 
and  that  when  we  should  find  that  they  were  innocent  of  any 
such  conspiracy,  we  would  restore  all  their  arms  again,  and  to 
will  him  also  to  come  speak  with  us.  He  returned  answer  that 
he  knew  not  what  was  become  of  his  son  and  his  squaw,  (for 
one  of  them  was  run  into  the  woods  and  came  not  again  for 
ten  days  after,  and  the  other  was  still  in  custody,)  if  he  had 
them  safe  again,  then  he  would  come  to  us.  Accordingly 
about  a  fortnight  after  he  sent  his  eldest  son  to  us,  who  delivered 
up  his  guns,  etc. 

Mo.  7.  {September)  8.]  The  general  court  being  assembled, 
we  considered  of  the  letters  and  other  intelligence  from  Con- 
necticut, and  although  the  thing  seemed  very  probable,  yet 
we  thought  it  not  sufficient  ground  for  us  to  begin  a  war,  for 
it  was  possible  it  might  be  otherwise,  and  that  all  this  might 


come  out  of  the  enmity  which  had  been  between  Miantunnomoh 
and  Onkus,  who  continually  sought  to  discredit  each  other  with 
the  EngUsh.  We  considered  also  of  the  like  reports  which  had 
formerly  be-en  raised  almost  every  year  since  we  came,  and  how 
they  proved  to  be  but  reports  raised  up  by  the  opposite  factions 
among  the  Indians.  Besides  we  found  ourselves  in  very  ill 
case  for  war,  and  if  we  should  begin,  we  must  then  be  forced 
to  stand  continually  upon  our  guard,  and  to  desert  our  farms 
and  business  abroad,  and  all  our  trade  with  the  Indians,  which 
things  would  bring  us  very  low;  and  besides,  if  upon  this  in- 
telligence we  should  kill  any  of  them,  or  lose  any  of  our  own, 
and  it  should  be  found  after  to  have  been  a  false  report,  we 
might  provoke  God's  displeasure,  and  blemish  our  wisdom  and 
integrity  before  the  heathen.  Further  it  was  considered  that 
our  beginning  with  them  could  not  secure  us  against  them :  we 
might  destroy  some  part  of  their  corn  and  wigwams,  and  force 
them  to  fly  into  the  woods,  etc.,  but  the  men  would  be  still 
remaining  to  do  us  mischief,  for  they  will  never  fight  us  in  the 
open  field.  Lastly,  it  was  considered  that  such  as  were  to  be 
sent  out  in  such  an  expedition  were,  for  the  most  part,  godly, 
and  would  be  as  well  assured  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  as  the 
warrant  of  their  call,  and  then  we  would  not  fear  their  for- 
wardness and  courage,  but  if  they  should  be  sent  out,  not  well 
resolved,  we  might  fear  the  success. 

According  to  these  considerations,  we  returned  answer  to 
Connecticut,  and  withal  we  sent  two  men  with  two  interpreters, 
an  Enghshman  and  an  Indian,  to  Miantunnomoh,  to  let  him 
know  what  intelhgence  we  had  of  his  drawing  the  rest  of  the 
Indians  into  a  confederation  against  us,  and  of  his  purpose 
to  make  his  son  sachem  of  Pequod,  and  of  other  things  which 
were  breaches  of  the  league  he  made  with  us,  and  to  desire 
him  to  come  by  such  a  time  to  give  us  satisfaction  about  them. 
If  he  refused  to  come,  and  gave  them  no  satisfactory  answer, 
then  to  let  him  know  that  if  he  -regarded  not  our  friendship, 
he  would  give  us  occasion  to  right  ourselves.    And  instruction 


was  given  them,  that  if  he  gave  them  occasion,  they  should 
tell  him  the  reason  of  our  disarming  the  Indians,  and  excuse 
the  injury  done  to  Passaconamy,  to  be  a  mistake  and  v/ithout 
our  order.  The  messengers  coming  to  him,  he  carried  them 
apart  into  the  woods,  taking  only  one  of  his  chief  men  with 
him,  and  gave  them  very  rational  answers  to  all  their  prop- 
ositions, and  promised  also  to  come  over  to  us,  which  he  did 
within  the  time  prefixed. 

When  he  came,  the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  ad- 
mission, we  considered  how  to  treat  with  him,  (for  we  knew 
him  to  be  a  very  subtile  man,)  and  agreed  upon  the  points  and 
order,  and  that  none  should  propoimd  any  thing  to  him  but  the 
governor,  and  if  any  other  of  the  court  had  any  thing  material 
to  suggest,  he  should  impart  it  to  the  governor. 

Being  called  in,  and  mutual  salutations  passed,  he  was  set 
down  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table,  over  against  the  governor, 
and  had  only  two  or  three  of  his  counsellors,  and  two  or  three 
of  our  neighboring  Indians,  such  as  he  desired,  but  would  not 
speak  of  any  business  at  any  time,  before  some  of  his  counsel- 
lors were  present,  alleging,  that  he  would  have  them  present, 
that  they  might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  his  return  home,  of 
all  his  sayings. 

In  all  his  answers  he  was  very  deliberate  and  showed  good 
understanding  in  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity,  and 
ingenuity  withal.  He  demanded  that  his  accusers  might  be 
brought  forth,  to  the  end,  that  if  they  could  not  make  good 
what  they  had  charged  him  with,  they  might  suffer  what  he 
was  worthy  of,  and  must  have  expected,  if  he  had  been  found 
guilty,  viz.,  death.  We  answered,  we  knew  them  not,  nor 
were  they  within  our  power,  nor  would  we  give  credit  to  them, 
before  we  had  given  him  knowledge  of  it,  according  to  our 
agreement  with  him.  He  replied,  if  you  did  not  give  credit 
to  it,  why  then  did  you  disarm  the  Indians.  We  answered,  for 
our  security,  and  because  we  had  been  credibly  informed  that 
some  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  lately  robbed  divers  English- 


men's  houses  at  Saco,  and  taken  away  their  powder  and  guns. 
This  answer  satisfied  him.  He  gave  divers  reasons,  why  we 
should  hold  him  free  of  any  such  conspiracy,  and  why  we  should 
conceive  it  was  a  report  raised  by  Onkus,  etc.,  and  therefore 
offered  to  meet  Onkus  at  Connecticut,  or  rather  at  Boston,  and 
would  prove  to  his  face  his  treachery  against  the  English,  etc., 
and  told  us  he  would  come  to  us  at  any  time ;  for  though  some 
had  dissuaded  him,  assuring  him,  that  the  English  would  put 
him  to  death,  or  keep  him  in  prison,  yet  he  being  innocent  of 
any  ill  intention  against  the  English,  he  knew  them  to  be  so 
just,  as  they  would  do  him  no  wrong,  and  told  us,  that  if  we 
sent  but  any  Indian  to  him  that  he  liked,  he  would  come  to  us, 
and  we  should  not  need  to  send  any  of  our  own  men.  He 
urged  much,  that  those  might  be  punished,  who  had  raised  this 
slander,  and  put  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had 
been  to  him,  in  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  home, 
and  not  suffer  them  to  go  forth  on  hunting,  etc.,  till  he  had 
given  the  English  satisfaction,  and  the  charge  and  trouble  it 
had  put  the  English  unto,  etc.  We  spent  the  better  part  of 
two  days  in  treating  with  him,  and  in  conclusion  he  did  ac- 
commodate himself  to  us  to  our  satisfaction ;  only  some  diffi- 
culty we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we  had 
just  cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,  he  said,  as  his  own 
flesh,  being  allied  by  continual  intermarriages,  etc.  But  at  last 
he  condescended,*  that  if  they  should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could 
not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfaction  for,  nor  himself  could 
satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  etc.,  then  he  would  leave  them 
to  us. 

When  we  should  go  to  dinner,  there  was  a  table  provided  for 
the  Indians,  to  dine  by  themselves,  and  Miantunnomoh  was 
left  to  sit  with  them.  This  he  was  discontented  at,  and  would 
eat  nothing,  till  the  governor  sent  him  meat  from  his  table. 
So  at  night,  and  all  the  time  he  staid,  he  sat  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  magistrate's  table.    When  he  departed,  we  gave  him 

*  Agreed. 


and  his  counsellors  coats  and  tobacco,  and  when  he  came  to 
take  his  leave  of  the  governor,  and  such  of  the  magistrates  as 
were  present,  he  returned,  and  gave  his  hand  to  the  governor 
again,  saying,  that  was  for  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  who  were 

The  court  being  adjourned  for  a  few  days,  till  we  might  hear 
from  Miantunnomoh,  (it  was  assembled  again  at  such  time  as 
he  came  to  Boston,)  there  came  letters  from  Connecticut,  cer- 
tifying us  of  divers  insolencies  of  the  Indians,  which  so  con- 
firmed their  minds  in  believing  the  former  report,  as  they  were 
now  resolved  to  make  war  upon  the  Indians,  and  earnestly 
pressing  us  to  delay  no  longer  to  send  forth  our  men  to  join 
with  them,  and  that  they  thought  they  should  be  forced  to 
begin  before  they  could  hear  from  us  again. 

Upon  receipt  of  these  letters,  the  governor  assembled  such 
of  the  magistrates  and  deputies  as  were  at  hand,  and  divers  of 
the  elders  also,  (for  they  were  then  met  at  Boston  upon  other 
occasions,)  and  imparted  the  letters  to  them,  with  other  letters 
sent  from  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  intimating  some  observa- 
tions they  had,  which  made  them  very  much  to  suspect,  that 
there  was  such  a  plot  in  hand,  etc.  We  all  sat  in  consultation 
hereabout  all  the  day,  and  in  the  end  concluded,  1.  That  all 
these  informations  might  arise  from  a  false  ground,  and  out  of 
the  enmity  which  was  between  the  Naragansett  and  Monhigen. 
2.  Being  thus  doubtful,  it  was  not  a  sufficient  ground  for  us 
to  war  upon  them.  3.  That  all  these  particular  insolencies 
and  wrongs  ought  to  be  revenged  and  repaired  by  course  of 
justice,  if  it  might  be  obtained,  otherwise  we  should  never  be 
free  from  war.  And  accordingly,  letters  were  sent  back  to  our 
brethren  at  Connecticut,  to  acquaint  them  with  our  opinions, 
and  to  dissuade  them  from  going  forth,  alleging  how  dishonor- 
able it  would  be  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  with 
the  Indians,  they  should  make  war  upon  them,  for  they  would 
account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing  we  had  formerly  professed 
to  the  Indians,  that  we  were  all  as  one,  and  in  our  late  message 

80  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

to  Miantunnomoh,  had  remembered  him  again  of  the  same,  and 
he  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Upon  receipt  of 
this  our  answer,  they  forbare  to  enter  into  war,  but  (it  seemed) 
unwilhngly,  and  as  not  well  pleased  with  us. 

Although  we  apprehended  no  danger,  yet  we  continued  our 
mihtary  watches,  till  near  the  end  of  8ber  (October),  and  restored 
the  Indians  all  their  arms  we  had  taken  from  them :  for  although 
we  saw  it  was  very  dangerous  to  us,  that  they  should  have 
guns,  etc.,  yet  we  saw  not  in  justice  how  we  could  take  them 
away,  seeing  they  came  lawfully  by  them,  (by  trade  with  the 
French  and  Dutch  for  the  most  part,)  and  used  them  only  for 
killing  of  fowl  and  deer,  etc.,  except  they  brought  themselves 
into  the  state  of  an  enemy,  therefore  we  thought  it  better  to 
trust  God  with  our  safety  than  to  save  ourselves  by  imrighteous- 

At  this  court  we  were  informed  of  some  English  to  the 
eastward,  who  ordinarily  traded  powder  to  the  Indians,  and 
lived  alone  under  no  government;  whereupon  we  granted 
warrant  to  a  gentleman,  that  upon  due  proof,  etc.,  he  should 
take  away  their  powder,  leaving  them  sufficient  for  their  own 

This  court  also  took  order,  that  every  town  should  be  fur- 
nished with  powder  out  of  the  common  store,  paying  for  it  in 
country  commodities;  likewise  for  muskets,  and  for  mihtary 
watches,  and  alarms,  etc.  Presently  upon  this,  there  arose  an 
alarm  in  the  night  upon  this  occasion.  (7.)  {September)  19.  A 
man,  travehing  late  from  Dorchester  to  Watertown,  lost  his 
way,  and  being  benighted  and  in  a  swamp  about  10  of  the  clock, 
hearing  some  wolves  howl,  and  fearing  to  be  devoured  of  them, 
he  cried  out  help,  help.    One  that  dwelt  within  hearing,  over 

*  It  is  not  known  what  reasons  the  Connecticut  men  had  at  this  time  for 
fearing  an  Indian  outbreak.  Uncas  and  Miantonomo,  sachems  respectively 
of  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansetts,  were  unfriendly  and  intrigued  against  each 
other.  Massachusetts  had  good  reason  to  be  anxious,  and  no  blame  can  attach 
to  the  magistrates  for  watching  Miantonomo,  who  had  managed  to  quiet  the 
suspicions  of  his  white  neighbors. 


against  Cambridge,  hallooed  to  him.  The  other  still  cried  out, 
which  caused  the  man  to  fear  that  the  Indians  had  gotten  some 
English  man  and  were  torturing  him,  but  not  daring  to  go  to 
him,  he  discharged  a  piece  two  or  three  times.  This  gave  the 
alarm  to  Watertown,  and  so  it  went  as  far  as  Salem  and  Dor- 
chester, but  about  one  or  two  of  the  clock  no  enemy  appearing, 
etc.,  all  retired  but  the  watch. 

At  this  court  also,  four  of  Providence,  who  could  not  consort 
with  Gorton  and  that  company,  and  therefore  were  continually 
injured  and  molested  by  them,  came  and  offered  themselves 
and  their  lands,  etc.,  to  us,  and  were  accepted  under  our 
government  and  protection.  This  we  did  partly  to  rescue  these 
men  from  unjust  violence,  and  partly  to  draw  in  the  rest  in 
those  parts,  either  under  ourselves  or  Plymouth,  who  now  lived 
under  no  government,  but  grew  very  offensive,  and  the  place 
was  likely  to  be  of  use  to  us,  especially  if  we  should  have  occa- 
sion of  sending  out  against  any  Indians  of  Naragansett  and 
likewise  for  an  outlet  into  the  Naragansett  Bay,  and  seeing  it 
came  without  our  seeking,  and  would  be  no  charge  to  us,  we 
thought  it  not  wisdom  to  let  it  slip.^ 

The  English  of  Southampton,  on  Long  Island,  having  cer- 
tain intelligence  of  one  of  those  Indians  who  murdered  Ham- 
mond, who  was  put  ashore  there  with  others,  when  their 
pinnace  was  wrecked,  sent  Captain  Howe,  and  eight  or  ten 
men  to  take  him.  He  being  in  the  wigwam,  ran  out,  and  with 
his  knife  wounded  one  of  the  English  in  the  breast,  and  so 
behaved  himself  as  they  were  forced  to  kill  him. 

22.]  The  court,  with  advice  of  the  elders,  ordered  a  general 
fast.  The  occasions  were,  1.  The  ill  news  we  had  out  of  Eng- 
land concerning  the  breach  between  the  king  and  parliament. 
2.  The  danger  of  the  Indians.    3.  The  unseasonable  weather, 

^  The  settlement  at  Providence  was  anything  but  a  happy  family.  The 
more  moderate  spirits  were  sometimes  outraged;  it  was  soon  found  that  there 
must  be  limits  to  tolerance.  The  action  of  the  four  Providence  men,  which  gave 
Massachusetts  pretext  for  a  protectorate,  was  taken  in  accordance  with  the 
advice  recorded  on  p.  53,  ante. 


the  rain  having  continued  so  long,  viz.  near  a  fortnight  together, 
scarce  one  fair  day,  and  much  com  and  hay  spoiled,  though 
indeed  it  proved  a  blessing  to  us,  for  it  being  with  warm  east- 
erly winds,  it  brought  the  Indian  corn  to  maturity,  which  other- 
wise would  not  have  been  ripe,  and  it  pleased  God,  that  so  soon 
as  the  fast  was  agreed  upon,  the  weather  changed,  and  proved 
fair  after. 

At  this  court,  the  propositions  sent  from  Connecticut,  about 
a  combination,  etc.,  were  read,  and  referred  to  a  committee  to 
consider  of  after  the  court,  who  meeting,  added  some  few  cau- 
tions and  new  articles,  and  for  the  taking  in  of  Plymouth,  (who 
were  now  wiUing,)  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges'  province,  and 
so  returned  them  back  to  Connecticut,  to  be  considered  upon 
against  the  spring,  for  winter  was  now  approaching,  and  there 
could  be  no  meeting  before,  etc. 

The  sudden  fall  of  land  and  cattle,  and  the  scarcity  of  foreign 
commodities,  and  money,  etc.,  with  the  thin  access  of  people 
from  England,  put  many  into  an  unsettled  frame  of  spirit,  so 
as  they  concluded  there  would  be  no  subsisting  here,  and 
accordingly  they  began  to  hasten  away,  some  to  the  West 
Indies,  others  to  the  Dutch,  at  Long  Island,  etc.,  (for  the  gov- 
ernor there  invited  them  by  fair  offers,)  and  others  back  for 
England.  Among  others  who  returned  thither,  there  was  one 
of  the  magistrates,  Mr.  Humfrey,  and  four  ministers,  and  a 
schoolmaster.  These  would  needs  go  against  all  advice,  and 
had  a  fair  and  speedy  voyage,  till  they  came  near  England, 
all  which  time,  three  of  the  ministers,  with  the  schoolmaster, 
spake  reproachfully  of  the  people  and  of  the  country,  but  the 
wind  coming  up  against  them,  they  were  tossed  up  and  down, 
being  in  lOber  (December),  so  long  till  their  provisions  and 
other  necessaries  were  near  spent,  and  they  were  forced  to  strait 
allowance,  yet  at  length  the  wind  coming  fair  again,  they  got 
into  the  Sleeve,^  but  then  there  arose  so  great  a  tempest  at 
S.  E.  as  they  could  bear  no  sail,  and  so  were  out  of  hope  of 

^  The  English  Channel,  Fr.  La  Manche. 


being  saved  (being  in  the  night  also).  Then  they  humbled 
themselves  before  the  Lord,  and  acknowledged  God's  hand  to 
be  justly  out  against  them  for  speaking  evil  of  this  good  land 
and  the  Lord's  people  here,  etc.  Only  one  of  them,  Mr. 
Phillips  of  Wrentham,  in  England,  had  not  joined  with  the 
rest,  but  spake  well  of  the  people,  and  of  the  country;  upon 
this  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  spare  their  lives,  and  when  they 
expected  every  moment  to  have  been  dashed  upon  the  rocks, 
(for  they  were  hard  by  the  Needles,)  he  turned  the  wind  so  as 
they  were  carried  safe  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  by  St.  Helen's: 
yet  the  Lord  followed  them  on  shore.  Some  were  exposed 
to  great  straits  and  foimd  no  entertainment,  their  friends  for- 
saking them.  One  had  a  daughter  that  presently  ran  mad, 
and  two  other  of  his  daughters,  being  under  ten  years  of  age, 
were  discovered  to  have  been  often  abused  by  divers  lewd 
persons,  and  filthiness  in  his  family.  The  schoolmaster  had  no 
sooner  hired  an  house,  and  gotten  in  some  scholars,  but  the 
plague  set  in,  and  took  away  two  of  his  own  children. 

Others  who  went  to  other  places,  upon  like  grounds,  suc- 
ceeded no  better.  They  fled  for  fear  of  want,  and  many  of 
them  fell  into  it,  even  to  extremity,  as  if  they  had  hastened  into 
the  misery  which  they  feared  and  fled  from,  besides  the  depriv- 
ing themselves  of  the  ordinances  and  church  fellowship,  and 
those  civil  hberties  which  they  enjoyed  here;  whereas,  such 
as  staid  in  their  places,  kept  their  peace  and  ease,  and  enjoyed 
still  the  blessing  of  the  ordinances,  and  never  tasted  of  those 
troubles  and  miseries,  which  they  heard  to  have  befallen  those 
who  departed.  Much  disputation  there  was  about  liberty  of 
removing  for  outward  advantages,  and  all  ways  were  sought 
for  an  open  door  to  get  out  at;  but  it  is  to  be  feared  many 
crept  out  at  a  broken  wall.  For  such  as  come  together  into  a 
wilderness,  where  are  nothing  but  wild  beasts  and  beastlike 
men,  and  there  confederate  together  in  civil  and  church  estate, 
whereby  they  do,  implicitly  at  least,  bind  themselves  to  support 
each  other,  and  all  of  them  that  society,  whether  civil  or  sacred, 

84  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

whereof  they  are  members,  how  they  can  break  from  this  with- 
out free  consent,  is  hard  to  find,  so  as  may  satisfy  a  tender  or 
good  conscience  in  time  of  trial.  Ask  thy  conscience,  if  thou 
wouldst  have  plucked  up  thy  stakes,  and  brought  thy  family 
3000  miles,  if  thou  hadst  expected  that  all,  or  most,  would 
have  forsaken  thee  there.  Ask  again,  what  liberty  thou  hast 
towards  others,  which  thou  likest  not  to  allow  others  towards 
thyself;  for  if  one  may  go,  another  may,  and  so  the  greater 
part,  and  so  church  and  commonwealth  may  be  left  destitute 
in  a  wilderness,  exposed  to  misery  and  reproach,  and  all  for  thy 
ease  and  pleasure,  whereas  these  all,  being  now  thy  brethren,  as 
near  to  thee  as  the  Israelites  were  to  Moses,  it  were  much  safer 
for  thee,  after  his  example,  to  choose  rather  to  suffer  affliction 
with  thy  brethren,  than  to  enlarge  thy  ease  and  pleasure  by 
furthering  the  occasion  of  their  ruin.* 

Nine  bachelors  commenced  at  Cambridge ;  they  were  young 
men  of  good  hope,  and  performed  their  acts,  so  as  gave  good 
proof  of  their  proficiency  in  the  tongues  and  arts.  (8.)  {Octo- 
ber) 5.  The  general  court  had  settled  a  government  or  super- 
intendency  over  the  college,  viz.,  all  the  magistrates  and  elders 
over  the  six  nearest  churches  and  the  president,  or  the  greatest 
part  of  these.  Most  of  them  were  now  present  at  this  first  com- 
mencement, and  dined  at  the  college  with  the  scholars'  ordi- 
nary commons,  which  was  done  of  purpose  for  the  students' 
encouragement,  etc.,  and  it  gave  good  content  to  all.^ 

At  this  commencement,  complaint  was  made  to  the  gov- 
ernors of  two  young  men,  of  good  quality,  lately  come  out  of 
England,    for   foul   misbehavior,   in   swearing   and   ribaldry 

^  A  pathetic  outpouring  from  the  fatheriy  heart  of  Winthrop  over  his  straitened 
and  apparently  disintegrating  colony. 

^  This  entry  relates  to  the  first  commencement  at  Cambridge.  The  college 
was  founded  in  1636.  Nowhere  in  the  Journal  is  there  mention  of  the  benefac- 
tion of  John  Harvard.  The  act  of  1642  vested  the  government  in  all  the  magis- 
trates of  the  jurisdiction  {i.  e.,  of  Massachusetts),  the  teaching  elders  of  the  six 
nearest  towns,  and  the  president.  One  of  the  nine  who  were  graduated  was  the 
celebrated  George  Downing. 


speeches,  etc.,  for  which,  though  they  were  adulti,  they 
were  corrected  in  the  college,  and  sequestered,  etc.,  for  a 

6.]  Here  came  in  a  French  shallop  with  some  14  men, 
whereof  one  was  La  Tour  his  lieutenant.  They  brought  letters 
from  La  Tour  to  the  governor,  full  of  compliments,  and  desire 
of  assistance  from  us  against  Monsieur  D'Aulnay.  They 
staid  here  about  a  week,  and  were  kindly  entertained,  and 
though  they  were  papists,  yet  they  came  to  our  church  meet- 
ing; and  the  heutenant  seemed  to  be  much  affected  to  find 
things  as  he  did,  and  professed  he  never  saw  so  good  order 
in  any  place.  One  of  the  elders  gave  him  a  French  testament 
with  Marlorat's  notes,  which  he  kindly  accepted,  and  promised 
to  read  it.^ 

13.]  Six  ships  went  hence,  laden  with  pipe  staves  and  other 
commodities  of  this  country;  four  went  a  little  before.  Of 
these,  four  were  built  in  the  country  this  year.  Thus  God  pro- 
vided for  us  beyond  expectation. 

6.]  Mention  is  made  before  of  the  white  hills,  discovered 
by  one  Darby  Field.  The  report  he  brought  of  shining  stones, 
etc.,  caused  divers  others  to  travel  thither,  but  they  found 
nothing  worth  their  pains.  Amongst  others,  Mr.  Gorge  and 
Mr.  Vines,  two  of  the  magistrates  of  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorge  his 
province,  went  thither  about  the  end  of  this  month.  They 
went  up  Saco  river  in  birch  canoes,  and  that  way,  they  foimd 
it  90  miles  to  Pegwagget,  an  Indian  town,^  but  by  land  it  is  but 
60.  Upon  Saco  river,  they  found  many  thousand  acres  of  rich 
meadow,  but  there  are  ten  falls,  which  hinder  boats,  etc.  From 
the  Indian  town,  they  went  up  hill  (for  the  most  part)  about 
30  miles  in  woody  lands,  then  they  went  about  7  or  8  miles 

*  La  Tour  and  d'Aulnay,  already  mentioned  as  agents  under  the  Chevalier 
Rasilly,  for  superintending  the  French  claim  to  the  eastward.  They  had  quar- 
relled, and  their  English  neighbors,  as  we  shall  see,  were  for  years  much  embar- 
rassed by  them.  The  Huguenot  commentator,  Augustin  Marlorat  (1506-1563), 
is  the  writer  alluded  to. 

^  Pigwacket,  or  Pequawket,  is  now  Fryeburg,  Maine. 

86  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

upon  shattered  rocks,  without  tree  or  grass,  very  steep  all  the 
way.  At  the  top  is  a  plain  about  3  or  4  miles  over,  all  shattered 
stones,  and  upon  that  is  another  rock  or  spire,  about  a  mile 
in  height,  and  about  an  acre  of  ground  at  the  top.  At  the  top 
of  the  plain  arise  four  great  rivers,  each  of  them  so  much  water, 
at  the  first  issue,  as  would  drive  a  mill ;  Connecticut  river  from 
two  heads,  at  the  N.  W.  and  S.  W.  which  join  in  one  about 
60  miles  off,  Saco  river  on  the  S.  E.,  Amascoggen  which  runs 
into  Casco  Bay  at  the  N.  E.,  and  Kennebeck,  at  the  N.  by  E. 
The  mountain  runs  E.  and  W.  30  or  40  miles,  but  the  peak  is 
above  all  the  rest.    They  went  and  returned  in  15  days. 

8.  (October)  18.]  All  the  elders  met  at  Ipswich;  they  took 
into  consideration  the  book  which  was  committed  to  them  by 
the  general  court,  and  were  much  different  in  their  judgments 
about  it,  but  at  length  they  agreed  upon  this  answer  in  effect.* 

Whereas  in  the  book,  there  were  three  propositions  laid 
down,  and  then  the  application  of  them  to  the  standing  council, 
and  then  the  arguments  enforcing  the  same:  the  propositions 
were  these: — 

1.  In  a  commonwealth,  rightly  and  religiously  constituted, 
there  is  no  power,  office,  administration,  or  authority,  but  such 
as  are  commanded  and  ordained  of  God. 

2.  The  powers,  offices,  and  administrations  that  are  or- 
dained of  God,  as  aforesaid,  being  given,  dispensed,  and  erected 
in  a  Christian  commonwealth  by  his  good  providence,  propor- 
tioned by  his  rule  to  their  state  and  condition,  established  by 
his  power  against  all  opposition,  carried  on  and  accompanied 
with  his  presence  and  blessing,  ought  not  to  be  by  them  either 
changed  or  altered,  but  upon  such  grounds,  for  such  ends, 
in  that  manner,  and  only  so  far  as  the  mind  of  God  may  be 
manifested  therein. 

3.  The  mind  of  God  is  never  manifested  concerning  the 
change  or  alteration  of  any  civil  ordinance,  erected  or  estab- 

*The  Body  of  Lawes  now  comes  in  to  give  form  and  definiteness  to  the 


lished  by  him  as  aforesaid  in  a  Christian  commonwealth,  so  long 
as  all  the  cases,  counsels,  services,  and  occasions  thereof  may 
be  duly  and  fully  ended,  ordered,  executed,  and  performed 
without  any  change  or  alteration  of  government. 

In  their  answer  they  allowed  the  said  propositions  to  be 
sound,  with  this  distinction  in  the  1st.  viz.  That  all  lawful 
powers  are  ordained,  etc.,  either  expressly  or  by  consequence, 
by  particular  examples  or  by  general  rules. 

In  the  applications  they  distinguished  between  a  standing 
council  invested  with  a  kind  of  transcendent  authority  beyond 
other  magistrates,  or  else  any  kind  of  standing  council  distinct 
from  magistrates ;  the  former  they  seem  imphcitly  to  disallow ; 
the  latter  they  approve  as  necessary  for  us,  not  disproportiona- 
ble  to  our  estate,  nor  of  any  dangerous  consequence  for  dis- 
union among  the  magistrates,  or  factions  among  the  people, 
which  were  the  arguments  used  by  the  author  against  our 
council.  Some  passages  they  wish  had  been  spared,  and  other 
things  omitted,  which,  if  suppHed,  might  have  cleared  some 
passages,  which  may  seem  to  reflect  upon  the  present  councils, 
which  they  do  think  not  to  be  of  that  moment,  but  that  the 
uprightness  of  his  intentions  considered,  and  the  liberty  given 
for  advice,  according  to  the  rules  of  religion,  peace,  and  pru- 
dence, they  would  be  passed  by. 

Lastly,  they  declare  their  present  thoughts  about  the  mould- 
ing and  perfecting  of  a  council,  in  four  rules. 

1.  That  all  the  magistrates,  by  their  calling  and  oflSce,  to- 
gether with  the  care  of  judicature,  are  to  consult  for  the  provi- 
sion, protection,  and  universal  welfare  of  the  commonwealth. 

2.  Some  select  men  taken  out  from  the  assistants,  or  other 
freemen,  being  called  thereunto,  be  in  especial,  to  attend  by 
way  of  council,  for  the  provision,  protection,  and  welfare  of  the 

3.  This  council,  as  counsellors,  have  no  power  of  judicature. 

4.  In  cases  of  instant  danger  to  the  commonwealth,  in  the 
interim,  before  a  general  court  can  be  called,  (which  were  meet 

88  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1642 

to  be  done  with  all  speed,)  what  shall  be  consented  unto  and 
concluded  by  this  council,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  together 
with  the  consent  of  the  magistrates,  or  the  major  part  of  them, 
may  stand  good  and  firm  till  the  general  com't. 

9.  (November)  7.]  Some  of  our  merchants  sent  a  pinnace  to 
trade  with  La  Tour  in  St.  John's  river.  He  welcomed  them 
very  kindly,  and  wrote  to  our  governor  letters  very  gratulatory 
for  his  lieutenant's  entertainment,  etc.,  and  withal  a  relation 
of  the  state  of  the  controversy  between  himself  and  Monsieur 
D'Aulnay.  In  their  return  they  met  with  D'Aulnay  at  Pema- 
quid,  who  wrote  also  to  our  governor,  and  sent  him  a  printed 
copy  of  the  arrest*  against  La  Tour,  and  threatened  us,  that  if 
any  of  our  vessels  came  to  La  Tour,  he  would  make  prize  of 

22.]  The  village  at  the  end  of  Charlestown  bounds  was 
called  Woburn,  where  they  had  gathered  a  church,  and  this 
day  Mr.  Carter  was  ordained  their  pastor,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  elders  of  other  churches.  Some  difference  there  was 
about  his  ordination;  some  advised,  in  regard  they  had  no 
elder  of  their  own,  nor  any  members  very  fit  to  solemnize  such 
an  ordinance,  they  would  desire  some  of  the  elders  of  the  other 
churches  to  have  performed  it ;  but  others  supposing  it  might 
be  an  occasion  of  introducing  a  dependency  of  churches,  etc., 
and  so  a  presbytery,  would  not  allow  it.  So  it  was  performed 
by  one  of  their  own  members,  but  not  so  well  and  orderly  as 
it  ought.^ 

Divers  houses  were  burnt  this  year,  by  drying  flax.  Among 
others,  one  Briscoe,  of  Watertown,  a  rich  man,  a  tanner,  who 
had  refused  to  let  his  neighbor  have  leather  for  com,  saying  he 
had  com  enough,  had  his  barn,  and  com,  and  leather,  etc., 
burnt,  to  the  value  of  200  pounds. 

Mr.  Larkam  of  Northam,  ahas  Dover,  suddenly  discovering 

*  Arret,  decree. 

^  The  ceremony  is  described  with  much  fulness  in  a  noted  passage,  book  ii., 
ch.  22,  of  The  W onder-W orking  Providence  of  Sion's  Saviour  in  New  England, 
by  Captain  Edward  Johnson  of  Woburn,  one  of  the  chief  participants. 


a  purpose  to  go  to  England,  and  fearing  to  be  dissuaded  by  his 
people,  gave  them  his  faithful  promise  not  to  go,  but  yet  soon 
after  he  got  on  ship  board,  and  so  departed.  It  was  time  for 
him  to  be  gone,  for  not  long  after  a  widow  which  kept  in  his 
house,  being  a  very  handsome  woman,  and  about  50  years  of 
age,  proved  to  be  with  child,  and  being  examined,  at  first 
refused  to  confess  the  father,  but  in  the  end  she  laid  it  to  Mr. 
Larkam.  Upon  this  the  church  of  Dover  looked  out  for  another 
elder,  and  wrote  to  the  elders  to  desire  their  help. 

There  arrived  at  Boston  a  small  ship  from  the  Madeiras  with 
wine  and  sugar,  etc.,  which  were  presently  sold  for  pipe  staves, 
and  other  commodities  of  the  country,  which  were  returned 
to  the  Madeiras:  but  the  merchant  himself,  one  Mr.  Parish, 
staid  divers  months  after.  He  had  hved  at  the  Madeiras 
many  years  among  the  priests  and  Jesuits,  who  told  him,  when 
he  was  to  come  hither,  that  those  of  New  England  were  the 
worst  of  all  heretics,  and  that  they  were  the  cause  of  the 
troubles  in  England,  and  of  the  pulling  down  the  bishops  there.* 
When  he  went  away,  he  blessed  God  for  bringing  him  hither, 
professing  that  he  would  not  lose  what  he  had  gotten  in  New 
England  for  all  the  wealth  in  the  world.  He  went  away  in 
a  pinnace  built  here  intending  a  speedy  return.  By  the  way 
his  pinnace  (being  calked  in  the  winter)  proved  very  leaky,  so 
as  all  the  seamen,  being  tired  out  with  pumping,  gave  her 
over,  but  Mr.  Parish  continued  the  pump,  and  so  kept  her  up, 
till  it  pleased  God  they  espied  land,  and  so  they  came  safe  to 

10  (December).]  Those  of  the  lower  part  of  the  river  Pas- 
cataquack  invited  one  Mr.  James  Parker  of  Weymouth,  a  godly 
man  and  a  scholar,  one  who  had  been  many  years  a  deputy  for 
the  public  court,  to  be  their  minister.  He,  by  advice  of  divers 
of  the  magistrates  and  elders,  accepted  the  call,  and  went  and 
taught  among  them  this  winter,  and  it  pleased  God  to  give 

*  A  testimony  from  foreign  parts  as  to  the  prevalence  in  Old  England  of  the 
"New  England  way,"  during  tlxe  Civil  War, 


great  success  to  his  labors,  so  as  above  40  of  them,  whereof 
the  most  had  been  very  profane,  and  some  of  them  professed 
enemies  to  the  way  of  our  churches,  wrote  to  the  magistrates 
and  elders,  acknowledging  the  sinful  course  they  had  lived  in, 
and  bewailing  the  same,  and  blessing  God  for  calling  them  out 
of  it,  and  earnestly  desiring  that  Mr.  Parker  might  be  settled 
amongst  them.  Most  of  them  fell  back  again  in  time,  em- 
bracing this  present  world. 

This  winter  was  the  greatest  snow  we  had,  since  we  came 
into  the  country,  but  it  lay  not  long,  and  the  frost  was  more 
moderate  than  in  some  other  winters. 


12  (February).]  News  came  out  of  England,  by  two  fishing 
ships,  of  the  civil  wars  there  between  the  king  and  the  parlia- 
ment, whereupon  the  churches  kept  divers  days  of  humiliation. 
But  some  of  the  magistrates  were  not  satisfied  about  the  often 
reiteration  of  them  for  the  same  cause,  but  they  would  not 
contend  with  the  elders  about  it,  but  left  the  churches  to  their 

1.  (March)  5.]  At  7  in  the  morning,  being  the  Lord's  day, 
there  was  a  great  earthquake.  It  came  with  a  rumbling  noise 
like  the  former,  but  through  the  Lord's  mercy  it  did  no  harm. 

The  churches  held  a  different  course  in  raising  the  ministers' 
maintenance.  Some  did  it  by  way  of  taxation,  which  was  very 
offensive  to  some.  Amongst  others,  one  Briscoe  of  Water- 
town,  who  had  his  barn  burnt,  as  before  mentioned,  being 
grieved  with  that  course  in  their  town,  the  rather  because  him- 
self and  others,  who  were  no  members,  were  taxed,  wrote  a 
book  against  it,  wherein,  besides  his  arguments,  which  were 
naught,  he  cast  reproach  upon  the  elders  and  officers.  This 
book  he  pubhshed  underhand,  which  occasioned  much  stir  in 
the  town.  At  length,  he  and  two  more  were  convented  before 
the  court,  where  he  acknowledged  his  fault  in  those  reproachful 
speeches,  and  in  publishing  it,  whereas  it  had  been  his  duty  to 
have  acquainted  the  court  or  magistrates  with  his  grievance, 
etc.,  (but  for  the  arguments  in  the  point,  there  was  nothing 
required  of  him,)  and  was  fined  10  pounds  for  that,  and  some 
slighting  of  the  court,  and  one  of  the  publishers,  40  shillings. 

Corn  was  very  scarce  all  over  the  country,  so  as  by  the  end 
of  the  2d  month,  many  families  in  most  towns  had  none  to  eat, 
but  were  forced  to  live  of  clams,  muscles,  cataos,  dry  fish,  etc., 
and  sure  this  came  by  the  just  hand  of  the  Lord,  to  punish 



our  ingratitude  and  covetousness.  For  corn  being  plenty  divers 
years  before,  it  was  so  undervalued,  as  it  would  not  pass  for 
any  commodity:  if  one  offered  a  shop  keeper  corn  for  any 
thing,  his  answer  would  be,  he  knew  not  what  to  do  with  it. 
So  for  laborers  and  artificers ;  but  now  they  would  have  done 
any  work,  or  parted  with  any  commodity,  for  corn.  And  the 
husbandman,  he  now  made  his  advantage,  for  he  would  part 
with  no  corn,  for  the  most  part,  but  for  ready  money  or  for 
cattle,  at  such  a  price  as  should  be  12d.  in  the  bushel  more  to 
him  than  ready  money.  And  indeed  it  was  a  very  sad  thing 
to  see  how  little  of  a  public  spirit  appeared  in  the  country,  but 
of  self-love  too  much.  Yet  there  were  some  here  and  there, 
who  were  men  of  another  spirit,  and  were  willing  to  abridge 
themselves,  that  others  might  be  supplied.  The  immediate 
causes  of  this  scarcity  were  the  cold  and  wet  summer,  especially 
in  the  time  of  the  first  harvest ;  also,  the  pigeons  came  in  such 
flocks,  (above  10,000  in  one  flock,)  that  beat  down,  and  eat 
up  a  very  great  quantity  of  all  sorts  of  English  grain;  much 
corn  spent  in  setting  out  the  ships,  ketches,  etc. ;  lastly,  there 
were  such  abundance  of  mice  in  the  barns,  that  devoured  much 
there.  The  mice  also  did  much  spoil  in  orchards,  eating  off 
the  bark  at  the  bottom  of  the  fruit  trees  in  the  time  of  the 
snow,  so  as  never  had  been  known  the  like  spoil  in  any  former 
winter.  So  many  enemies  doth  the  Lord  arm  against  our  daily 
bread,  that  we  might  know  we  are  to  eat  it  in  the  sweat  of  our 

1.  (March)  30.]  The  Trial,  Mr.  Coytmore  master,  arrived, 
and  a  week  after  one  of  the  ketches.  He  sailed  first  to  Fayal, 
where  he  found  an  extraordinary  good  market  for  his  pipe 
staves  and  fish.  He  took  wine  and  sugar,  etc.,  and  sailed 
thence  to  Christophers  in  the  West  Indies,  where  he  put  off 
some  of  his  wine  for  cotton  and  tobacco,  etc.,  and  for  iron,  which 
the  islanders  had  saved  of  the  ships  which  were  there  cast  away. 
He  obtained  hcense,  also,  of  the  governor.  Sir  Thomas  Warner, 
to  take  up  what  ordnance,  anchors,  etc.,  he  could,  and  was  to 


have  the  one  half;  and  by  the  help  of  a  diving  tub,  he  took 
up  50  guns,  and  anchors,  and  cables,  which  he  brought  home, 
and  some  gold  and  silver  also,  which  he  got  by  trade,  and  so, 
thi'ough  the  Lord's  blessing,  they  made  a  good  voyage,  which 
did  much  encourage  the  merchants,  and  made  wine  and  sugar 
and  cotton  very  plentiful,  and  cheap,  in  the  country. 

Two  ketches  also,  which  were  gone  to  the  West  Indies  for 
cotton,  etc.,  arrived  safe  not  long  after,  and  made  return  with 
profit.  Another  ship  also,  called  the  Increase,  sent  to  the  Ma- 
deiras, returned  safe,  and  two  other  ships,  after,  though  they 
went  among  the  Turks. 

There  was  a  piece  of  justice  executed  at  New  Haven,  which, 
being  the  first  in  that  kind,  is  not  unworthy  to  be  recorded.  Mr. 
Malbon,  one  of  the  magistrates  there,  had  a  daughter  about 
[blank]  years  of  age,  which  was  openly  whipped,  her  father 
joining  in  the  sentence.    The  cause  was  thus.^ 

The  wife  of  one  Onion  of  Roxbury  died  in  great  despair: 
she  had  been  a  servant  there,  and  was  very  stubborn  and  self- 
willed.  After  she  was  married,  she  proved  very  worldly, 
aiming  at  great  matters.  Her  first  child  was  still-born,  through 
her  unruUness  and  falling  into  a  fever.  She  fell  withal  into 
great  horror  and  trembling,  so  as  it  shooK  the  room,  etc.,  and 
crying  out  of  her  torment,  and  of  her  stubbornness  and  impro- 
fitableness  imder  the  means,  and  her  lying  to  her  dame  in  deny- 
ing somewhat  that  in  liquorishness  she  had  taken  away,  and 
of  her  worldliness,  saying  that  she  neglected  her  spiritual  good 
for  a  httle  worldly  trash,  and  now  she  must  go  to  everlasting 
torments,  and  exhorted  others  to  take  heed  of  such  evils,  etc., 
and  still  crying  out  0!  ten  thousand  worlds  for  one  drop  of 
Christ,  etc.  After  she  had  then  been  silent  a  few  hours,  she 
began  to  speak  again,  and  being  exhorted  to  consider  of  God's 
infinite  mercy,  etc.,  she  gave  still  this  answer,  "I  cannot  for  my 
life,"  and  so  died. 

1  Winthrop  has  left  a  blank  space  in  the  manuscript,  in  which  to  insert  the 
explanation,  but  does  not  give  it, 


The  three  ministers  which  were  sent  to  Virginia,  viz.,  Mr. 
Tompson,  Mr.  Knolles,  and  Mr.  James  from  New  Haven,  de- 
parted (8)  {October)  7.  and  were  eleven  weeks  before  they  ar- 
rived. They  lay  windbound  sometime  at  Aquiday:  then,  as 
they  passed  Hellgate  between  Long  Island  and  the  Dutch,  their 
pinnace  was  bilged  upon  the  rocks,  so  as  she  was  near  foundered 
before  they  could  run  on  the  next  shore.  The  Dutch  governor, 
gave  them  slender  entertainment;  but  Mr.  Allerton  of  New 
Haven, ^  being  there,  took  great  pains  and  care  for  them, 
and  procured  them  a  very  good  pinnace  and  all  things  neces- 
sary. So  they  set  sail  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  had  much 
foul  weather,  so  as  with  great  difficulty  and  danger  they  arrived 
safe  in  Virginia.  Here  they  found  very  loving  and  liberal 
entertainment,  and  were  bestowed  in  several  places,  not  by  the 
governor,  but  by  some  well  disposed  people  who  desired  their 
company.  In  their  way  the  difficulties  and  dangers,  which  they 
were  continually  exercised  with,  put  them  to  some  question 
whether  their  call  were  of  God  or  not;  but  so  soon  as  they 
arrived  there  and  had  been  somewhat  refreshed,  Mr.  Tompson 
wrote  back,  that  being  a  very  melancholic  man  and  of  a  crazy 
body,  he  found  his  health  so  repaired,  and  his  spirit  so  enlarged, 
etc.,  as  he  had  not  been  in  the  like  condition  since  he  came  to 
New  England.  But  this  was  to  strengthen  him  for  a  greater 
trial,  for  his  wife,  a  godly  young  woman,  and  a  comfortable 
help  to  him,  being  left  behind  with  a  company  of  small  chil- 
dren, was  taken  away  by  death,  and  all  his  children  scattered, 
but  well  disposed  of  among  his  godly  friends. 

4.  {June)  20.]  Mr.  Knolles  returned  from  Virginia,  and 
brought  letters  from  his  congregation  and  others  there  to  our 
elders,  which  were  openly  read  in  Boston  at  a  lecture,  whereby 
it  appeared  that  God  had  greatly  blessed  their  ministry  there, 
so  as  the  people's  hearts  were  much  inflamed  with  desire 
after  the  ordinances,  and  though  the  state  did  silence  the 
ministers,  because  they  would  not  conform  to  the  order  of 

*  Isaac  Allerton,  formerly  of  Plymouth. 


England/  yet  the  people  resorted  to  them  in  private  houses 
to  hear  them  as  before. 

There  fell  out  hot  wars  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians 
thereabout.  The  occasion  was  this.  An  Indian,  being  drunk, 
had  slain  an  old  Dutchman.  The  Dutch  required  the  murderer, 
but  he  could  not  be  had.  The  people  called  often  upon  the 
governor  to  take  revenge,  but  he  still  put  it  off,  either  for 
that  he  thought  it  not  just,  or  not  safe,  etc.  It  fell  out  that 
the  Mowhawks,  a  people  that  live  upon  or  near  Hudson's 
river,  either  upon  their  own  quarrel,  or  rather,  as  the  report 
went,  being  set  on  by  the  Dutch,  came  suddenly  upon  the 
Indians  near  the  Dutch  and  killed  about  30  of  them,  the  rest 
fled  for  shelter  to  the  Dutch.  One  Marine,  a  Dutch  captain, 
hearing  of  it,  goeth  to  the  governor,^  and  obtains  commission  of 
him  to  kill  so  many  as  he  could  of  them,  and  accordingly  went 
with  a  company  of  armed  men,  and  setting  upon  them,  fearing 
no  ill  from  the  Dutch,  he  slew  about  70  or  80  men,  women  and 
children.  Upon  this  the  Indians  burnt  divers  of  their  farm 
houses  and  their  cattle  in  them,  and  slew  all  they  could  meet 
with,  to  the  number  of  20  or  more,  of  men,  women  and  children, 
and  pressed  so  hard  upon  the  Dutch,  even  home  to  their  fort, 
that  they  were  forced  to  call  in  the  English  to  their  aid,  and 
entertained  Captain  Underbill,  etc.,  which  Marine,  the  Dutch 
captain,  took  so  ill,  seeing  the  governor  to  prefer  him  before 
himself,  that  he  presented  his  pistol  at  the  governor,  but  was 
staid  by  a  stander-by.  Then  a  tenant  of  Marine  discharged 
his  musket  at  the  governor,  but  missed  him  narrowly,  where- 
upon the  sentinel,  by  the  governor's  command,  shot  that 
fellow  presently  dead.  His  head  was  set  upon  the  gallows, 
and  the  captain  was  sent  prisoner  into  Holland.  The  people, 
also,  were  so  offended  at  the  governor  for  the  damage  they 
now  sustained  by  the  Indians,  though  they  were  all  for  war  be- 
fore, that  the  governor  durst  not  trust  himself  among  them, 

^  By  act  of  assembly,  forbidding  non-conformist  worship. 
2  William  Kieft. 

96  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

but  entertained  a  guard  of  50  English  about  his  person,  and 
the  Indians  did  so  annoy  them  by  sudden  assaults  out  of  the 
swamps,  etc.,  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  a  running  army  to  be 
ready  to  oppose  them  upon  all  occasions. 

The  Indians  also  of  Long  Island  took  part  with  their  neigh- 
bors upon  the  main,  and  as  the  Dutch  took  away  their  com, 
etc.,  so  they  fell  to  burning  the  Dutch  houses.  But  these,  by 
the  mediation  of  Mr.  Williams,  who  was  then  there  to  go  in  a 
Dutch  ship  for  England,  were  pacified,  and  peace  re-established 
between  the  Dutch  and  them.^  At  length  they  came  to  an 
accord  of  peace  with  the  rest  of  the  Indians  also. 

23.]  One  John  Cook,  an  honest  young  man,  being  in  his 
master's  absence  to  salute  a  ship,  etc.,  in  the  vanity  of  his  mind 
thought  to  make  the  gun  give  a  great  report,  and  accordingly 
said  to  some,  that  he  would  make  her  speak.  Overcharging 
her,  she  brake  all  into  small  pieces  and  scattered  round  about 
some  men  a  flight  shot  off.  Himself  was  killed,  but  no  hurt 
found  about  him,  but  only  one  hand  cut  off  and  beaten  a  good 
distance  from  the  place  where  he  .stood.  And  there  appeared 
a  special  providence  of  God  in  it,  for  although  there  were 
many  people  up  and  down,  yet  none  was  hurt,  nor  was  any 
near  the  gun  when  she  was  fired,  whereas  usually  they  gather 
thither  on  such  occasions. 

One  of  our  ships,  the  Seahridge,  arrived  with  20  children  and 
some  other  passengers  out  of  England,  and  300  pounds  worth  of 
goods  purchased  with  the  country's  stock,  given  by  some  friends 
in  England  the  year  before;  and  those  children,  with  many 
more  to  come  after,  were  sent  by  money  given  one  fast  day  in 
London,  and  allowed  by  the  parliament  and  city  for  that  purpose. 

The  house  of  commons  also  made  an  order  in  our  favor, 
which  was  sent  us  under  the  hand  of  H.  Elsynge,  Cler.  Pari. 
D.  C  to  this  effect,  viz.  Veneris'  10  Martii  1642. 

*  A  characteristic  service  from  Roger  Williams. 

^  Clericus  Parliamenti  Domus  Communis,  i,  e,,  clerk  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

'  /.  e.,  Die  Veneris,  or  Friday,  March  10,  1642/3. 


Whereas  the  plantations  in  New  England  have,  by  the  blessing  of 
Almighty  God,  had  good  and  prosperous  success  without  any  charge 
to  this  state,  and  are  now  likely  to  prove  very  happy  for  the  propagation 
of  the  gospel  in  those  parts,  and  very  beneficial  and  commodious  for  this 
kingdom  and  nation,  the  commons  now  assembled  in  parliament  do,  for 
the  better  advancement  of  these  plantations  and  encouragement  of  the 
planters,  etc.,  ordain  that  all  merchandizes,  goods  exported,  etc.,  into 
New  England  to  be  spent,  used  or  employed  there,  or  being  of  the  growth 
of  that  country,  shall  be  imported  hither,  or  put  aboard  to  be  spent,  etc., 
in  the  voyage  going  or  returning,  and  all  and  every  the  owners  thereof,  be 
free  of  all  custom,  etc.,  in  England  and  New  England,  and  all  other  ports, 
until  this  house  shall  take  further  order.  This  to  be  observed  and  al- 
lowed by  all  officers  and  persons  whatsoever  upon  showing  forth  of  this 
order,  signed  by  the  said  clerk,  without  any  other  warrant. 

Our  general  court,  upon  receipt  of  this  order,  caused  the 
same,  with  our  humble  and  thankful  acknowledgment  of  so 
great  a  favor  from  that  honorable  assembly,  to  be  entered  ver- 
batim among  our  records,  in  perpetuam  rei  memoriam. 

One  Richard  [blank,]  servant  to  one  [bla7ik]  Williams  of 
Dorchester,  being  come  out  of  service,  fell  to  work  at  his  own 
hand  and  took  great  wages  above  others,  and  would  not 
work  but  for  ready  money.  By  this  means  in  a  year,  or  little 
more,  he  had  scraped  together  about  25  pounds,  and  then 
returned  with  his  prey  into  England,  speaking  evil  of  the  coun- 
try by  the  way.  He  was  not  gone  far,  after  his  arrival,  but  the 
cavaliers  met  him  and  eased  liim  of  his  money ;  so  he  knew  no 
better  way  but  to  return  to  New  England  again,  to  repair  his 
loss  in  that  place  which  he  had  so  much  disparaged. 

Mo.  3.  (May)  10.]  Our  court  of  elections  was  held,  when 
Mr.  Ezekiel  Rogers,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Rowley,  preached. 
He  was  called  to  it  by  a  company  of  freemen,  whereof  the  most 
were  deputies  chosen  for  the  court,  appointed,  by  order  of  the 
last  court,  to  meet  at  Salem  about  nomination  of  some  to  be 
put  to  the  vote  for  the  new  magistrates.  Mr.  Rogers,  hearing 
what  exception  was  taken  to  this  call,  as  unwarrantable,  wrote 
to  the  governor  for  advice,  etc.,  who  returned  him  answer: 


That  he  did  account  his  calling  not  to  be  sufficient,  yet  the 
magistrates  were  not  minded  to  strive  with  the  deputies  about 
it,  but  seeing  it  was  noised  in  the  country,  and  the  people 
would  expect  him,  and  that  he  had  advised  with  the  magis- 
trates about  it,  he  wished  him  to  go  on.  In  his  sermon  he  de- 
scribed how  the  man  ought  to  be  quaUfied  whom  they  should 
choose  for  their  governor,  yet  dissuaded  them  earnestly  from 
choosing  the  same  man  twice  together,  and  expressed  his  dis- 
like of  that  with  such  vehemency  as  gave  offence.  But  when 
it  came  to  trial,  the  former  governor,  Mr.  Winthrop,  was  chosen 
again,  and  two  new  magistrates,  Mr.  Wilham  Hibbins  and  Mr. 
Samuel  Simons. 

At  this  court  came  the  commissioners  from  Plymouth,  Con- 
necticut and  New  Haven,  viz.,  from  Plymouth  Mr.  Edward 
Winslow  and  Mr.  Collier,  from  Connecticut  Mr.  Haynes  and 
Mr.  Hopkins,  with  whom  Mr.  Fen  wick  of  Saybrook  joined, 
from  New  Haven  Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Mr.  Grigson. 
Our  court  chose  a  committee  to  treat  with  them,  viz.,  the  gov- 
ernor and  Mr.  Dudley,  and  Mr.  Bradstreet,  being  of  the  mag- 
istrates; and  of  the  deputies.  Captain  Gibbons,  Mr.  Tyng 
the  treasurer,  and  Mr.  Hathom.^  These  coming  to  consul- 
tation encountered  some  difficulties,  but  being  all  desirous 
of  union  and  studious  of  peace,  they  readily  jdelded  each  to 
other  in  such  things  as  tended  to  common  utility,  etc.,  so  as  in 
some  two  or  three  meetings  they  lovingly  accorded  upon  these 
ensuing  articles,  which,  being  allowed  by  our  court,  and  signed 
by  all  the  commissioners,  were  sent  to  be  also  ratified  by  the 
general  courts  of  other  jurisdictions;  only  Plymouth  commis- 
sioners, having  power  only  to  treat,  but  not  to  determine,  de- 

*  The  men  mentioned  in  this  entry  were  of  the  highest  repute  in  their  respective 
colonies,  as  was  proper,  since  the  business  in  hand  was  as  grave  as  any  in  which 
New  Englanders  were  ever  concerned.  Thomas  Grigson  and  William  Tyng  are 
the  only  ones  not  heretofore  described.  The  former  was  perhaps,  next  to  Theo- 
philus Eaton,  the  chief  citizen  of  New  Haven,  where  he  was  treasurer.  The 
latter  filled  the  same  office  in  Massachusetts,  was  one  of  the  richest  men  in  the 
community,  and  though  not  a  magistrate,  was  for  eight  successive  terms  a  deputy. 


ferred  the  signing  of  them  till  they  came  home,  but  soon  after 
they  were  ratified  by  their  general  court  also.* 

Those  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge  his  province,  beyond 
Pascataquack,  were  not  received  nor  called  into  the  con- 
federation, because  they  ran  a  different  course  from  us  both 
in  their  ministry  and  civil  administration;  for  they  had 
lately  made  Acomenticus  (a  poor  village)  a  corporation,  and 
had  made  a  taylor  their  mayor,  and  had  entertained  one  Hull, 
an  excommunicated  person  and  very  contentious,  for  their 

At  this  court  of  elections  there  arose  a  scruple  about  the  oath 
which  the  governor  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  were  to 
take,  viz.,  about  the  first  part  of  it :  ''You  shall  bear  true  faith 
and  allegiance  to  our  sovereign  Lord  King  Charles,"  seeing  he 
had  violated  the  privileges  of  parliament,  and  made  war  upon 
them,  and  thereby  had  lost  much  of  his  kingdom  and  many  of 
his  subjects;  whereupon  it  was  thought  fit  to  omit  that  part  of 
it  for  the  present. 

About  this  time  two  plantations  began  to  be  settled  upon 
Merrimack,  Pentuckett  called  Haverill,  and  Cochichawick 
called  Andover. 

*  No  event  of  our  early  history  is  more  significant  than  the  confederation  of 
the  four  colonies,  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  a 
distinct  foreshadowing  of  the  great  American  Union.  Its  importance  has  been 
emphasized  by  all  our  historians.  The  league,  a  precedent  for  which  was  the 
federation  of  the  states  of  the  Netherlands,  was  initiated  by  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven,  which,  more  exposed  to  pressure  than  their  brethren  farther  east,  the 
Dutch  on  the  Hudson  elbowing  sharply  and  the  most  formidable  savages  being 
close  at  hand,  sought  support  from  their  friends  longer  established.  It  must  be 
carefully  noted  that  not  all  the  English  were  included.  The  enterprises  of  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges  were,  as  always,  looked  upon  askance  for  reasons  which 
Winthrop  assigns,  as  were  also  the  undertakings  at  Providence  and  Aquidneck. 
The  independent  spirit  which  breathes  through  the  document  is  unmistakable,  and 
has  been  referred  to  by  both  liberal  and  tory  historians,  the  one  side  approving, 
the  other  condemning.  About  this  time,  says  Palfrey  (I.  633),  the  English 
Parliament  appoints  a  commission  for  colonial  government,  the  terms  used  im- 
plying an  understanding  quite  different  from  that  of  the  colonists:  in  fact  the 
Parliament  of  1643  was  disposed  to  be  scarcely  less  arbitrary  than  the  King,  or 
the  later  Parliament  of  George  III. 

100  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

The  articles  of  confederation  between  the  plantations  under 
the  government  of  the  Massachusetts,  the  plantations  under 
the  government  of  New  Plymouth,  the  plantations  under  the 
government  of  Connecticut  and  the  government  of  New  Haven, 
with  the  plantations  in  combination  therewith: 

Whereas  we  all  came  into  these  parts  of  America  with  one  and  the 
same  end  and  aim,  namely,  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  and  to  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in  purity  with  peace:  and 
whereas  by  our  settling,  by  the  wise  providence  of  God,  we  are  further 
dispersed  upon  the  seacoasts  and  rivers  than  was  at  first  intended,  so  that 
we  cannot,  according  to  our  desire,  with  convenience  communicate  in 
one  government  and  jurisdiction:  and  whereas  we  live  encompassed  with 
people  of  several  nations  and  strange  languages,  which  hereafter  may 
prove  injurious  to  us  or  our  posterity;  and  for  as  much  as  the  natives  have 
formerly  committed  sundry  insolences  and  outrages  upon  several  planta- 
tions of  the  English,  and  have  of  late  combined  themselves  against  us, 
and  seeing  by  reason  of  the  sad  distractions  in  England,  (which  they  have 
heard  of,)  and  by  which  they  know  we  are  hindered  both  from  that 
humble  way  of  seeking  advice,  and  reaping  those  comfortable  fruits  of 
protection,  which  at  other  times  we  might  well  expect;  we  therefore  do 
conceive  it  our  bounden  duty,  without  delay,  to  enter  into  a  present 
consociation  amongst  ourselves  for'mutual  help  and  strength  in  all  future 
concernment,  that,  as  in  nation  and  religion,  so  in  other  respects,  we  be 
and  continue  one,  according  to  the  tenor  and  true  meaning  of  the  ensuing 
articles, — 

L  Wherefore  it  is  fully  agreed  and  concluded  between  the  parties 
above  named,  and  they  jointly  and  severally  do,  by  these  presents,  agree 
and  conclude  that  they  all  be,  and  henceforth  be  called  by  the  name 
of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  England. 

2.  These  united  colonies,  for  themselves  and  their  posterities,  do 
jointly  and  severally  hereby  enter  into  a  firm  and  perpetual  league  of 
friendship  and  amity,  for  offence  and  defence,  mutual  advice  and  succor 
upon  all  just  occasions,  both  for  preserving  and  propagating  the  truth  and 
liberties  of  the  gospel,  and  for  their  own  mutual  safety  and  welfare. 

3.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  the  plantations  which  at  present  are, 
or  hereafter  shall  be  settled  within  the  limits  of  the  Massachusetts,  shall 
be  forever  under  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  shall  have 
peculiar  jurisdiction  amongst  themselves  in  all  cases  as  an  entire  body; 
and  that  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  shall  each  of  them 


j0  %^'  III      ^ 



j/»^*  ,/  //  «Jiil^J  Ij-  „^  ^iTJ^  ^  gf  fofuXtOn  //f"'  ^»T  »»-JJf^ife/i<»«/  •^^  h^ST^^^  /^^.0.»  /"p"^^  3 
•  »nAfK,p   ^Ann/v  .muiv0 'aiit.i^  lUlt&r-  itn,^    .ip   .-..ll  ..../  ^1    A^t/'    ^ i. . . :. -  C ^ ../_..-     // 

•«^    /W»^     t«Ar  ;'«^A  'i.ViwJ^  ^/f^^r 


From  the  manuscript  in  the  Connecticut  State  House 

102  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

exceeding  the  number  hereby  agreed,  they  may  crave  help  thence,  and 
seek  no  further  for  the  present;  the  charge  to  be  borne  as  in  this  article 
is  expressed,  and  at  their  return  to  be  victualled,  and  supplied  with  powder 
and  shot,  if  there  be  need,  for  their  journey,  by  that  jurisdiction  which 
employed  or  sent  for  them;  but  none  of  the  jurisdictions  to  exceed  these 
numbers  till  by  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  for  this  confederation  a 
greater  aid  appear  necessary;  and  this  proportion  to  continue  till  upon 
knowledge  of  the  numbers  in  each  jurisdiction,  which  shall  be  brought 
to  the  next  meeting,  some  other  proportion  be  ordered.  But  in  any  such 
case  of  sending  men  for  present  aid,  whether  before  or  after  such  order 
or  alteration,  it  is  agreed  that  at  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners  for 
this  confederation,  the  cause  of  such  war  or  invasion  be  duly  considered, 
and  if  it  appear  that  the  fault  lay  in  the  party  invaded,  that  then  that 
jurisdiction  or  plantation  make  just  satisfaction  both  to  the  invaders 
whom  they  have  injured,  and  bear  all  the  charge  of  the  war  themselves 
without  requiring  any  allowance  from  the  rest  of  the  confederates  towards 
the  same.  And  further,  that  if  any  jurisdiction  see  any  danger  of  an 
invasion  approaching,  and  there  be  time  for  a  meeting,  that  in  such  case 
three  magistrates  of  that  jurisdiction  may  summons  a  meeting  at  such 
convenient  place  as  themselves  shall  think  meet,  to  consider  and  provide 
against  the  threatened  danger;  provided  when  they  are  met,  they  may 
remove  to  what  place  they  please:  only  while  any  of  these  four  confed- 
erates have  but  three  magistrates  in  their  jurisdiction,  a  request  or  sum- 
mons from  any  two  of  them  shall  be  accounted  of  equal  force  with  the 
three  mentioned  in  both  the  clauses  of  this  article,  till  there  may  be  an 
increase  of  magistrates  there. 

6.  It  is  also  agreed,  that  for  the  managing  and  concluding  of  all 
affairs  peculiar  to  and  concerning  the  whole  confederation,  commissioners 
shall  be  chosen  by  and  out  of  each  of  these  four  jurisdictions,  viz.,  two 
for  the  Massachusetts,  two  for  Plymouth,  two  for  Connecticut,  and  two 
for  New  Haven,  all  in  church  fellowship  with  us,  which  shall  bring  full 
power  from  their  several  general  courts  respectively,  to  hear,  examine, 
weigh,  and  determine  all  affairs  of  war  or  peace,  leagues,  aids,  charges, 
and  numbers  of  men  for  war,  division  of  spoils,  or  whatever  is  gotten  by 
conquest;  receiving  of  more  confederates  or  plantations  into  the  combina- 
tion with  any  of  these  confederates,  and  all  things  of  like  nature  which 
are  the  proper  concomitants  or  consequents  of  such  a  confederation  for 
amity,  offence  and  defence,  not  intermeddling  with  the  government  of 
any  of  the  jurisdictions,  which  by  the  3d  article  is  preserved  entirely  to 
themselves.  But  if  those  eight  commissioners,  when  they  meet,  shall  not 
agree,  yet  it  is  concluded  that  any  six  of  the  eight,  agreeing,  shall  have 


power  to  settle  and  determine  the  business  in  question;  but  if  six  do  not 
agree,  that  then  such  propositions,  with  their  reasons,  so  far  as  they  have 
been  debated,  be  sent  and  referred  to  the  four  general  courts,  viz.,  the 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven:  and  if  at  all 
the  said  general  courts  the  business  so  referred  be  concluded,  then  to  be 
prosecuted  by  the  confederation  and  all  their  members.  It  is  further 
agreed,  that  these  eight  commissioners  shall  meet  once  every  year  (besides 
extraordinary  meetings  according  to  the  5th  article)  to  consider,  treat, 
and  conclude  of  all  affairs  belonging  to  this  confederation,  which  meeting 
shall  ever  be  the  first  Thursday  in  7ber.  (September),  and  that  the  next 
meeting  after  the  date  of  these  presents  (which  shall  be  accounted  the 
second  meeting)  shall  be  at  Boston  in  the  Massachusetts,  the  third  at 
Hartford,  the  fourth  at  New  Haven,  the  fifth  at  Plymouth,  the  sixth  and 
seventh  at  Boston,  and  so  in  course  successively,  if  in  the  meantime  some 
middle  place  be  not  found  out  and  agreed  upon,  which  may  be  com- 
modious for  all  the  jurisdictions. 

7.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  at  each  meeting  of  these  eight  commis- 
sioners, whether  ordinary  or  extraordinary,  they  all,  or  any  six  of  them 
agreeing  as  before,  may  choose  their  president  out  of  themselves,  whose 
office  and  work  shall  be  to  take  care  and  direct  for  order  and  a  comely 
carrying  on  of  all  proceedings  in  their  present  meeting,  but  he  shall  be 
invested  with  no  such  power  or  respect,  as  by  which  he  shall  hinder  the 
propounding  or  progress  of  any  business,  or  any  way  cast  the  scales 
otherwise  than  in  the  preceding  articles  is  agreed. 

8.  It  is  also  agreed,  that  the  commissioners  for  this  confederation 
hereafter  at  their  meetings,  whether  ordinary  or  extraordinary,  as  they 
may  have  commission  or  opportunity,  do  endeavor  to  frame  and  establish 
agreements  and  orders  in  general  cases  of  a  civil  nature  wherein  all  the 
plantations  are  interested  for  preserving  peace  amongst  themselves,  and 
preventing,  as  much  as  may  be,  all  occasions  of  war  or  differences  with 
others,  as  about  free  and  speedy  passage  of  justice  in  each  jurisdiction  to 
all  the  confederates  equally,  as  to  their  own,  receiving  those  that  remove 
from  one  plantation  to  another  without  due  certificates,  how  all  the 
jurisdictions  may  carry  it  towards  the  Indians,  that  they  neither  grow 
insolent  nor  be  injured  without  due  satisfaction,  lest  war  break  in  upon 
the  confederates  through  miscarriages.  It  is  also  agreed,  that  if  any 
servant  run  away  from  his  master  into  any  of  these  confederate  jurisdic- 
tions, that  in  such  case,  upon  certificate  of  one  magistrate  in  the  juris- 
diction out  of  which  the  said  servant  fled,  or  upon  other  due  proof,  the 
said  servant  shall  be  delivered  either  to  his  master  or  any  other  that 
pursues  and  brings  such  certificate  or  proof:    And  that  upon  the  escape 


of  any  prisoner  or  fugitive  for  any  criminal  cause,  whether  breaking 
prison  or  getting  from  the  officer,  or  otherwise  escaping,  upon  the  certi- 
ficate of  two  magistrates  of  the  jurisdiction  out  of  which  the  escape  is 
made,  that  he  was  a  prisoner  or  such  an  offender  at  the  time  of  the 
escape,  the  magistrate,  or  some  of  them  of  the  jurisdiction  where  for  the 
present  the  said  prisoner  or  fugitive  abideth,  shall  forthwith  grant  such 
a  warrant  as  the  case  will  bear,  for  the  apprehending  of  any  such  person 
and  the  delivery  of  him  into  the  hand  of  the  officer  or  other  person  who 
pursueth  him;  and  if  there  be  help  required  for  the  safe  returning  of 
any  such  offender,  then  it  shall  be  granted  unto  him  that  craves  the  same, 
he  paying  the  charges  thereof.^ 

9.  And  for  that  the  justest  wars  may  be  of  dangerous  consequence, 
especially  to  the  smaller  plantations  in  these  united  colonies,  it  is  agreed, 
that  neither  the  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  nor  New  Haven, 
nor  any  of  the  members  of  any  of  them,  shall  at  any  time  hereafter  begin, 
undertake,  or  engage  themselves  or  this  confederation,  or  any  part  thereof, 
in  any  war  whatsoever,  (sudden  exigencies  with  the  necessary  conse- 
quences thereof  excepted,  which  are  also  to  be  moderated  as  much  as 
the  case  will  permit,)  without  the  consent  and  agreement  of  the  afore- 
named eight  commissioners,  or  at  least  six  of  them,  as  in  the  6th  article 
is  provided;  and  that  no  charge  be  required  of  any  of  the  confederates, 
in  case  of  a  defensive  war,  till  the  said  commissioners  have  met  and  ap- 
proved the  justice  of  the  war,  and  have  agreed  upon  the  sum  of  money  to 
be  levied,  which  sum  is  then  to  be  paid  by  the  several  confederates  in  pro- 
portion according  to  the  4th  article. 

10.  That  in  extraordinary  occasions,  when  meetings  are  summoned 
by  three  magistrates  of  any  jurisdiction,  or  two,  as  in  the  5th  article,  if 
any  of  the  commissioners  come  not,  due  warning  being  given  or  sent,  it  is 
agreed  that  four  of  the  commissioners  shall  have  power  to  direct  a  war 
which  cannot  be  delayed,  and  to  send  for  due  proportions  of  men  out  of 
each  jurisdiction,  as  well  as  six  might  do  if  all  met;  but  not  less  than  six 
shall  determine  the  justice  of  the  war,  or  allow  the  demands  or  bills  of 
charges,  or  cause  any  levies  to  be  made  for  the  same. 

11.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  if  any  of  the  confederates  shall  hereafter 
break  any  of  these  present  articles,  or  be  otherway  injurious  to  any  one 
of  the  other  jurisdictions,  such  breach  of  agreement  or  injury  shall  be 
duly  considered  and  ordered  by  the  commissioners  for  the  other  jurisdic- 

^  A  rather  curious  forecast  of  the  fugitive  slave  clause  of  the  Constitution, 
the  indentured  servants,  as  often  appears,  being  scarcely  less  in  bondage  than 
African  slaves. 


tions,  that  both  peace,  and  this  present  confederation  may  be  entirely 
preserved  without  violation.* 

12.  Lastly,  this  perpetual  confederation,  and  the  several  articles 
and  agreements  thereof  being  read  and  seriously  considered  both  by  the 
general  court  for  the  Massachusetts  and  the  commissioners  for  the  other 
three,  were  subscribed  presently  by  the  commissioners,  all  save  those  of 
Plymouth,  who,  for  want  of  sufficient  commission  from  their  general 
court,  deferred  their  subscription  till  the  next  meeting,  and  then  they 
subscribed  also,  and  were  to  be  allowed  by  the  general  courts  of  the  several 
jurisdictions,  which  accordingly  was  done,  and  certified  at  the  next  meet- 
ing held  at  Boston,  (7)  (September)  7,  1643. 

Boston,  (3)  29,2  1643. 

4.  (June)  12.]  Mr.  La  Tour  arrived  here  in  a  ship  of  140 
tons,  and  140  persons.  The  ship  came  from  Rochelle,  the 
master  and  his  company  were  Protestants.  There  were  two 
friars  and  two  women  sent  to  wait  upon  La  Tour  his  lady. 
They  came  in  with  a  fair  wind,  without  any  notice  taken  of 
them.  They  took  a  pilot  out  of  one  of  our  boats  at  sea,  and 
left  one  of  their  men  in  his  place.  Capt.  Gibbons'  wife  and 
children  passed  by  the  ship  as  they  were  going  to  their  farm, 
but  being  discovered  to  La  Tour  by  one  of  his  gentlemen  who 
knew  her,  La  Tour  manned  out  a  shallop,  which  he  towed 
after  him  to  go  speak  with  her.  She  seeing  such  a  company 
of  strangers  making  towards  her,  hastened  to  get  from  them, 
and  landed  at  the  governor's  garden.  La  Tour  landed  pre- 
sently after  her,  and  there  found  the  governor  and  his  wife, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  and  his  son's  wife,  and  after  mutual  salu- 
tations he  told  the  governor  the  cause  of  his  coming,  viz.  that 
this  ship  being  sent  him  out  of  France,  D'Aulnay,  his  old 

*  Plainly  in  these  articles  no  secession  at  will  of  any  of  the  contracting  parties 
was  allowable. 

2  The  date  is  clear  in  the  manuscript,  but  Savage  believes  there  is  reason 
for  making  it  May  19,  as  in  the  Plymouth  Records,  instead  of  29.  Three  years 
later  (1856)  the  publication  of  Bradford's  History  confirmed  his  view.  The 
text,  with  some  differences,  especially  in  the  ending,  may  be  seen  in  Bradford,  pp. 
382-388,  of  the  edition  in  the  present  series;  also  in  the  Plymouth  Records,  Vol. 
IX.,  Colonial  Records  of  Connecticut,  Vol.  III.,  and  Old  South  Leaflets,  no.  169. 

106  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

enemy,  had  so  blocked  up  the  river  to  his  fort  at  St.  John's, 
with  two  ships  and  a  galliot,  as  his  ship  could  not  get  in, 
whereupon  he  stole  by  in  the  night  in  his  shallop,  and  was 
come  to  crave  aid  to  convey  him  into  his  fort.  The  governor 
answered  that  he  could  say  nothing  to  it  till  he  had  conferred 
with  other  of  the  magistrates;  so  after  supper  he  went  with 
him  to  Boston  in  La  Tour's  boat,  having  sent  his  own  boat  to 
Boston  to  carry  home  Mrs.  Gibbons.  Divers  boats,  having 
passed  by  him,  had  given  notice  hereof  to  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  his  ship  also  arriving  before  Boston,  the  towns  betook 
them  to  their  arms,  and  three  shallops  with  armed  men  came 
forth  to  meet  the  governor  and  to  guard  him  home.  But  here 
the  Lord  gave  us  occasion  to  take  notice  of  our  weakness,  etc., 
for  if  La  Tour  had  been  ill  minded  towards  us,  he  had  such  an 
opportunity  as  we  hope  neither  he  nor  any  other  shall  ever  have 
the  like  again ;  for  coming  by  our  castle  and  saluting  it,  there 
was  none  to  answer  him,  for  the  last  court  had  given  order  to 
have  the  castle-Island  deserted,  a  great  part  of  the  work  being 
fallen  down,  etc.,  so  as  he  might  have  taken  all  the  ordnance 
there.  Then,  having  the  governor  and  his  family,  and  Captain 
Gibbons'  wife,  etc.,  in  his  power,  he  might  have  gone  and 
spoiled  Boston,  and  having  so  many  men  ready,  they  might 
have  taken  two  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  gone  away  without 
danger  or  resistance,  but  his  neglecting  this  opportunity  gave 
us  assurance  of  his  true  meaning.  So  being  landed  at  Boston, 
the  governor,  with  a  sufficient  guard,  brought  him  to  his  lodg- 
ing at  Captain  Gibbons'.  This  gave  further  assurance  that  he 
intended  us  no  evil,  because  he  voluntarily  put  his  person  in 
our  power.  The  next  day  the  governor  called  together  such 
of  the  magistrates  as  were  at  hand,  and  some  of  the  deputies, 
and  propounding  the  cause  to  them,  and  La  Tour  being  present, 
and  the  captain  of  his  ship,  etc.,  he  showed  his  commission, 
which  was  fairly  engrossed  in  parchment  under  the  hand  and 
seal  of  the  Vice  Admiral  of  France,  and  grand  prior,  etc.,  to 
bring  supply  to  La  Tour,  whom  he  styled  his  majesty's  heu- 


tenant  general  of  L'Acadye,  and  also  a  letter  from  the  agent  of 
the  company  of  France  to  whom  he  hath  reference,  informing 
him  of  the  injurious  practices  of  D'Aulnay  against  him,  and 
advising  him  to  look  to  himself,  etc.,  and  superscribed  to  him 
as  Heutenant  general,  etc.  Upon  this  it  appeared  to  us,  (that 
being  dated  in  April  last,)  that  notwithstanding  the  news 
which  D'Aulnay  had  sent  to  our  governor  the  last  year, 
whereby  La  Tour  was  proclaimed  a  rebel,  etc.,  yet  he  stood 
in  good  terms  with  the  state  of  France,  and  also  with  the 
company.  Whereupon,  though  we  could  not  grant  him  aid 
without  advice  of  the  other  commissioners  of  our  confederacy, 
yet  we  thought  it  not  fit  nor  just  to  hinder  any  that  would  be 
willing  to  be  hired  to  aid  him;  and  accordingly  we  answered 
him  that  we  would  allow  him  a  free  mercate,^  that  he  might 
hire  any  ships  which  lay  in  our  harbor,  etc.  This  answer  he 
was  very  well  satisfied  with  and  took  very  thankfully;  he 
also  desired  leave  to  land  his  men,  that  they  might  refresh 
themselves,  which  was  granted  him,  so  they  landed  in  small 
companies,  that  our  women,  etc.,  might  not  be  affrighted  by 
them.    This  direction  was  duly  observed. 

But  the  training  day  at  Boston  falling  out  the  next  week, 
and  La  Tour  having  requested  that  he  might  be  permitted  to 
exercise  his  soldiers  on  shore,  we  expected  him  that  day,  so  he 
landed  40  men  in  their  arms,  (they  were  all  shot).'  They  were 
brought  into  the  field  by  our  train  band,  consisting  of  150,  and 
in  the  forenoon  they  only  beheld  our  men  exercise.  When 
they  had  dined,  (La  Tour  and  his  officers  with  our  officers,  and 
his  soldiers  invited  home  by  the  private  soldiers,)  in  the  after- 
noon they  were  permitted  to  exercise,  (our  governor  and  other 
of  the  magistrates  coming  then  into  the  field,)  and  all  ours  stood 
and  beheld  them.  They  were  very  expert  in  all  their  postures 
and  motions. 

When  it  was  near  night.  La  Tour  desired  our  governor 
that  his  men  might  have  leave  to  depart,  which  being  granted, 

*  Market.  ^  They  were  all  muskets. 

108  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

his  captain  acquainted  our  captain  therewith,  so  he  drew  our 
men  into  a  march,  and  the  French  fell  into  the  middle.  When 
they  were  to  depart,  they  gave  a  volley  of  shot  and  went  to 
their  boat,  the  French  showing  much  admiration  to  see  so 
many  men  of  one  town  so  well  armed  and  disciplined,  La  Tour 
professing  he  could  not  have  believed  it,  if  he  had  not  seen  it. 
Our  governor  and  others  in  the  town  entertained  La  Tour 
and  his  gentlemen  with  much  courtesy,  both  in  their  houses 
and  at  table.  La  Tour  came  duly  to  our  church  meetings,  and 
always  accompanied  the  governor  to  and  from  thence,  who  all 
the  time  of  his  abode  here  was  attended  with  a  good  guard  of 
halberts  and  musketeers.  Those  who  engrossed  the  ships, 
understanding  his  distress,  and  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and 
the  magistrates'  permission,  were  willing  to  be  entertained  by 

But  the  rumor  of  these  things  soon  spreading  through  the 
country,  were  diversely  apprehended,  not  only  by  the  common 
sort,  but  also  by  the  elders,  whereof  some  in  their  sermons  spoke 
against  their  entertainment,  and  the  aid  permitted  them;  others 

*  The  visit  of  La  Tour  to  Boston  is  a  picturesque  episode.  At  this  moment 
France  was  on  the  brink  of  becoming  involved  in  the  EngHsh  Civil  War.  In  the 
summer  of  1643,  the  cause  of  Parliament,  with  which  New  England  sympathized, 
was  much  depressed,  while  the  King's  party,  most  zealous  in  which  was  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria,  a  French  Catholic  princess,  seemed  likely  to  triumph.  France 
was  on  the  point  of  taking  active  part  with  the  Cavaliers.  When  therefore  La 
Tour  suddenly  appeared  in  the  harbor  of  the  little  town  in  a  ship  well  armed 
and  manned,  great  caution  in  dealing  with  him  was  necessary.  The  fact  that  the 
ship's  captain  and  part  of  the  crew  were  Huguenots  from  Rochelle  seemed  to 
justify  a  policy  of  forbearance,  as  these  were  on  good  terms  with  La  Tour.  It  was 
a  portentous  sight  indeed  when  a  company  of  French  soldiers,  fully  armed  and 
drilled,  manoeuvred  on  the  training  field.  Dropping  their  muskets,  and  drawing 
their  swords,  they  made  a  rapid  charge,  described,  Savage  says,  in  a  note  attached 
to  the  manuscript  (burned  in  1825).  The  more  timorous  feared  this  might  be  in 
earnest.  La  Tour's  audacious  visit  was  a  bold  bid  for  support  from  the  Puritans 
against  his  rival  d'Aulnay.  He  might  easily  have  carried  off  the  governor  and 
burned  the  unprepared  settlement,  but  his  disposition  was  friendly,  and  he  with- 
drew leaving  Boston  quite  dazed  over  the  transaction.  The  controversy  as  to 
whether  the  heads  had  done  wisely  or  foolishly  is  preserved  in  the  prolix  pages 
of  labored  argument  fortified  pro  and  con  by  far-fetched  Biblical  precedents, 
which  follow  the  narrative  of  La  Tour's  visit. 


spake  in  the  justification  of  both.  One  [blank,]  a  judicious 
minister,  hearing  that  leave  was  granted  them  to  exercise  their 
men  in  Boston,  out  of  his  fear  of  popish  leagues  and  care  of 
our  safety,  spake  as  in  way  of  prediction,  that,  before  that  day 
were  ended,  store  of  blood  would  be  spilled  in  Boston.  Divers 
also  wrote  to  the  governor,  laying  before  him  great  dangers, 
others  charging  sin  upon  the  conscience  in  all  these  proceed- 
ings; so  as  he  was  forced  to  write  and  publish  the  true  state 
of  the  cause,  and  the  reasons  of  all  their  proceedings,  which 
satisfied  many,  but  not  all.  Also,  the  masters  and  others,  who 
were  to  go  in  the  ships,  desired  advice  about  their  proceedings, 
etc.  whereupon  the  governor  appointed  another  meeting,  to 
which  all  the  near  magistrates  and  deputies,  and  the  elders 
also  were  called,  and  there  the  matter  was  debated  upon  these 

1.  Whether  it  were  lawful  for  Christians  to  aid  idolaters,  and 
how  far  we  may  hold  communion  with  them? 

2.  Whether  it  were  safe  for  our  state  to  suffer  him  to  have 
aid  from  us  against  D'Aulnay? 

To  the  first  question,  the  arguments  on  the  negative  part 
were  these.  1.  Jehoshaphat  is  reproved  for  the  like — ^wouldst 
thou  help  the  wicked?  The  answer  to  this  was,  first,  this  must 
be  meant  only  in  such  case  as  that  was,  not  simply  according 
to  the  words  of  that  one  sentence  taken  apart  from  the  rest, 
for  otherwise  it  would  be  unlawful  to  help  any  wicked  man, 
though  a  professed  Protestant,  and  though  our  own  country- 
man, father,  brother,  etc.,  and  that  in  any  case,  though  ready 
to  be  drowned,  slain,  famished,  etc.,  second,  Jehoshaphat  aided 
him  in  a  brotherly  league  of  amity  and  affinity :  I  am  as  thou 
art,  my  people  as  thy  people,  etc.  2.  Ahab  was  declared  a 
wicked  man  by  God,  and  denounced  to  destruction.  Answer. 
Ahab  was  in  no  distress,  and  so  needed  no  aid. 

2.  Argument.  Jehoshaphat  joining  after  with  Ahazia  in 
making  ships,  is  reproved,  etc.  Answer.  There  is  difference 
between  helping  a  man  in  distress,  which  is  a  duty  imposed, 

110  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

and  joining  in  a  course  of  merchandise  where  the  action  is 
voluntary;  and  it  appears  by  this  their  joining,  that  the  league 
of  amity  continued  between  the  two  kingdoms. 

3.  Argument.  Josias  did  evil  in  aiding  the  king  of  Babylon 
against  Pharaoh  Necho.  Answer  1.  The  king  of  Babylon 
was  in  no  distress,  nor  did  desire  his  help,  nor  is  it  said  he 
intended  his  aid.  2.  Josias,  no  doubt,  did  not  break  any  known 
general  rule,  being  so  strict  an  observer  of  all  God's  command- 
ments; for  it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  stop  Pharaoh's  army 
from  going  through  his  country,  but  his  sin  was,  that  either  he 
did  not  believe  the  message  of  God  by  Pharaoh  in  that  parti- 
cular case,  or  did  not  inquire  further  about  it  from  his  own 
prophets,  and  so  it  is  expressed  in  that  story. 

4.  Argument.  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah,  is  reproved  for 
hiring  an  army  out  of  Israel,  because  God  was  near  with  Israel. 
Answer.  This  is  not  to  the  question,  which  is  of  giving  aid, 
and  not  of  hiring  aid  from  others,  nor  was  Amaziah  in  any 
distress,  but  only  sought  to  enlarge  his  dominion. 

5.  Argument.  By  aiding  papists,  we  advance  and  strengthen 
popery.  Answer  1.  We  are  not  to  omit  things  necessary  and 
lawful  for  a  doubtful  ill  consequence,  which  is  but  accidental. 
2.  Such  aid  may  as  well  work  to  the  weakening  of  popery 
by  winning  some  of  them  to  the  love  of  the  truth,  as  hath 
sometimes  fallen  out,  and  .sometimes  by  strengthening  one 
part  of  them  against  another,  they  may  both  be  the  more 
weakened  in  the  end. 

For  the  2d  question,  whether  it  be  safe,  etc.,  the  arguments 
on  the  negative  part  were  these. 

1.  Papists  are  not  to  be  trusted,  seeing  it  is  one  of  their 
tenets  that  they  are  not  to  keep  promise  with  heretics.  An- 
swer. In  this  case  we  rely  not  upon  their  faith  but  their  inter- 
est, it  being  for  their  advantage  to  hold  in  with  us,  we  may 
safely  trust  them;  besides,  we  shall  not  need  to  hazard  our- 
selves upon  their  fidelity,  having  sufficient  strength  to  secure 


2.  We  may  provoke  the  state  of  France  against  us,  or  at 
least  D'Aulnay,  and  so  be  brought  into  another  war.  Answer. 
It  appears  by  the  commission  and  letter  before-mentioned,  that 
La  Tour  stands  in  good  terms  with  the  state  of  France  and 
the  company,  etc.  It  is  usual  in  all  states  in  Europe  to  suffer 
aid  to  be  hired  against  their  confederates,  without  any  breach 
of  the  peace,  as  by  the  states  of  Holland  against  the  Spaniards, 
and  by  both  out  of  England,  without  any  breach  of  the  peace, 
or  offence  to  either.  As  for  D'Aubiay,  he  hath  carried  himself 
so,  as  we  could  look  for  no  other  but  ill  measures  from  him, 
if  he  were  able,  though  we  should  not  permit  La  Tour  to  have 
help  from  us,  for  he  hath  taken  Penobscott  from  us  with  our 
goods  to  a  .great  value.  He  made  prize  of  our  men  and  goods 
also  at  Isle  Sable,  and  kept  our  men  as  slaves  a  good  space, 
but  never  made  satisfaction  for  our  goods;  likewise  he  enter- 
tained our  servants  which  ran  from  us,  and  refuseth  to  return 
them,  being  demanded;  he  also  fumisheth  the  Indians  about 
us  with  guns  and  powder;  and  lastly,  he  wrote  last  year  to 
our  governor,  forbidding  our  vessels  to  pass  beyond  his  fort 
in  the  open  sea,  and  threatening  to  make  prize  if  he  should 
meet,  etc.,  and  if  the  worst  should  happen  that  can  be  feared, 
yet  if  our  way  be  lawful,  and  we  innocent  from  wrong,  etc.,  we 
may  .and  must  trust  God  with  our  safety  so  long  as  we  serve 
his  providence  in  the  use  of  such  means  as  he  affords  us. 

3.  Argument.  Solomon  tells  us,  that  he  that  meddleth  with 
a  strife  which  belongs  not  to  him,  takes  a  dog  by  the  ear,  which 
is  very  dangerous.  Answer.  This  is  a  strife  which  doth  belong 
to  us,  both  in  respect  of  La  Tour  seeking  aid  of  us  in  his  dis- 
tress, and  also  in  respect  it  so  much  concerns  us  to  have 
D'Aulnay  subdued  or  weakened:  and  it  were  not  wisdom  in 
us  to  stop  the  course  of  providence,  which  offers  to  do  that  for 
us  without  our  charge,  wliich  we  are  like  otherwise  to  be 
forced  to  undertake  at  our  own  charge. 

4.  It  is  not  safe  to  permit  this  aid  to  go  from  us,  especially 
without  advice  of  the  general  court,  lest  it  should  miscarry, 


and  so  prove  a  dishonor  and  weakening  to  us.  Answer  1.  For 
the  general  court,  it  could  not  have  been  assembled  under 
fourteen  days,  and  such  delay,  besides  the  necessary  charge 
it  would  have  put  La  Tour  unto,  and  ourselves  also  by  the 
strong  watches  we  were  forced  to  keep,  it  might  have  lost 
the  opportunity  of  relieving  him,  or  it  might  have  put  him 
upon  some  dangerous  design  of  surprising  our  ships,  etc.  Be- 
sides, if  the  court  had  been  assembled,  we  knew  they  would  not 
have  given  him  aid  without  consent  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  other  colonies,  and  for  a  bare  permission,  we  might  do  it 
without  the  court;  and  to  have  deferred  this  needlessly,  had 
been  against  that  rule :  say  not  to  thy  neighbor,  go  and  come 
again,  and  to-morrow  I  will  give  thee,  when  there  is  power  in 
thine  hands  to  do  it.  As  for  the  danger  of  miscarriage,  it  is 
not  so  much  as  in  other  our  voyages  to  Spain  or  England,  or, 
etc.,  and  if  the  rule  be  safe  that  we  walk  by,  the  success  cannot 
alter  it. 

5.  We  hear  only  one  party,  we  should  as  well  hear  the  other, 
otherwise  we  deal  not  judicially,  and  perhaps  may  aid  a  man 
in  an  imjust  quarrel.  Answer  L  We  heard  formerly  D'Aul- 
nay's  allegations  against  La  Tour,  and  notwithstanding  all 
that.  La  Tour  his  cause  appears  just;  for  they  being  both  the 
subjects  of  the  same  prince,  the  sliip  coming  by  permission  from 
their  prince's  authority,  D'Aulnay  ought  to  permit  him  to  enter 
peaceably.  2.  Our  men  that  go  will  first  offer  parley  with 
D'Auhiay,  and  if  La  Tour  his  cause  be  unjust,  they  are  not  to 
offend  the  others.  3.  La  Tom-  being  now  in  desperate  distress, 
he  is  first  to  be  succoured,  before  the  cause  be  further  inquired 
into,  according  to  the  example  of  Abraham,  who,  hearing  of  the 
distress  of  his  kinsman  Lot,  staid  not  till  he  might  send  to 
Chedorlaomer  to  have  his  answer  about  the  justice  of  his  cause; 
yet  there  was  strong  presumption  that  his  cause  was  just,  and 
that  Lot  and  all  the  rest  were  lawful  prisoners,  for  they  had 
been  twelve  years  his  subjects  and  were  in  rebellion  at  this 
time,  but  he  stays  not  to  inquire  out  the  cause,  the  distress  not 


permitting  it,  but  goes  personally  to  rescue  them:  As  put 
case — an  Englishman  or  Spaniard  should  be  driven  into  our 
harbor  by  a  pirate,  and  should  come  and  inform  us  so,  and 
desire  us  to  let  him  have  aid  to  convey  him  safe  to  sea,  might 
we  not  lawfully  send  out  aid  with  him,  before  he  had  sent  to 
the  pirate  to  understand  the  cause ;  it  would  be  time  enough 
to  demand  that,  when  our  aid  came  up  with  him.  So  if  om- 
neighboring  Indians  should  send  to  us  to  desire  aid  against 
some  other  Indians  who  were  coming  to  destroy  them,  should 
we  first  send  to  the  other  Indians  to  inquire  the  justice  of  the 
cause?  No,  but  we  should  first  send  to  save  them,  and  after 
examine  the  cause. 

The  arguments  on  the  affirmative  part  are  many  of  them 
touched  in  the  former  answers  to  the  arguments  on  the  other 
part.    The  rest  are  these. 

1.  By  the  royal  law,  thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thy- 
self. If  our  neighbor  be  in  distress,  we  ought  to  help  him  with- 
out any  respect  to  religion  or  other  quality ;  but  an  idolater  in 
distress  is  our  neighbor,  as  appears  by  that  parable,  Luke  10, 
where  it  is  plainly  concluded,  that  the  Samaritan  was  neighbor 
to  the  distressed  traveller,  and  our  Saviour  bids  the  lawyer, 
being  a  Jew,  to  do  likewise,  that  is,  even  to  a  Samaritan,  if  in 
distress;  and  by  the  law  of  relations  the  distressed  Jew  was 
neighbor  to  the  Samaritan,  and  the  Samaritan  in  distress  should 
have  been  so  to  him,  though  as  opposite  in  religion  as  Protes- 
tants and  papists.  If  such  an  one  be  not  our  neighbor,  then 
we  have  no  relation  to  him  by  any  command  of  the  second 
table,  for  that  requires  us  to  love  our  neighbor  only,  and  then 
we  may  deceive,  beat,  and  otherwise  dananify  him,  and  not 
sin,  etc. 

2.  Argument  out  of  Gal.  6. 10.  Do  good  to  all,  but  specially 
to  the  household  of  faith,  by  which  it  appears  that  under  all,  he 
includes  such  as  were  not  believers,  and  those  were  heathen 
idolaters,  and  if  we  must  do  good  to  such,  we  must  help  them 
in  distress. 

114  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

3.  We  are  exhorted  to  be  like  our  Heavenly  Father  in  doing 
good  to  the  just  and  unjust,  that  is  to  all,  as  occasion  is  offered, 
even  such  as  he  causeth  the  sun  to  shine  upon,  and  the  rain  to 
fall  upon,  though  excommunicated  persons,  blasphemers,  and 
persecutors,  yet  if  they  be  in  distress,  we  are  to  do  them  good, 
and  therefore  to  relieve  them. 

4.  We  may  hold  some  kind  of  communion  with  idolaters,  as 
1.  We  may  have  peace  with  them;  2.  Commerce:  Ezek.  27. 
17.  speaking  of  Tyrus,  who  were  idolaters,  he  sayeth,  Judah 
were  thy  merchants  in  wheat,  etc.,  and  the  Jews  were  not  for- 
bidden to  trade  with  the  heathen  in  Nehemiah's  time,  so  it  were 
not  on  the  Sabbath.  3.  In  eating  and  drinking  and  such  Uke 
famihar  converse:  1.  Cor.  10.  if  an  heathen  invite  a  Christian 
to  his  table,  he  might  go,  etc.,  and  so  he  might  as  well  invite 
such  to  his  table,  as  Solomon  did  the  queen  of  Sheba,  and  the 
ambassadors  of  other  princes  round  about  him,  who  would  not 
have  resorted  to  him  as  they  did,  if  he  had  not  entertained 
them  courteously;  and  he  both  received  presents  and  gave 
presents  to  the  queen  of  Sheba,  and  others  who  were  then 
idolaters — and  Neh.  5.  17.  he  sayeth,  that  with  the  Jews  there 
were  also  at  his  table  usually  such  of  the  heathen  as  came  to 
him:  so  that  it  was  not  then  (nor  indeed  at  all  by  the  law) 
unlawful  for  the  Jews  to  eat  with  heathen,  though  the  Pharisees 
made  it  unlawful  by  their  tradition. 

The  fourth  and  last  kind  of  communion  is  succor  in  distress. 

To  the  second  question,  the  arguments  on  the  affirmative 
part  were  these,  with  others  expressed  before  in  the  answers. 

1.  D'Aulnay  is  a  dangerous  neighbor  to  us;  if  he  have  none 
to  oppose  him,  or  to  keep  him  employed  at  home,  he  will  cer- 
tainly be  dealing  with  us,  but  if  La  Tour  be  not  now  helpen, 
he  is  undone,  his  fort,  with  his  wife,  children,  and  servants,  will 
all  be  taken,  he  hath  no  place  to  go  unto — this  ship  cannot 
carry  back  him  and  all  his  company  to  France,  but  will  leave 
them  on  shore  here,  and  how  safe  it  will  be  for  us  to  keep  them 
is  doubtful,  but  to  let  them  go  will  be  more  dangerous,  for  they 


must  then  go  to  D'Aulnay,  and  that  will  strengthen  him  greatly 
both  by  their  number,  and  still  also  by  their  present  knowledge 
of  our  state  and  place,  which,  in  regard  of  our  own  safety,  lays 
a  necessity  upon  us  of  aiding  La  Tour,  and  aiding  him  so  as 
he  may  subsist,  and  be  able  to  make  good  his  place  against  his 

2.  La  Tour  being  in  urgent  distress,  and  therefore  as  our 
neighbor  to  be  reheved,  if  it  be  well  done  of  us,  we  may  trust 
in  God,  and  not  be  afraid  of  any  terror,  1  Peter,  3.  6. 

3.  It  will  be  no  wisdom  for  D'Auhiay  to  begin  with  us,  for 
he  knows  how  much  stronger  we  are  than  he,  in  men  and 
shipping;  and  some  experience  we  have  had  hereof,  in  that 
when  our  friends  of  Plymouth  hired  a  ship  in  our  harbor,  and 
therewith  went  and  battered  his  house  at  Penobscott,  yet  he 
took  no  occasion  thereby  against  us,  nor  ever  attempted  any 
thing  against  them,  though  their  trading  house  at  Kennebeck 
be  an  hindrance  to  him,  and  easy  for  him  to  take  at  his  pleasure. 

There  were  other  instances  brought  to  the  lawfulness,  both 
in  Joshua  his  aiding  the  Gibeonites,  who  were  Canaanites,  and 
had  deluded  him,  and  he  might  hereupon  have  left  them  to  be 
spoiled  by  their  neighbors.  So  when  Jehoshaphat  aided  Jeho- 
rim  against  Moab,  (for  he  had  put  away  Baal,)  EUsha  speaks 
honorably  to  him  and  doth  not  reprove  him,  but  for  his  pres- 
ence sake  saves  their  house  by  miracle,  etc. 

The  like  rumore  and  fears  were  raised  upon  our  first  expedi- 
tion against  the  Pequods,  1636.  The  governor  of  Plymouth 
wrote  to  Mr.  Winthrop,  then  deputy  governor,  in  dislike  of  our 
attempt,  and  in  apprehension  of  the  great  danger  we  had 
incurred,  that  we  had  provoked  the  Pequods,  and  no  more, 
and  had  thereby  occasioned  a  war,  etc.  But  we  found,through 
the  Lord's  special  mercy,  that  that  provocation  and  war  proved 
a  blessing  to  all  the  English.  Our  brethren  of  Connecticut 
wrote  also  to  us,  declaring  their  fears,  and  the  danger  we  had 
cast  them  into  by  warring  upon  the  Pequods,  etc.  And  indeed 
we  committed  an  error,  in  that  we  did  not  first  give  them 

116  "WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

notice  of  our  intention,  that  they  might  take  the  more  care 
of  their  own  safety,  but  they  could  not  be  ignorant  of  our 

The  governor  by  letters  informed  the  rest  of  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  united  colonies  of  what  had  passed  about  La 
Tour;  but  the  reason  why  he  did  not  defer  him  at  first  for  his 
answer,  till  some  more  of  the  magistrates  and  deputies  might 
have  been  assembled,  and  the  elders  likewise  consulted  with, 
was  this.  Conceiving  that  he  stood  still  under  the  same  sen- 
tence of  the  arrest  from  the  state  of  France,  there  would  have 
been  no  need  of  advice  in  the  case,  for  we  must  have  given 
him  the  same  answer  we  gave  his  heutenant  the  last  year,  and 
upon  the  same  ground,  viz.  That  however  he  might  trade  here 
for  such  commodities  as  he  stood  in  need  of,  yet  he  could  ex- 
pect no  aid  from  us,  for  it  would  not  be  fit  nor  safe  for  us  to 
do  that  which  might  justly  provoke  the  state  of  France  against 
us.  But  being  met,  and  seeing  the  commission  from  the  vice 
admiral,  etc.,  that  occasion  of  danger  being  removed,  we  doubt- 
ed not  but  we  might  safely  give  him  such  answer  as  we  did, 
without  further  trouble  to  the  country  or  delay  to  him.  See 
more  of  this  [blank]  leaves  after. 

The  sow  business  not  being  yet  digested  in  the  country,* 
many  of  the  elders  being  yet  unsatisfied,  and  the  more  by  rea- 
son of  a  new  case  stated  by  some  of  the  plaintiff's  side  and 
delivered  to  the  elders,  wherein  they  dealt  very  partially,  for 
they  drew  out  all  the  evidence  which  made  for  the  plaintiff,  and 
thereupon  framed  their  conclusion  without  mentioning  any  of 
the  defendant's  evidence.  This  being  dehvered  to  the  elders, 
and  by  them  imparted  to  some  of  the  other  side,  an  answer 
was  presently  drawn,  which  occasioned  the  elders  to  take  a 
view  of  all  the  evidence  on  both  parties,  and  a  meeting  being 
procured  both  of  magistrates  and  elders  (near  all  in  the  juris- 

^  For  the  "  sow  business,"  see  p.  64.  Palfrey  well  describes  how  through 
this  dispute  over  a  trifling  matter  the  bicanaeral  feature  became  established  in 
the  New  England  legislatures. 


diction)  and  some  of  the  deputies,  the  elders  there  declared, 
that  notwithstanding  their  former  opinions,  yet,  upon  examina- 
tion of  all  the  testimonies,  they  found  such  contrariety  and 
crossing  of  testimonies,  as  they  did  not  see  any  ground  for  the 
court  to  proceed  to  judgment  in  the  case,  and  therefore  earnest- 
ly desired  that  the  court  might  never  be  more  troubled  with  it. 
To  this  all  consented  except  Mr.  Bellingham  who  still  main- 
tained his  former  opinion,  and  would  have  the  magistrates 
lay  down  their  negative  voice,  and  so  the  cause  to  be  heard 
again.  This  stiffness  of  his  and  singularity  in  opinion  was  very 
impleasing  to  all  the  company,  but  they  went  on  notwithstand- 
ing, and  because  a  principal  end  of  the  meeting  was  to  recon- 
cile differences  and  take  away  offences,  which  were  risen 
between  some  of  the  magistrates  by  occasion  of  this  sow  busi- 
ness and  the  treatise  of  Mr.  Saltonstall  against  the  council, 
so  as  Mr.  Bellingham  and  he  stood  divided  from  the  rest, 
which  occasioned  much  opposition  even  in  open  court,  and 
much  partaking  in  the  country,  but  by  the  wisdom  and  faith- 
fulness of  the  elders  Mr.  Saltonstall  was  brought  to  see  his 
faihngs  in  that  treatise,  which  he  did  ingenuously  acknowledge 
and  bewail,  and  so  he  was  reconciled  with  the  rest  of  the  mag- 
istrates. They  labored  also  to  make  a  perfect  reconciliation 
between  the  governor  and  Mr.  Bellingham.  The  governor 
offered  himself  ready  to  it,  but  the  other  was  not  foi-ward, 
whereby  it  rested  in  a  manner  as  it  was.  Mr.  Dudley  also  had 
let  fall  a  speech  in  the  court  to  Mr.  Rogers  of  Ipswich,  which 
was  grievous  to  him  and  other  of  the  elders.  The  thing  was 
this.  Mr.  Rogers  being  earnest  in  a  cause  between  the  town 
and  Mr.  Bradstreet,  which  also  concerned  his  own  interest,  Mr. 
Dudley  used  this  speech  to  him,  "Do  you  think  to  come  with 
your  eldership  here  to  carry  matters,"  etc.  Mr.  Dudley  was 
somewhat  hard  at  first  to  be  brought  to  see  any  evil  in  it,  but 
at  last  he  was  convinced  and  did  acknowledge  it,  and  they  were 

The  deputies,  also,  who  were  present  at  this  meeting  and 

118  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

had  voted  for  the  plaintiff  in  the  case  of  the  sow,  seemed  now 
to  be  satisfied,  and  the  elders  agreed  to  deal  with  the  deputies 
of  their  several  towns,  to  the  end  that  that  cause  might  never 
trouble  the  court  more.  But  all  this  notwithstanding,  the 
plaintiff,  (or  rather  one  G.  Story  her  solicitor,)  being  of  an  un- 
satisfied spirit,  and  animated,  or  at  least  too  much  counte- 
nanced, by  some  of  the  court,  preferred  a  petition  at  the  court 
of  elections  for  a  new  hearing,  and  this  being  referred  to  the 
committee  for  petitions,  it  was  returned  that  the  greater  part  of 
them  did  conceive  the  cause  should  be  heard  again,  and  some 
others  in  the  court  declared  themselves  of  the  same  judgment, 
which  caused  others  to  be  much  grieved  to  see  such  a  spirit  in 
godly  men,  that  neither  the  judgment  of  near  all  the  magis- 
trates, nor  the  concurrence  of  the  elders  and  their  mediation, 
nor  the  loss  of  time  and  charge,  nor  the  settling  of  peace  in 
court  and  country  could  prevail  with  them  to  let  such  a 
cause  fall,  (as  in  ordinary  course  of  justice  it  ought,)  as  noth- 
ing could  be  found  in,  by  any  one  testimony,  to  be  of  criminal 
nature,  nor  could  the  matter  of  the  suit,  with  all  damages, 
have  amounted  to  forty  shilHngs.  But  two  things  appeared 
to  carry  men  on  in  this  course  as  it  were  in  captivity.  One 
was,  the  deputies  stood  only  upon  this,  that  their  towns 
were  not  satisfied  in  the  cause  (which  by  the  way  shows  plainly 
the  democratical  spirit  which  acts  our  deputies,  etc.).  The 
other  was,  the  desire  of  the  name  of  victory;  whereas  on  the 
other  side  the  magistrates,  etc.,  were  content  for  peace  sake, 
and  upon  the  elders'  advice,  to  decline  that  advantage,  and  to 
let  the  cause  fall  for  want  of  advice  to  sway  it  either  way. 
Now  that  which  made  the  people  so  unsatisfied,  and  un- 
willing the  cause  should  rest  as  it  stood,  was  the  20  pounds 
which  the  defendant  had  recovered  against  the  plaintiff  in  an 
action  of  slander  for  saying  he  had  stolen  the  sow,  etc.,  and 
many  of  them  could  not  distinguish  this  from  the  principal 
cause,  as  if  she  had  been  adjudged  to  pay  20  pounds  for  de- 
manding her  sow,  and  yet  the  defendant  never  took  of  this 


more  than  3  pounds,  for  his  charges  of  witnesses,  etc.,  and 
offered  to  remit  the  whole,  if  she  would  have  acknowledged  the 
wrong  she  had  done  him.  But  he  being  accounted  a  rich  man, 
and  she  a  poor  woman,  this  so  wrought  with  the  people,  as  being 
blinded  with  unreasonable  compassion,  they  could  not  see,  or 
not  allow  justice  her  reasonable  course.  This  being  found  out 
by  some  of  the  court,  a  motion  was  made,  that  some  who  had 
interest  in  the  defendant  would  undertake  to  persuade  him  to 
restore  the  plaintiff  the  3  pounds  (or  whatever  it  were)  he  took 
upon  that  judgment,  and  hkewise  to  refer  other  matters  to 
reference  which  were  between  the  said  Story  and  him.  This 
the  court  were  satisfied  with,  and  proceeded  no  further. 

There  was  yet  one  offence  which  the  elders  desired  might 
also  be  removed,  and  for  that  end  some  of  them  moved  the 
governor  in  it,  and  he  easily  consented  to  them  so  far  as  they 
had  convinced  him  of  his  failing  therein.  The  matter  was  this. 
The  governor  had  published  a  writing  about  the  case  of  the 
sow,  as  is  herein  before  declared,  wherein  some  passages  gave 
offence,  which  he  being  willing  to  remove,  so  soon  as  he  came 
into  the  general  court,  he  spake  as  followeth,  (his  speech  is  set 
down  verbatim  to  prevent  misrepresentation,  as  if  he  had 
retracted  what  he  had  wrote  in  the  point  of  the  case :) 

I  understand  divers  have  taken  offence  at  a  writing  I  set  forth  about 
the  sow  business ;  I  desire  to  remove  it,  and  to  begin  my  year  in  a  recon- 
ciled estate  with  all.  The  writing  is  of  two  parts,  the  matter  and  the 
manner.  In  the  former  I  had  the  concurrence  of  others  of  my  brethren, 
both  magistrates  and  deputies;  but  for  the  other,  viz.,  the  manner,  that 
was  wholly  mine  own,  so  as  whatsoever  was  blame-worthy  in  it  I 
must  take  it  to  myself.  The  matter  is  point  of  judgment,  which  is  not 
at  my  own  disposing.  I  have  examined  it  over  and  again  by  such  light 
as  God  hath  afforded  me  from  the  rules  of  religion,  reason,  and  common 
practice,  and  truly  I  can  find  no  ground  to  retract  any  thing  in  that,  there- 
fore I  desire  I  may  enjoy  my  liberty  herein,  as  every  of  yourselves  do, 
and  justly  may.  But  for  the  manner,  whatsoever  I  might  allege  for  my 
justification  before  men,  I  now  pass  it  over:  I  now  set  myself  before 
another  judgment  seat.     I  will  first  speak  to  the  manner  in  general  and 

120  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

then  to  two  particulars.  For  the  general.  Howsoever  that  which  I  wrote 
was  upon  great  provocation  by  some  of  the  adverse  party,  and  upon  invi- 
tation from  others  to  vindicate  ourselves  from  that  aspersion  which  was 
cast  upon  us,  yet  that  was  no  sufficient  warrant  for  me  to  break  out  into 
any  distemper.  I  confess  I  was  too  prodigal  of  my  brethren's  reputation : 
I  might  have  obtained  the  cause  I  had  in  hand  without  casting  such 
blemish  upon  others  as  I  did.  For  the  particulars.  1 .  For  the  conclusion, 
viz.,  now  let  religion  and  sound  reason  give  judgment  in  the  case;  where- 
by I  might  seem  to  conclude  the  other  side  to  be  void  both  of  religion  and 
reason.  It  is  true  a  man  may  (as  the  case  may  be)  appeal  to  the  judgment 
of  religion  and  reason,  but,  as  I  there  carried  it,  I  did  arrogate  too  much 
to  myself  and  ascribe  too  little  to  others.  The  other  particular  was  the 
profession  I  made  of  maintaining  what  I  wrote  before  all  the  world, 
which,  though  it  may  modestly  be  professed,  (as  the  case  may  require,) 
yet  I  confess  it  was  now  not  so  beseeming  me,  but  was  indeed  a  fruit  of 
the  pride  of  mine  own  spirit.  These  are  all  the  Lord  hath  brought  me  to 
consider  of,  wherein  I  acknowledge  my  failings,  and  humbly  intreat  you 
will  pardon  and  pass  them  by;  if  you  please  to  accept  my  request,  your 
silence  shall  be  a  sufficient  testimony  thereof  unto  me,  and  I  hope  I  shall 
be  more  wise  and  watchful  hereafter. 

The  sow  business  had  started  another  question  about  the 
naagistrates'  negative  vote  in  the  general  court.  The  deputies 
generally  were  very  earnest  to  have  it  taken  away ;  whereupon 
one  of  the  magistrates  wrote  a  small  treatise,  wherein  he  laid 
down  the  original  of  it  from  the  patent,  and  the  establishing  of 
it  by  order  of  the  general  court  in  1634,  showing  thereby  how 
it  was  fundamental  to  our  government,  which,  if  it  were  taken 
away,  would  be  a  mere  democracy.  He  showed  also  the  neces- 
sity and  usefulness  of  it  by  many  arguments  from  scripture, 
reason,  and  common  practice,  etc.  Yet  this  would  not  satisfy, 
but  the  deputies  and  common  people  would  have  it  taken 
away;  and  yet  it  was  apparent  (as  some  of  the  deputies 
themselves  confessed)  the  most  did  not  understand  it.  An 
answer  also  was  written  (by  one  of  the  magistrates  as  was 
conceived)  to  the  said  treatise,  undertaking  to  avoid  all  the  ar- 
guments both  from  the  patent  and  from  the  order,  etc.  This 
the  deputies  made  great  use  of  in  this  court,  supposing  they 


had  now  enough  to  carry  the  cause  clearly  with  them,  so  as 
they  pressed  earnestly  to  have  it  presently  determined.  But 
the  magistrates  told  them  the  matter  was  of  great  concern- 
ment, even  to  the  very  frame  of  our  government ;  it  had  been 
established  upon  serious  consultation  and  consent  of  all  the 
elders;  it  had  been  continued  without  any  inconvenience  or 
apparent  mischief  these  fourteen  years,  therefore  it  would  not 
be  safe  nor  of  good  report  to  alter  on  such  a  sudden,  and  with- 
out the  advice  of  the  elders :  offering  withal,  that  if  upon  such 
advice  and  consideration  it  should  appear  to  be  inconvenient, 
or  not  warranted  by  the  patent  and  the  said  order,  etc.,  they 
should  be  ready  to  join  with  them  in  taking  it  away.  Upon 
these  propositions  they  were  stilled,  and  so  an  order  was  drawn 
up  to  this  effect,  that  it  was  desired  that  every  member  of  the 
court  would  take  advice,  etc.,  and  that  it  should  be  no  offence 
for  any,  either  publicly  or  privately,  to  declare  their  opinion  in 
the  case,  so  it  were  modestly,  etc.,  and  that  the  elders  should  be 
desired  to  give  their  advice  before  the  next  meeting  of  this 
court.  It  was  the  magistrates'  only  care  to  gain  time,  that  so 
the  people's  heat  might  be  abated,  for  then  they  knew  they 
would  hear  reason,  and  that  the  advice  of  the  elders  might  be 
interposed ;  and  that  there  might  be  liberty  to  reply  to  the  an- 
swer, which  was  very  long  and  tedious,  which  accordingly  w^as 
done  soon  after  the  court,  and  pubHshed  to  good  satisfaction. 
One  of  the  elders  also  wrote  a  small  treatise,  wherein  scholas- 
tically  and  religiously  he  handled  the  question,  la}dng  down  the 
several  forms  of  government  both  simple  and  mixt,  and  the 
true  form  of  our  government,  and  the  unavoidable  change  into 
a  democracy,  if  the  negative  voice  were  taken  away;  and 
answered  all  objections,  and  so  concluded  for  the  continuance 
of  it,  so  as  the  deputies  and  the  people  also,  having  their  heat 
moderated  by  time,  and  their  judgments  better  informed  by 
what  they  had  learned  about  it,  let  the  cause  fall,  and  he  who 
had  written  the  answer  to  the  first  defence,  appeared  no  further 
in  it. 

122  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

Our  supplies  from  England  failing  much,  men  began  to  look 
about  them,  and  fell  to  a  manufacture  of  cotton,  whereof  we 
had  store  from  Barbados,  and  of  hemp  and  flax,  wherein 
Rowley,  to  their  great  commendation,  exceeded  all  other 

The  governor  acquainted  the  court  with  a  letter  he  received 
from  Mr.  Wheelwright,  to  intreat  the  favor  of  the  court  that  he 
might  have  leave  to  come  into  the  Bay  upon  especial  occasions, 
which  was  readily  granted  him  for  14  days,  whereupon  he 
came  and  spake  with  divers  of  the  elders,  and  gave  them  such 
satisfaction  as  they  intended  to  intercede  with  the  court  for 
the  release  of  his  banishment.    See  more  (3)  44.^ 

Sacononoco  and  Pumham,  two  sachems  near  Providence, 
having  under  them  between  2  and  300  men,  finding  them- 
selves overborne  by  Miantimnomoh,  the  sachem  of  Naragansett 
and  Gorton  and  his  company,  who  had  so  prevailed  with  Mian- 
tunnomoh,  as  he  forced  one  of  them  to  join  with  him  in  setting 
his  hand  or  mark  to  a  writing,  whereby  a  part  of  his  land  was 
sold  to  Gorton  and  his  company,  for  which  Miantunnomoh 
received  a  price,  but  the  other  would  not  receive  that  which  was 
for  his  part,  alleging  that  he  did  not  intend  to  sell  his  land, 
though  through  fear  of  Miantunnomoh  he  had  put  his  mark  to 
the  writing,  they  came  to  our  governor,  and  by  Benedict 
Arnold^  their  interpreter,  did  desire  we  would  receive  them  un- 
der our  government,  and  brought  withal  a  small  present  of 
wampom,  about  ten  fathom.  The  governor  gave  them  en- 
couragement, but  referred  them  to  the  court,  and  received  their 
present,  intending  to  return  it  them  again,  if  the  court  should 
not  accord  to  them ;  but  at  the  present  he  acquainted  another 
of  the  magistrates  with  it.    So  it  was  agreed,  and  they  wrote 

^  7.  e.,  under  May,  1644. 

^  Benedict  Arnold,  long  a  trusted  and  useful  man,  especially  helpful  for  his 
knowledge  of  Indian  tongues  and  his  faculty  for  dealing  with  the  tribes,  afterward 
eleven  times  governor  of  Rhode  Island.  The  area  described  in  the  deed  of 
January  12,  1642/3,  was  about  equivalent  to  that  of  the  present  townships  of 
Warwick  and  Coventry,  R.  I. 


to  Gorton  and  his  company  to  let  them  know  what  the  sachems 
had  complained  of,  and  how  they  had  tendered  themselves 
to  come  under  our  jurisdiction,  and  therefore  if  they  had  any 
thing  to  allege  against  it,  they  should  come  or  send  to  our  next 
court.  We  sent  also  to  Miantunnomoh  to  signify  the  same  to 
him.  Whereupon,  in  the  beginning  of  the  court,  Miantunno- 
moh came  to  Boston,  and  being  demanded  in  open  court,  be- 
fore divers  of  his  own  men  and  Cutshamekin  and  other  Indians, 
whether  he  had  any  interest  in  the  said  two  sachems  as  his 
subjects,  he  could  prove  none.  Cutshamekin  also  in  his 
presence  affirmed,  that  he  had  no  interest  in  them,  but  they 
were  as  free  sachems  as  himself;  only  because  he  was  a  great 
sachem,  they  had  sometime  sent  him  presents,  and  aided  him 
in  his  war  against  the  Pequots:  and  Benedict  Arnold  affirmed, 
partly  upon  his  own  knowledge,  and  partly  upon  the  relation 
of  divers  Indians  of  those  parts,  that  the  Indians  belonging  to 
these  sachems  did  usually  pay  their  deer  skins  (which  are  a 
tribute  belonging  to  the  chief  sachem)  always  to  them,  and 
never  to  Miantunnomoh  or  any  other  sachem  of  Naragansett, 
which  Miantunnomoh  could  not  contradict.  Whereupon  it 
was  referred  to  the  governor  and  some  other  of  the  magistrates 
and  deputies  to  send  for  the  two  sachems  after  the  court, 
and  to  treat  with  them  about  their  receiving  in  to  us. 

But  before  this,  Gorton  and  his  company  (12  in  number) 
sent  a  writing  to  our  court  of  four  sheets  of  paper,  full  of  re- 
proaches against  our  magistrates,  elders  and  churches,  of 
famihstical  and  absurd  opinions,  and  therein  they  justified 
their  purchase  of  the  sachems'  land,  and  professed  to  maintain 
it  to  the  death.  They  sent  us  word  also  after,  (as  Benedict 
Arnold  reported  to  us,)  that  if  we  sent  men  against  them,  they 
were  ready  to  meet  us,  being  assured  of  victory  from  God,  etc. 
Whereupon  the  court  sent  two  of  the  deputies  to  speak  with 
them,  to  see  whether  they  would  own  that  writing  which  was 
subscribed  by  them  all.  When  they  came,  they  with  much 
difficulty  came  to  find  out  Gorton  and  two  or  three  more  of 

124  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

them,  and  upon  conference  they  did  own  and  justify  the  said 
writing.  They  spake  also  with  the  two  sachems,  as  they  had 
commission,  and  giving  them  to  understand  upon  what  terms 
they  must  be  received  imder  us,  they  foimd  them  very  phable 
to  all,  and  opening  to  them  the  ten  commandments,  they  re- 
ceived this  answer,  which  I  have  set  down  as  the  commissioners 
took  it  in  writing  from  their  mouths. 

1.  Quest.  Whether  they  would  worship  the  true  God  that 
made  heaven  and  earth,  and  not  blaspheme  him?  Ans.  We 
desire  to  speak  reverently  of  Enghshman's  God  and  not  to 
speak  evil  of  him,  because  we  see  the  Englishman's  God  doth 
better  for  them  than  other  Gods  do  for  others. 

2.  That  they  should  not  swear  falsely.  Ans.  We  never 
knew  what  swearing  or  an  oath  was. 

3.  Not  to  do  any  unnecessary  work  on  the  Lord's  day  with- 
in the  gates  of  proper  towns.  Ans.  It  is  a  small  thing  for  us 
to  rest  on  that  day,  for  we  have  not  much  to  do  any  day,  and 
therefore  we  will  forbear  on  that  day. 

4.  To  honor  their  parents  and  superiors.  Ans.  It  is  our 
custom  so  to  do,  for  inferiors  to  be  subject  to  superiors,  for  if 
we  complain  to  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  that  we 
have  wrong,  if  they  tell  us  we  lie,  we  shall  willingly  bear  it. 

5.  Not  to  kill  any  man  but  upon  just  cause  and  just  author- 
ity.   Ans.     It  is  good,  and  we  desire  so  to  do. 

6.  7.  Not  to  commit  fornication,  adultery,  bestiaUty,  etc. 
Ans.  Though  fornication  and  adultery  be  committed  among 
us,  yet  we  allow  it  not,  but  judge  it  evil,  so  the  same  we  judge 
of  steahng. 

8.  For  lying,  they  say  it  is  an  evil,  and  shall  not  allow  it. 

9.  Whether  you  will  suffer  your  children  to  read  God's 
word,  that  they  may  have  knowledge  of  the  true  God  and  to 
worship  him  in  his  own  way?  Ans.  As  opportunity  serveth 
by  the  Enghsh  coming  amongst  us,  we  desire  to  learn  their 

After  the  court,  the  governor,  etc.,  sent  for  them,  and  they 


came  to  Boston  at  the  day  appointed,  viz.,  the  22d  of  the  4th 
month  {June),  and  a  form  of  submission  being  drawn  up,  and 
they  being  by  Benedict  Arnold,  their  neighbor,  and  interpreter, 
(who  spake  their  language  readily,)  made  to  understand  every 
particular,  in  the  presence  of  divers  of  the  elders  and  many 
others,  they  freely  subscribed  the  submission,  as  it  here  follow- 
eth  verbatim.  Being  told  that  we  did  not  receive  them  in  as 
confederates  but  as  subjects,  they  answered,  that  they  were  so 
little  in  respect  of  us,  as  they  could  expect  no  other.  So  they 
dined  in  the  same  room  with  the  governor,  but  at  a  table  by 
themselves ;  and  having  much  countenance  showed  them  by  all 
present,  and  being  told  that  they  and  their  men  should  be  al- 
ways welcome  to  the  English,  provided  they  brought  a  note 
from  Benedict  Arnold,  that  we  might  know  them  from  other 
Indians,  and  having  some  small  things  bestowed  upon  them  by 
the  governor,  they  departed  joyful  and  well  satisfied.  We 
looked  at  it  as  a  fruit  of  our  prayers,  and  the  first  fruit  of  our 
hopes,  that  the  example  would  bring  in  others,  and  that  the 
Lord  was  by  this  means  making  a  way  to  bring  them  to  civility, 
and  so  to  conversion  to  the  knowledge  and  embracing  of  the 
gospel  in  his  due  time. 

Soon  after  their  departure,  we  took  order  that  Miantunno- 
moh  and  the  EngHsh  in  those  parts  should  have  notice  of  their 
submission  to  us,  that  they  might  refrain  from  doing  them 

Their  Submission  was  as  followeth. 

This  writing  is  to  testify,  That  we  Pumham,  sachem  of  Shawomock, 
and  Sacononoco,  sachem  of  Patuxet,  etc.,  have,  and  by  these  presents  do, 
voluntarily  and  without  any  constraint  or  persuasion,  but  of  our  own  free 
motion,  put  ourselves,  our  subjects,  lands  and  estates  under  the  govern- 
ment and  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachusetts,  to  be  governed  and  protected 
by  them,  according  to  their  just  laws  and  orders,  so  far  as  we  shall  be 
made  capable  of  understanding  them :  and  we  do  promise  for  ourselves 
and  our  subjects,  and  all  our  posterity,  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  said 
government,  and  aiding  to  the  maintenance  thereof  to  our  best  ability, 


and  from  time  to  time  to  give  speedy  notice  of  any  conspiracy,  attempt, 
or  evil  intention  of  any  which  we  shall  know  or  hear  of,  against  the  same: 
and  we  do  promise  to  be  willing,  from  time  to  time,  to  be  instructed  in  the 
knowledge  and  worship  of  God.     In  witness  whereof,  etc/ 

The  lady  Moodye,  a  wise  and  anciently  religious  woman, 
being  taken  with  the  error  of  denying  baptism  to  infants,  was 
dealt  withal  by  many  of  the  elders  and  others,  and  admonished 
by  the  church  of  Salem,  (whereof  she  was  a  member,)  but  per- 
sisting still,  and  to  avoid  further  trouble,  etc.,  she  removed 
to  the  Dutch  against  the  advice  of  all  her  friends.  Many 
others,  infected  with  anabaptism,  removed  thither  also.  She 
was  after  excommunicated.^ 

5.  (July)  5.]  There  arose  a  sudden  gust  at  N.  W.  so  violent 
for  half  an  hour,  as  it  blew  down  multitudes  of  trees.  It  lifted 
up  their  meeting  house  at  Newbury,  the  people  being  in  it.  It 
darkened  the  air  with  dust,  yet  through  God's  great  mercy  it 
did  no  hurt,  but  only  killed  one  Indian  with  the  fall  of  a  tree. 
It  was  straight  between  Linne  and  Hampton. 

2.]  Here  arrived  one  Mr.  Carman,  master  of  the  ship  called 
[blank]  of  180  tons.  He  went  from  New  Haven  in  lOber 
(December)  last,  laden  with  clapboards  for  the  Canaries,  being 
earnestly  commended  to  the  Lord's  protection  by  the  church 
there.  At  the  Island  of  Palma,  he  was  set  upon  by  a  Turkish 
pirate  of  300  tons  and  26  pieces  of  ordnance  and  200  men.  He 
fought  with  her  three  hours,  having  but  20  men  and  but  7 
pieces  of  ordnance  that  he  could  use,  and  his  muskets  were  un- 
serviceable with  rust.  The  Turk  lay  across  his  hawse,  so  as  he 
was  forced  to  shoot  through  his  own  hoodings,  and  by  these 
shot  killed  many  Turks.    Then  the  Turk  lay  by  his  side  and 

*  These  Indian  lands  at  Shawomet  and  Patuxit  lay  south  of  Providence  and 
were  much  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  Massachusetts  charter.  We  have  here  in 
unusual  detail  a  specimen  of  the  Massachusetts  treatment  of  the  Indians. 

^  The  Lady  Deborah  Moody,  a  person  highly  connected,  occupied  for  a 
time  the  estate  at  Saugus  once  owned  by  Humfrey.  She  acquired  influence  in 
the  parts  to  which  she  emigrated  and  rendered  help  to  Peter  Stuyvesant 


boarded  him  with  near  100  men,  and  cut  all  his  ropes,  etc.,  but 
his  shot  having  killed  the  captain  of  the  Turkish  ship  and 
broken  his  tiller,  the  Turk  took  in  his  own  ensign  and  fell  off 
from  him,  but  in  such  haste  as  he  left  about  50  of  his  men 
aboard  him,  then  the  master  and  some  of  his  men  came  up  and 
fought  with  those  50  hand  to  hand,  and  slew  so  many  of  them 
as  the  rest  leaped  overboard.  The  master  had  many  wounds 
on  his  head  and  body,  and  divers  of  his  men  were  wounded,  yet 
but  one  slain;  so  with  much  difficulty  he  got  to  the  island, 
(being  in  view  thereof,)  where  he  was  very  courteously  enter- 
tained and  supphed  with  whatsoever  he  wanted. 

Continuation  about  La  Tour. 

The  governor,  with  the  advice  of  some  of  the  magistrates 
and  elders,  wrote  a  letter  to  D'Aulnay,  taking  occasion  in 
answer  to  his  letter  in  9ber  (November)  last  to  this  effect,  viz. 
Whereas  he  found  by  the  arrest  he  sent  last  autumn,  that  La 
Tour  was  under  displeasure  and  censure  in  France,  thereupon 
we  intended  to  have  no  further  to  do  with  him  than  by  way  of 
commerce  which  is  allowed,  and  if  he  had  made  prize  of  any  of 
our  vessels  in  that  way,  as  he  threatened,  we  should  have 
righted  ourselves  so  well  as  we  could,  without  injury  to  himself 
or  just  offence  to  his  majesty  of  France,  whom  we  did  honor  as 
a  great  and  mighty  prince,  and  should  endeavor  always  to 
behave  ourselves  towards  his  majesty  and  all  his  subjects  as 
became  us,  etc.  But  La  Tour  coming  now  to  us,  and  acquaint- 
ing us  how  it  was  with  him,  etc.,  and  here  mentioning  the  vice 
admiral's  commission  and  the  letters,  etc.,  though  we  thought 
not  fit  to  give  him  aid,  as  being  unwilling  to  intermeddle  in  the 
wars  of  any  of  our  neighbors,  yet  considering  his  urgent  distress, 
we  could  not  in  Christianity  or  humanity  deny  him  hberty  to 
hire  for  his  money  any  ships  in  our  harbor,  either  such  as  came 
to  us  out  of  England  or  others.  And  whereas  some  of  our  peo- 
ple were  wiUing  to  go  along  with  him,  (though  without  any 

128  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

commission  from  us,)  we  had  charged  them  to  labor  by  all 
means  to  bring  matters  to  a  reconciliation,  etc.,  and  that  they 
should  be  assured,  that  if  they  should  do  or  attempt  any  thing 
against  the  rules  of  justice  and  good  neighborhood,  they  must 
be  accountable  therefor  unto  us  at  their  return.^ 

Beside  the  former  arguments,  there  came  since  to  Boston 
one  Mr.  Hooke,  a  godly  gentleman,  and  a  deputy  of  the  court 
for  Sahsbury,  who  related  of  the  good  usage  and  great  courtesy 
which  La  Tour  had  showed  to  himself  and  other  passengers, 
who  were  landed  at  his  fort  about  nine  years  since  as  they 
came  from  England,  and  how  the  ship  leaving  them  there,  and 
only  a  small  shallop  to  bring  them  to  these  parts,  and  a  dan- 
gerous bay  of  12  leagues  to  be  passed  over,  he  would  not  suffer 
them  to  depart  before  he  had  provided  his  own  pinnace  to 
transport  them. 

And  whereas  he  was  charged  to  have  killed  two  Englishmen 
at  Machias  not  far  from  his  fort,  and  to  have  taken  away  their 
goods  to  the  value  of  500  poimds,  Mr.  Vines  of  Saco,  who 
was  part  owner  of  the  goods  and  principal  trader,  etc.,  being 
present  with  La  Tour,  the  governor  heard  the  cause  between 
them,  which  was  thus:  Mr.  Vines  being  in  a  pinnace  trading 
in  those  parts,  La  Tour  met  him  in  another  pinnace,  and 
bought  so  many  of  his  commodities  as  Mr.  Vines  received 
then  of  him  400  skins,  and  although  some  of  Mr.  Vines  his 
company  had  abused  La  Tour,  whereupon  he  had  made  them 
prisoners  in  his  pinnace,  yet  at  Mr.  Vines'  intreaty  he  dis- 
charged them  with  grave  and  good  counsel,  and  acquainted  Mr. 
Vines  with  his  commission  to  make  prize  of  all  such  as  should 
come  to  trade  in  those  parts,  and  thereupon  desired  him  peace- 
ably to  forbear,  etc.,  yet  at  his  request  he  gave  him  leave  to 
trade  the  goods  he  had  left,  in  his  way  home,  so  as  he  did  not 
fortify  or  build  in  any  place  within  his  commission,  which  he 

^  Savage  thinks  the  inexpedient  and  calamitous  policy  of  Winthrop  as  regards 
La  Tour  referable  to  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him  by  the  Boston  merchants, 
who  saw  a  chance  to  make  money  out  of  the  Frenchman. 


said  he  could  not  answer  it  if  he  should  suffer  it ;  whereupon 
they  parted  friendly.  Mr.  Vines  landed  his  goods  at  Machias, 
and  there  set  up  a  small  wigwam,  and  left  five  men  and  two 
murderers*  to  defend  it,  and  a  shallop,  and  so  returned  home. 
Two  days  after  La  Tour  comes,  and  casting  anchor  before  the 
place,  one  of  Mr.  Vines'  men  came  on  board  his  pinnace,  and 
while  they  were  in  parley,  four  of  La  Tour  his  men  went  on 
shore.  One  of  the  fom'  which  were  in  the  house,  seeing  them, 
gave  fire  to  a  murderer,  but  it  not  taking  fire,  he  called  to  his 
fellow  to  give  fire  to  the  other  murderer,  which  he  going  to  do, 
the  four  French  retreated,  and  one  of  their  muskets  went  off, 
(La  Tour  sayeth  it  was  by  accident,  and  that  the  shot  went 
through  one  of  his  fellow's  clothes,  but  Mr.  Vines  could  say  no- 
thing to  that).  It  killed  two  of  the  men  on  shore,  which  La 
Tour  then  professed  himself  innocent  of,  and  very  sorry  for;  and 
said  further,  that  the  five  men  were  at  that  time  all  drunk,  and 
not  unlikely,  having  store  of  wine  and  strong  water,  for  had 
they  been  sober,  they  would  not  have  given  fire  upon  such  as 
they  had  conversed  friendly  with  but  two  days  before,  without 
once  bidding  them  stand,  or  asking  them  wherefore  they  came. 
After  this  La  Tour  coming  to  the  house,  and  finding  some  of 
his  own  goods,  (though  of  no  great  value,)  which  had  a  httle 
before  been  taken  out  of  his  fort  at  St.  Johns  by  the  Scotch 
and  some  EngUsh  of  Virginia,  (when  they  plundered  all  his 
goods  to  a  great  value  and  abused  his  men,)  he  seized  the 
three  men  and  the  goods  and  sent  them  into  France  according 
to  his  commission,  where  the  men  were  discharged,  but  the 
goods  adjudged  lawful  prize.  Mr.  Vines  did  not  contradict 
any  of  this,  but  only  that  he  did  not  build  or  fortify  at  Ma- 
chias, but  only  set  up  a  shelter  for  his  men  and  goods.  For  the 
value  of  the  goods  Mr.  Vines  showed  an  invoice  which  came 
to  3  or  400  pounds,  but  La  Tour  said  he  had  another  under 
the  men's  hands  that  were  there,  which  came  not  to  half  so 
much.    In  conclusion  he  promised  that  he  would  refer  the 

*  "Murderers"  were  small  cannon. 

130  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

cause  to  judgment,  and  if  it  should  be  found  that  he  had 
done  them  wrong,  he  would  make  satisfaction. 

5.  (July)  14.]  In  the  evening  La  Tour  took  ship,  the  gover- 
nor and  divers  of  the  chief  of  the  town  accompanying  him  to  his 
boat.  There  went  with  him  four  of  our  ships  and  a  pinnace. 
He  hired  them  for  two  months,  the  chief  est,  which  had  16 
pieces  of  ordnance,  at  200  pounds  the  month;  yet  she  was  of 
but  100  tons,  but  very  well  manned  and  fitted  for  fight,  and 
the  rest  proportionable.  The  owners  took  only  his  own  security 
for  their  pay.  He  entertained  also  about  70  land  soldiers, 
volunteers,  at  40s.  per  month  a  man,  but  he  paid  them  some- 
what in  hand. 

Of  the  two  friars  which  came  in  this  ship,  the  one  was  a  very 
learned  acute  man.  Divers  of  our  elders  who  had  conference 
with  him  reported  so  of  him.  They  came  not  into  the  town, 
lest  they  should  give  offence,  but  once,  being  brought  by  some 
to  see  Mr.  Cotton  and  confer  with  him,  and  when  they  came  to 
depart,  the  chief  came  to  take  leave  of  the  governor  and  the 
two  elders  of  Boston,  and  showed  himself  very  thankful  for  the 
courtesy  they  found  among  us. 

In  the  afternoon  they  set  sail  from  Long  Island,  the  wind 
N.  and  by  W.  and  went  out  at  Broad  Sound  at  half  flood,  where 
no  ships  of  such  burthen  had  gone  out  before,  or  not  more 
than  one. 

Three  errors  the  governor,  etc.,  committed  in  managing  this 
business.  1.  In  giving  La  Tour  an  answer  so  suddenly  (the 
very  next  day  after  his  arrival).  2.  In  not  advising  with  any 
of  the  elders,  as  their  manner  was  in  matters  of  less  consequence. 
3.  In  not  calhng  upon  God,  as  they  were  wont  to  do  in  all 
pubhc  affairs,  before  they  fell  to  consultation,  etc. 

The  occasions  of  these  errors  were,  first,  their  earnest  desire 
to  despatch  him  away,  and  conceiving  at  first  they  should  have 
given  him  the  same  answer  they  gave  his  lieutenant  the  last 
year,  for  they  had  not  then  seen  the  Vice  Admiral's  commission. 
2.  Not  then  conceiving  any  need  of  counsel,  the  elders  never 


came  into  the  goveraor's  thoughts.  3.  La  Tour  and  many  of 
the  French  coming  into  them  at  first  meeting,  and  some  taking 
occasion  to  fall  in  parley  with  them,  there  did  not  appear  then 
a  fit  opportunity  for  so  solemn  an  action  as  calling  upon  God, 
being  in  the  midst  of  their  business  before  they  were  aware  of 
it.  But  this  fault  hath  been  many  times  found  in  the  governor 
to  be  over  sudden  in  his  resolutions,  for  although  the  course 
were  both  warrantable  and  safe,  yet  it  had  beseemed  men  of 
wisdom  and  gravity  to  have  proceeded  with  more  dehberation 
and  further  advice. 

Those  about  Ipswich,  etc.,  took  great  offence  at  these  pro- 
ceedings, so  as  three  of  the  magistrates  and  the  elders  of 
Ipswich  and  Rowley,  with  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward,  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  governor  and  assistants  in  the  bay,  and  to  the  elders 
here,  protesting  against  the  proceedings,  and  that  they  would 
be  innocent  of  all  the  evil  which  might  ensue,  etc.,  with  divers 
arguments  against  it,  whereof  some  were  weighty,  but  not  to 
the  matter,  for  they  supposed  we  had  engaged  the  country 
in  a  war,  as  if  we  had  permitted  our  ships,  etc.,  to  fight  with 
D'Aukiay,  whereas  we  only  permitted  them  to  be  hired  by 
La  Tour  to  conduct  him  home.  The  governor  made  answer 
to  this  protestation,  so  did  Mr.  Dudley  and  the  pastor  of 

5.  (July).]  Letters  came  to  our  governor  from  Mr.  Haynes, 
governor  at  Hartford,  certifying  of  a  war  begun  between  Onkus, 
sachem  of  Mohigen,  and  Sequasson,  sachem  upon  Connecticut, 
and  that  upon  Onkus'  complaint  of  the  other's  assaulting  him, 
etc.,  he  sent  for  Sequasson  and  endeavored  to  make  them 
friends,  but  Sequasson  chose  rather  to  have  war,  so  they  were 
forced  to  leave  them  to  themselves,  promising  to  be  aiding 
to  neither,  etc.  Soon  after  Onkus  set  upon  Sequasson  and 
killed  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  wounded  13,  burnt  his  wig- 
wams and  carried  away  the  booty.    Upon  this  Miantunno- 

*  The  papers  in  the  controversy  are  preserved  in  Hutchinson,  Collection  of 
Papers,  115-134  (pp.  129-149  of  Prince  Society  edition). 

132  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

moh  (being  allied  to  Sequasson)  sent  to  Mr.  Haynes  to  com- 
plain of  Onkus.  He  answered  that  the  English  had  no  hand 
in  it,  nor  would  encourage  them,  etc.  Miantunnomoh  gave 
notice  hereof  also  to  our  governor  by  two  of  our  neighbor 
Indians  who  had  been  with  him,  and  was  very  desirous  to 
know  if  we  would  not  be  offended,  if  he  made  war  upon  Onkus. 
Our  governor  answered,  if  Onkus  had  done  him  or  his  friends 
wrong  and  would  not  give  satisfaction,  we  should  leave  him 
to  take  his  own  course. 

5.  {July)  22.]  A  Dutch  sloop  arrived  with  letters  in  Latin, 
signed  by  the  secretary  there  in  the  name  and  by  the  command 
of  the  governor  and  senate,  directed  to  the  governor  and  senate 
of  U.  P.^  of  New  England,  wherein  1st,  he  congratulates  our  late 
confederation,  then  he  complains  of  unsufferable  wrongs  done 
to  their  people  upon  Connecticut,  more  of  late  than  formerly, 
and  of  misinformation  given  by  some  of  ours  to  the  States' 
ambassador  in  London,  and  desires  to  know  by  a  categorical 
answer,  whether  we  will  aid  or  desert  them,  (meaning  of 
Hartford,)  that  so  they  may  know  their  friends  from  their 
enemies,  etc.  The  governor  appointed  a  meeting  of  some 
of  the  next  magistrates  on  the  second  day  next,  but  the 
rain  hindering  some  of  them,  it  was  put  off  to  the  fifth 

Here  arrived  a  bark  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  from  Trinidado. 
She  came  for  people  and  provisions,  but  our  people,  being  well 
informed  of  the  state  of  those  places,  were  now  become  wiser, 
and  could  stay  here  where  they  were  in  better  condition  than 
they  could  be  in  those  parts,  so  he  altered  his  design  and  went 
toward  Canada,  and  by  the  way  guarded  home  a  pinnace  of 
La  Tour's  which  came  hither  for  provisions. 

The  wife  of  one  ^plank]  Hett,  of  whom  mention  was  made 
before,  being  cast  out  of  the  church  of  Boston,  the  Lord  was 
pleased  so  to  honor  his  own  ordinance,  that  whereas  before  no 
means  could  prevail  with  her  either  to  reclaim  her  from  her 

*  United  Provinces. 


wicked  and  blasphemous  courses  and  speeches,  etc.,  or  to  bring 
her  to  frequent  the  means,  within  a  few  weeks  after  her  casting 
out,  she  came  to  see  her  sin  and  lay  it  to  heart,  and  to  frequent 
the  means,  and  so  was  brought  to  such  manifestation  of  repent- 
ance and  a  sound  mind,  as  the  church  received  her  in  again. 

The  day  appointed  for  considering  of  the  letter  from  the 
Dutch  proved  again  so  wet  as  but  few  met,  and  of  those  some 
would  have  another  day  appointed,  and  all  the  magistrates  to 
be  called  to  it,  but  others  thought  it  not  fit  both  in  regard  the 
messenger  hasted  away,  and  also,  for  that  no  direct  answer 
could  be  returned  without  a  general  court.  At  length  ad- 
vising with  some  of  the  elders  who  were  at  hand,  and  some 
of  the  deputies,  we  returned  answer  to  this  effect,  (in  the  name 
of  the  governor  only,)  viz.  After  gratulation,  etc.,  of  their 
friendly  respect  and  our  earnest  desire  of  the  continuance  of 
that  good  correspondency  which  hath  been  between  themselves 
and  us,  ever  since  our  arrival  in  these  parts.  That  our  chief 
council,  to  whom  their  letters  were  directed,  being  far  dispersed, 
etc.,  he  was  necessitated,  with  the  advice  of  some  other  of  the 
magistrates,  to  return  this  answer  to  them  for  the  present,  being 
rather  a  declaration  of  their  own  conceptions  than  the  deter- 
mination of  our  chiefest  authority,  from  which  they  should 
receive  further  answer  in  time  convenient.  We  declared  our 
grief  for  the  difference  between  them  and  our  brethren  of  Hart- 
ford, which  we  conceived  might  be  composed  by  arbiters,  either 
in  England  or  Holland,  or  here ;  that  by  our  confederation  we 
were  bound  to  seek  the  good  and  safety  of  each  other  as  our 
own,  which  we  hoped  would  not  hinder  the  continuance  of  that 
amity  and  correspondency  between  themselves  and  us;  and 
that  the  ground  of  their  difference,  being  only  for  a  small  par- 
cel of  land,  was  a  matter  of  so  Httle  value  in  this  vast  continent, 
as  was  not  worthy  to  cause  a  breach  between  two  people  so 
nearly  related,  both  in  profession  of  the  same  Protestant 
rehgion  and  otherwise;  therefore  we  would  seriously  request 
them,  as  we  would  do  also  the  others,  that  until  the  justice 

134  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

of  the  cause  were  decided  by  one  of  the  ways  before  named, 
there  might  be  abstinence  on  both  sides  from  injury  and  provo- 
cation, and  if  any  should  happen  on  their  part,  that  it  might  be 
duly  examined,  and  we  were  assured  (they  being  a  people  fear- 
ing God,  they  durst  not  allow  themselves  in  any  unrighteous 
course)  they  should  receive  equal  satisfaction.  See  more  page 

We  received  news  of  a  great  defeat  given  the  Narragansetts 
by  Onkus,  and  of  15  Dutch  slain  by  the  Indians,  and  much 
beaver  taken,  and  of  Mr.  Lamberton,  etc. 

6.  (August).]  Onkus,being  provoked  by Sequasson, a  sachem 
of  Connecticut,  who  would  not  be  persuaded  by  the  magistrates 
there  to  a  reconciliation,  made  war  upon  him,  and  slew  divers 
of  his  men  and  burnt  his  wigwams ;  whereupon  Miantunnomoh, 
being  his  kinsman,  took  offence  against  Onkus,  and  went  with 
near  1,000  men  and  set  upon  Onkus  before  he  could  be  provided 
for  defence,  for  he  had  not  then  with  him  above  3  or  400  men. 
But  it  pleased  God  to  give  Onkus  the  victory,  after  he  had 
killed  about  30  of  the  Narragansetts,  and  wounded  many  more, 
and  among  these  two  of  Canonicus'  sons  and  a  brother  of 
Miantunnomoh,  who  fled,  but  having  on  a  coat  of  mail,  he  was 
easily  overtaken,  which  two  of  his  captains  perceiving,  they 
laid  hold  on  him  and  carried  him  to  Onkus,  hoping  thereby  to 
procure  their  own  pardon.  But  so  soon  as  they  came  to 
Onkus,  he  slew  them  presently;  and  Miantunnomoh  standing 
mute,  he  demanded  of  him  why  he  would  not  speak.  If  you 
had  taken  me,  sayeth  he,  I  would  have  besought  you  for 
my  life.  The  news  of  Miantunnomoh's  captivity  coming  to 
Providence,  Gorton  and  his  company,  who  had  bought  of  him 
the  lands  belonging  to  the  sachems  who  were  come  under  our 
jurisdiction,  wrote  a  letter  to  Onkus,  wiUing  him  to  deliver 
their  friend  Miantunnomoh,  and  threatened  him  with  the  power 
of  the  Enghsh  if  he  refused,  and  they  sent  their  letter  in  the 
name  of  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  Upon  this  Onkus 
carries  Miantunnomoh  to  Hartford  to  take  advice  of  the  mag- 


istrates  there,  and  at  Miantunnomoh's  earnest  entreaty  he  left 
him  with  them,  yet  as  a  prisoner.  They  kept  him  under  guard, 
but  used  him  ver}^  courteously,  and  so  he  continued  till  the 
commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  met  at  Boston,  who 
taking  into  serious  consideration  what  was  safest  and  best 
to  be  done,  were  all  of  opinion  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  set 
him  at  hberty,  neither  had  we  sufficient  ground  for  us  to  put 
him  to  death.  In  this  difficulty  we  called  in  five  of  the  most 
judicious  elders,  (it  being  in  the  time  of  the  general  assembly 
of  the  elders,)  and  propounding  the  case  to  them,  they  all  agreed 
that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death.  Upon  this  concurrence  we 
enjoined  secrecy  to  ourselves  and  them,  lest  if  it  should  come  to 
the  notice  of  the  Narragansetts,  they  might  set  upon  the  com- 
missioners, etc.,  in  their  retm-n,  to  take  some  of  them  to  redeem 
him,  (as  Miantunnomoh  himself  had  told  Mr.  Haynes  had  been 
in  consultation  amongst  them;)  and  agreed  that,  upon  the 
return  of  the  commissioners  to  Hartford,  they  should  send  for 
Onkus  and  tell  him  our  determination,  that  Miantunnomoh 
should  be  delivered  to  him  again,  and  he  should  put  him  to 
death  so  soon  as  he  came  within  his  own  jurisdiction,  and  that 
two  English  should  go  along  with  him  to  see  the  execution, 
and  that  if  any  Indians  should  invade  him  for  it,  we  would 
send  men  to  defend  him :  If  Onkus  should  refuse  to  do  it,  then 
Miantunnomoh  should  be  sent  in  a  pinnace  to  Boston,  there 
to  be  kept  until  further  consideration. 

The  reasons  of  this  proceeding  with  him  were  these.  1. 
It  was  now  clearly  discovered  to  us,  that  there  was  a  general 
conspiracy  among  the  Indians  to  cut  off  all  the  English,  and 
that  Miantunnomoh  was  the  head  and  contriver  of  it.  2. 
He  was  of  a  turbulent  and  proud  spirit,  and  would  never  be  at 
rest.  3.  Although  he  had  promised  us  in  the  open  court  to 
send  the  Pequod  to  Onkus,  who  had  shot  him  in  the  arm  with 
intent  to  have  killed  him,  (which  was  by  the  procurement  of 
Miantunnomoh  as  it  did  probably  appear,)  yet  in  his  way 
homeward  he  killed  him.    4.  He  beat  one  of  Pumham's  men 

136  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

and  took  away  his  wampom,  and  then  bid  him  go  and  complain 
to  the  Massachusetts. 

According  to  this  agreement  the  commissioners,  at  their 
return  to  Connecticut,  sent  for  Onkus,  and  acquainted  him 
therewith,  who  readily  undertook  the  execution,  and  taking 
Miantunnomoh  along  with  Mm,  in  the  way  between  Hartford 
and  Windsor,  (where  Onkus  hath  some  men  dwell,)  Onkus' 
brother,  following  after  Miantunnomoh,  clave  his  head  with  an 
hatchet,  some  English  being  present.  And  that  the  Indians 
might  know  that  the  Enghsh  did  approve  of  it,  they  sent  12  or 
14  musketeers  home  with  Onkus  to  abide  a  time  with  him  for 
his  defence,  if  need  should  be.  ^ 

Mo.  6  (August).]  About  the  20th  of  this  month  the  ships 
which  went  with  La  Tour  came  back  safe,  not  one  person  miss- 
ing or  sick.  But  the  report  of  their  actions  was  offensive  and 
grievous  to  us;  for  when  they  drew  near  to  La  Tour's  place, 
D'Aulnay,  having  discovered  them,  set  sail  with  his  vessels 
(being  two  ships  and  a  pinnace)  and  stood  right  home  to 
Port  Royal.  Ours  pursued  them,  but  could  not  fetch  them 
up,  but  they  ran  their  ships  on  ground  in  the  harbor  and  began 
to  fortify  themselves:  whereupon  ours  sent  a  boat  to  D'Aulnay 
with  the  governor's  letter  and  a  letter  from  Captain  Hawkins, 
who  by  agreement  among  themselves  was  commander  in  chief. 
The  messenger  who  carried  the  letters,  being  one  who  could 
speak  French  well,  was  carried  blindfold  into  the  house,  and 
there  kept  six  or  seven  hours,  and  all  D'Aulnay's  company  phed 
for  their  fortifying  with  paUsadoes,  and  the  friars  as  busy  as 

*The  conduct  of  Massachusetts  toward  Miantonomo  seems  to  students  in 
general  ungrateful  and  cruel.  No  Indian  character  of  that  time  is  more  dignified 
and  engaging.  The  most  powerful  of  New  England  chieftains,  he  was  friendly 
to  the  new-comers.  He  resisted  the  Pequot  blandishments  in  1636,  which  saved 
the  colonies  from  destruction.  His  treatment  of  Providence  and  Rhode  Island 
in  particular  had  been  kind.  Possibly  Massachusetts  was  influenced  by  his 
kindness  to  the  outcast  Gorton;  but  no  sufficient  reason  appears  why  he  should 
have  been  given  over  to  death.  Still,  there  may  have  been  undercurrents  of 
treachery,  and  we  must  not  forget  that  the  English  hold  was  then  very  precarious, 
and  remained  so  until  after  Philip's  war. 


any,  and  encouraging  the  women,  who  cried  pitifully,  teUing 
them  we  were  infidels  and  heretics.  D'Aulnay  would  not  open 
La  Tour's  letter,  because  he  did  not  style  him  Lieutenant 
General,  etc.,  but  he  returned  answer  to  the  governor  and  to 
Captain  Hawkins,  and  sent  him  a  copy  of  the  arrest  against 
La  Tour,  and  showed  the  original  to  the  messenger,  but  refused 
to  come  to  any  terms  of  peace.  Upon  this  La  Tour  urged  much 
to  have  our  men  to  assault  him,  but  they  refused.  Then  he 
desired  that  some  of  ours  might  be  landed  with  his  to  do  some 
mischief  to  D'Aulnay.  Captain  Hawkins  would  send  none, 
but  gave  leave  to  any  that  would  go;  whereupon  some  30  of 
ours  went  with  La  Tour's  men,  and  were  encountered  by 
D'Aulnay's  men,  who  had  fortified  themselves  by  his  mill,  but 
were  beaten  out  with  loss  of  three  of  their  men,  and  none  slain 
on  our  side  nor  wounded,  only  three  of  La  Tour's  men  were 
wounded.  They  set  the  mill  on  fire  and  burnt  some  standing 
com,  and  retired  to  their  ships  with  one  prisoner  whom  they 
took  in  the  mill.  D'Aulnay  shot  with  his  ordnance  at  their 
boats  as  they  went  aboard,  but  missed  them,  nor  did  our  ships 
make  one  shot  at  him  again,  but  set  sail  and  went  to  La  Tour's 
fort.  While  they  lay  there,  D'Aulnay's  pinnace  came,  suppos- 
ing he  and  his  ships  had  been  still  there,  and  brought  in  her 
400  moose  skins  and  400  beaver  skins.  These  they  took  with- 
out any  resistance  and  divided  them;  one  third  La  Tour  had 
and  the  pinnace,  one  third  to  the  ships,  and  the  other  to  the 
men.  So  they  continued  there  till  their  time  was  near  expired, 
and  were  paid  their  hire  and  returned,  one  ship  coming  a  good 
time  before  the  other;  and  the  pinnace  went  up  John's  river 
some  20  leagues  and  loaded  with  coal.  They  brought  a  piece 
of  white  marble,  whereof  there  is  great  store  near  his  fort, 
which  makes  very  good  Hme.^ 

Mo.  7  (September).]    The  Indians  near  the  Dutch,  having 
killed  15  men,  as  is  before  related,  proceeded  on  and  began  to 

*  The  English  thus  became  much  farther  involved  in  the  quarrel  between 
the  Frenchmen  than  was  intended. 

138  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

set  upon  the  English  who  dwelt  under  the  Dutch.  They  came 
to  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  in  way  of  friendly  neighborhood,  as  they 
had  been  accustomed,  and  taking  their  opportunity,  killed  her 
and  Mr.  Collins,  her  son-in-law,  (who  had  been  kept  prisoner 
in  Boston,  as  is  before  related,)  and  all  her  family,  and  such  of 
Mr.  Throckmorton's  and  Mr.  Cornhill's  families  as  were  at 
home;  in  all  sixteen,  and  put  their  cattle  into  their  houses 
and  there  burnt  them.  By  a  good  providence  of  God,  there 
was  a  boat  came  in  there  at  the  same  instant,  to  which  some 
women  and  children  fled,  and  so  were  saved,  but  two  of  the 
boatmen  going  up  to  the  houses  were  shot  and  killed.* 

These  people  had  cast  off  ordinances  and  churches,  and  now 
at  last  their  own  people,  and  for  larger  accommodation  had 
subjected  themselves  to  the  Dutch  and  dwelt  scatteringly  near 
a  mile  asunder:  and  some  that  escaped,  who  had  removed 
only  for  want  (as  they  said)  of  hay  for  their  cattle  which 
increased  much,  now  coming  back  again  to  Aquiday,  they 
wanted  cattle  for  their  grass.  These  Indians  having  killed 
and  driven  away  all  the  Enghsh  upon  the  main  as  far  as  Stam- 
ford, (for  so  far  the  Dutch  had  gained  possession  by  the  Eng- 
hsh,) they  passed  on  to  Long  Island  and  there  assaulted  the 
Lady  Moodey  in  her  house  divers  times,  for  there  were  40  men 
gathered  thither  to  defend  it. 

These  Indians  at  the  same  time  set  upon  the  Dutch  with 
an  implacable  fury,  and  killed  all  they  could  come  by,  and 
burnt  their  houses  and  killed  their  cattle  without  any  resist- 
ance, so  as  the  governor  and  such  as  escaped  betook  them- 
selves to  their  fort  at  Monhaton,  and  there  hved  and  eat  up  their 

4.]  There  was  an  assembly  at  Cambridge  of  all  the  elders 
in  the  country,  (about  50  in  all,)  such  of  the  ruling  elders  as 

*  Here  ends  the  painful  tragedy  of  Anne  Hutchinson's  life.  The  location 
was  the  point  now  known  as  Pelham  Neck,  near  New  Rochelle,  New  York.  It 
is  still  marked  by  the  local  nomenclature,  for  though  the  name  of  Anne's  Hoeck 
has  disappeared,  Hutchinson  Creek  still  perpetuates  her  memory. 


would  were  present  also,  but  none  else.  They  sat  in  the  college, 
and  had  their  diet  there  after  the  manners  of  scholars'  com- 
mons, but  somewhat  better,  yet  so  ordered  as  it  came  not  to 
above  sixpence  the  meal  for  a  person.  Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr. 
Hooker  were  chosen  moderators.  The  principal  occasion 
was  because  some  of  the  elders  went  about  to  set  up  some 
things  according  to  the  presbytery,  as  of  Newbury,  etc.  The 
assembly  concluded  against  some  parts  of  the  presbyterial  way, 
and  the  Newbury  ministers  took  time  to  consider  the  argu- 
ments, etc.^ 

7.]  Upon  the  complaint  of  the  English  of  Patuxet  near 
Providence,  who  had  submitted  to  our  jurisdiction,  and  the  two 
Indian  sachems  there,  of  the  continual  injuries  offered  them  by 
Gorton  and  his  company,  the  general  court  sent  for  them,  by 
letter  only,  not  in  way  of  command,  to  come  answer  the  com- 
plaints, and  sent  them  letters  of  safe  conduct.  But  they  an- 
swered our  messengers  disdainfully,  refused  to  come,  but  sent 
two  letters  full  of  blasphemy  against  the  churches  and  magis- 
tracy, and  other  provoking  terms,  shghting  all  we  could  do 
against  them.  So  that  having  sent  three  times,  and  receiving 
no  other  answer,  we  took  testimonies  against  them  both  of 
English  and  Indians,  and  determined  to  proceed  with  them  by 
force.  And  because  they  had  told  our  messengers  the  last  time, 
that  if  we  had  anything  to  say  to  th^ii,  if  we  would  come  to 
them,  they  would  do  us  justice  therein,  therefore  we  wrote  to 
them  to  this  effect,  viz. ;  To  the  end  that  our  justice  and  mod- 
eration might  appear  to  all  men,  we  would  condescend  so  far  to 
them  as  to  send  commissioners  to  hear  their  answers  and  alle- 
gations, and  if  thereupon  they  would  give  us  such  satisfaction 
as  should  be  just,  we  would  leave  them  in  peace,  if  otherwise, 
we  would  proceed  by  force  of  arms ;  and  signified  withal  that 
we  would  send  a  sufficient  guard  with  our  commissioners. 
For  seeing  they  would  not  trust  themselves  with  us  upon  our 

'  An  echo  of  the  dispute  between  Presbyterianism  and  the  rising  Indepen- 
dency, which  in  England  had  now  become  acute. 

140  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

safe  conduct,  we  had  no  reason  to  trust  ourselves  with  them 
upon  their  bare  courtesy.  And  accordingly  we  sent  the  next 
week  Captain  George  Cook,  Lieutenant  Atherton,  and  Ed- 
ward Johnson,*  with  commission  and  instructions,  (the  in- 
structions would  here  be  inserted  at  large,)  and  with  them 
40  soldiers. 

They  came  to  Providence,  and  by  the  way  received  another 
letter  from  Gorton,  of  the  like  contents  with  the  former,  and 
told  them  plainly  they  were  prepared  for  them,  etc.  Being 
come  near,  they  found  they  had  put  themselves  all  into  one 
house,  which  they  had  made  musket-proof  with  two  flankers. 
But  by  the  mediation  of  others  of  Providence,  they  came 
to  parley,  and  then  offered  to  refer  their  cause  to  arbitrators, 
(alleging  that  we  were  parties,  and  so  not  equal  judges,)  so  as 
some  of  them  might  be  of  Providence  or  of  Aquiday,  and 
offered  their  cattle  for  security  to  abide  the  order,  etc.  Our 
commissioners,  through  importunity  of  themselves  and  others 
of  Providence,  were  content  to  send  to  us  to  know  our  minds 
about  it.  Their  letter  came  to  us,  when  a  committee,  ap- 
pointed by  the  general  court,  were  met  about  the  tidings  of 
Miantunnomoh's  death;  so  calling  into  us  five  or  six  of  the 
elders  who  were  near  at  hand,  we  considered  of  the  motion, 
and  agreed  that  it  was  neither  seasonable  nor  reasonable, 
neither  safe  nor  honorable,  for  us  to  accept  of  such  a  proposi- 
tion. 1.  Because  they  would  never  off  er  us  any  terms  of  peace 
before  we  had  sent  our  soldiers.  2.  Because  the  ground  of  it 
was  false,  for  we  were  not  parties  in  the  case  between  the 
Indians  and  them,  but  the  proper  judges,  they  being  all  within 
our  jurisdiction  by  the  Indians  and  English  their  own  grant. 
3.  They  were  no  state,  but  a  few  fugitives  living  without  law  or 
government,  and  so  not  honorable  for  us  to  join  with  them  in 

'  Cook  returning  to  England  became  a  colonel  in  Cromwell's  army.  Atherton 
at  a  later  time  became  major-general  of  the  colonial  forces,  and  while  holding 
that  position  was  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  in  1665.  Johnson  was  the  author 
of  the  Wonder-Working  Providence. 


such  a  course.  4.  The  parties  whom  they  would  refer  it  unto 
were  such  as  were  rejected  by  us,  and  all  the  governments 
in  the  country,  and  besides,  not  men  likely  to  be  equal  to 
us,  or  able  to  judge  of  the  cause.  5.  Their  blasphemous  and 
reviling  writings,  etc.,  were  not  matters  fit  to  be  compounded 
by  arbitrament,  but  to  be  purged  away  only  by  repentance 
and  pubHc  satisfaction,  or  else  by  pubhc  punishment. 

And  lastly,  the  commission  and  instructions  being  given 
them  by  the  general  court,  it  was  not  in  our  power  to  alter 
them;  so  accordingly  we  wrote  to  our  commissioners  to  pro- 
ceed, which  accordingly  they  did,  and  approached  the  house, 
where  they  had  fortified  themselves,  with  trenches  so  near  as 
they  might  fire  the  house,  which  they  attempted  two  or  three 
times,  but  they  within  quenched  it.  At  last  three  of  them 
escaped  out  and  ran  away,  and  the  rest  yielded  and  were 
brought  to  Boston,  and  were  committed  to  the  prison.  It  was 
a  special  providence  of  God  that  neither  any  of  them  nor  of 
ours  were  slain  or  hurt,  though  many  shot  passed  between 
them,  but  every  man  returned  safe  and  hale.  See  more,  page 

Here  wants  the  beginning  which  may  be  supplied  out  of  the 
records,  64. 

Other  affairs  were  transacted  by  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  as  writing  letters  to  the  Swedish  governor 
in  Delaware  river,  concerning  the  foul  injuries  offered  by  him 
to  Mr.  Lamberton  and  those  people  whom  New  Haven  had 
planted  there,  and  also  to  the  Dutch  governor  about  the 
injuries  his  agent  there  had  also  offered  and  done  to  them,  as 
burning  down  their  trading  house,  joining  with  the  Swedes 
against  them,  etc.  But  this  was  inserted  in  the  letter  which 
the  general  court  sent  to  him  in  further  answer  of  that  which 
he  sent  to  them,  as  is  expressed  herebef ore ;  in  which  letter  we 
declared  the  complaints  which  had  been  made  by  our  confed- 
erates both  of  Hartford  and  New  Haven,  of  their  injurious 
dealings,  as  well  at  Hartford  and  New  Haven  as  at  Delaware : 

142  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

also  our  opinion  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  of  Hartford  in 
respect  of  title  of  the  land  in  question  between  them,  which 
we  could  not  change,  except  we  might  see  more  hght  than  had 
yet  appeared  to  us  by  the  title  the  Dutch  insisted  upon,  nor 
might  we  desert  either  of  our  confederates  in  a  righteous  cause. 
And  we  gave  also  commission  to  Mr.  Lamberton  to  go  treat 
with  the  Swedish  governor  about  satisfaction  for  those  injuries 
and  damages,  and  to  agree  with  him  about  settUng  their  trade 
and  plantation.  This  Swedish  governor  demeaned  himself  as 
if  he  had  neither  Christian  nor  moral  conscience,  getting  Mr. 
Lamberton  into  his  power  by  feigned  and  false  pretences,  and 
keeping  him  prisoner  and  some  of  his  men,  laboring  by  prom- 
ises and  threats  to  draw  them  to  accuse  him  to  have  conspired 
with  the  Indians  to  cut  off  the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  and  not 
prevailing  these  ways,  then  by  attempting  to  make  them 
drunk,  that  so  he  might  draw  something  from  them:  and 
in  the  end,  (though  he  could  gain  no  testimony,)  yet  he  forced 
him  to  pay  [blank]  weight  of  beaver  before  he  would  set  him  at 
liberty.  He  is  also  a  man  very  furious  and  passionate,  cursing 
and  swearing,  and  also  reviUng  the  EngUsh  of  New  Haven  as 
runagates,  etc.,  and  himself  with  his  own  hands  put  irons  upon 
one  of  Mr.  Lamberton 's  men,  and  went  also  to  the  houses  of 
those  few  families  planted  there,  and  forced  some  of  them  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Sweden,  though  he  had  no 
color  of  title  to  that  place,  and  such  as  would  not,  he  drave 
away,  etc.  All  these  things  were  clearly  proved  by  Mr.  Lam- 
berton's  relation,  and  by  other  testimony  upon  oath,  but  this 
was  before  he  was  sent  with  commission.* 

About  this  time  our  governor  received  letters  from  PhiUp 
Bell,  Esq.,  governor  of  Barbados,  complaining  of  the  distracted 
condition  of  that  island  in  regard  of  divers  sects  of  famihsts 

^  The  settlement  of  the  New  Haven  men  was  near  the  present  site  of  Salem, 
New  Jersey.  The  story  is  told  by  Professor  Keen  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and 
Critical  History,  IV.  451-457,  from  the  reports  of  Governor  Johan  Printz  and 
other  Swedish  sources. 


sprung  up  there,  and  their  turbulent  practices,  which  had 
forced  him  to  proceed  against  some  of  them  by  banishment, 
and  others  of  mean  quahty  by  whipping ;  and  earnestly  desir- 
ing us  to  send  them  some  godly  ministers  and  other  good  people. 
The  governor  imparted  the  letter  to  the  court  and  elders,  but 
none  of  our  ministers  would  go  thither,  and  the  governor 
returned  answer  accordingly. 

8.  (October)  12.]  The  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,  Miantun- 
nomoh's  brother  called  Pesecus,  a  young  man  about  20,  sent 
a  present  to  our  governor,  viz.,  an  otter  coat  and  girdle  of 
wampom,  and  some  other  wampom,  in  all  worth  about  15 
pounds,  and  desired  peace  and  friendship  with  us,  and  withal 
that  we  would  not  aid  Onkus  against  him,  whom  he  intended 
to  make  war  upon  in  revenge  of  his  brother's  death.  Our 
governor  answered  the  messengers,  that  we  were  willing  to  have 
peace  and  friendship  with  him,  and  to  that  end  had  sent  mes- 
sengers to  Canonicus,  (whom  it  seemed  they  met  with  by  the 
way,)  but  we  desired  withal  that  there  might  be  peace  with  all 
Indians  also,  both  Onkus  and  others,  and  that  we  had  also  sent 
to  Ousamekin  to  that  end ;  therefore  except  their  sachem  would 
agree  to  it,  we  could  not  receive  his  present.  They  rephed  that 
they  had  no  instructions  about  the  matter,  but  would  return 
back  and  acquaint  their  sachem  with  it,  and  retm'n  to  us  again, 
and  desired  to  leave  their  present  with  our  governor  in  the 
mean  time,  which  he  agreed  unto. 

13.]  Captain  Cook  and  his  company,  which  were  sent 
out  against  Gorton,  returned  to  Boston,  and  the  captives, 
being  nine,  were  brought  to  the  governor  his  house  in  a  miU- 
tary  order,  viz.,  the  soldiers  being  in  two  files,  and  after  every 
five  or  six  soldiers  a  prisoner.  So  being  before  his  door,  the 
commissioners  came  in,  and  after  the  governor  had  saluted 
them,  he  went  forth  with  them,  and  passing  through  the  files, 
welcomed  them  home,  blessing  God  for  preserving  and  pros- 
pering them,  and  gave  them  all  thanks  for  their  pains  and  good 
carriage,  and  desired  of  the  captain  a  list  of  their  names,  that 


the  court,  etc.,  might  know  them  if  hereafter  there  should  be 
occasion  to  make  use  of  such  men.  This  good  acceptance 
and  commendation  of  their  service  gave  many  of  them  more 
content  than  their  wages,  (which  yet  was  very  Hberal,  ten  shil- 
Hngs  per  week,  and  they  to  victual  themselves,  and  it  is  need- 
ful in  all  such  commonwealths  where  the  state  desires  to  be 
served  by  volunteers).  Then  having  conferred  privately  with 
the  commissioners,  he  caused  the  prisoners  to  be  brought 
before  him  in  his  hall,  where  was  a  great  assembly,  and  there 
laid  before  them  their  contemptuous  carriage  towards  us,  and 
their  obstinacy  against  all  the  fair  means  and  moderation  we 
had  used  to  reform  them  and  bring  them  to  do  right  to  those  of 
ours  whom  they  had  wronged,  and  how  the  Lord  had  now 
justly  delivered  them  into  our  hands.  They  pleaded  in  their 
excuse  that  they  were  not  of  our  jurisdiction,  and  that  though 
they  had  now  yielded  themselves  to  come  and  answer  before 
us,  yet  they  yielded  not  as  prisoners.  The  governor  rephed, 
they  were  brought  to  him  as  taken  in  war,  and  so  our  commis- 
sioners had  informed,  but  if  they  could  plead  any  other  quarter 
or  agreement  our  commissioners  had  made  with  them,  we 
must  and  would  perform  it;  to  which  they  made  no  answer. 
So  the  governor  committed  them  to  the  marshal  to  convey  to 
the  common  prison,  and  gave  order  they  should  be  well  pro- 
vided for  both  for  lodging  and  diet.  Then  he  went  forth  again 
with  the  captain,  and  the  soldiers  gave  him  three  volhes  of  shot 
and  so  departed  to  the  inn,  where  the  governor  had  appointed 
some  refreshing  to  be  provided  for  them,  above  their  wages. 

The  next  Lord's  day  in  the  forenoon,  the  prisoners  would  not 
come  to  the  meeting,  so  as  the  magistrates  determined  they 
should  be  compelled.  They  agreed  to  come,  so  as  they  might 
have  Uberty  after  sermon  to  speak,  if  they  had  occasion. 
The  magistrates'  answer  was,  that  they  did  leave  the  ordering 
of  things  in  the  church  to  the  elders,  but  there  was  no  doubt 
but  they  might  have  leave  to  speak,  so  as  they  spake  the  words 
of  truth  and  sobriety.    So  in  the  afternoon  they  came,  and 


were  placed  in  the  fourth  seat  right  before  the  elders.  Mr. 
Cotton  (in  his  ordinary  text)  taught  then  out  of  Acts  19.  of 
Demetrius  pleading  for  Diana's  silver  shrines  or  temples,  etc. 
After  sermon  Gorton  desired  leave  to  speak,  which  being  grant- 
ed, he  repeated  the  points  of  Mr.  Cotton's  sermon,  and  coming 
to  that  of  the  silver  shrines,  he  said  that  in  the  church  there 
was  nothing  now  but  Christ,  so  that  all  our  ordinances,  minis- 
ters, sacraments,  etc.,  were  but  men's  inventions  for  show  and 
pomp,  and  no  other  than  those  silver  shrines  of  Diana.  He 
said  also  that  if  Christ  lived  eternally,  then  he  died  eternally; 
and  it  appeared  both  by  his  letters  and  examinations  that  he 
held  that  Christ  was  incarnate  in  Adam,  and  that  he  was  that 
image  of  God  wherein  Adam  was  created,  and  that  the  chief 
work  and  merit  was  in  that  his  incarnation,  in  that  he  became 
such  a  thing,  so  mean,  etc.,  and  that  his  being  bom  after  of  the 
Virgin  Mary  and  suffering,  etc.,  was  but  a  manifestation  of  his 
sufferings,  etc.,  in  Adam.  Likewise  in  his  letter  he  condemned 
and  reviled  magistracy,  calling  it  an  idol,  alleging  that  a  man 
might  as  well  be  a  slave  to  his  belly  as  to  his  own  species :  yet 
being  examined  he  would  acknowledge  magistracy  to  be  an 
ordinance  of  God  in  the  world  as  marriage  was,  viz.,  no  other 
magistracy  but  what  was  natural,  as  the  father  over  his  wife 
and  children,  and  an  hereditary  prince  over  his  subjects. 

When  the  general  court  was  assembled,  Gorton  and  his  com- 
pany were  brought  forth  upon  the  lecture  day  at  Boston,  and 
there,  before  a  great  assembly,  the  governor  declared  the  cause 
and  manner  of  our  proceeding  against  them,  and  their  letters 
were  openly  read,  and  all  objections  answered.  As  1.  That 
they  were  not  within  our  jurisdiction.  To  this  was  answered. 
1.  That  they  were  either  within  Plymouth  or  Mr.  Fen  wick,*  and 
they  had  yielded  their  power  to  us  in  this  cause.  2.  If  they 
were  under  no  jurisdiction,  then  had  we  none  to  complain  unto 
for  redress  of  our  injuries,  and  then  we  must  either  right  our- 
selves and  our  subjects  by  force  of  arms,  or  else  we  must  sit 

^  I.e.,  Say  brook. 

146  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1643 

still  under  all  their  reproaches  and  injuries,  among  which 
they  had  this  insolent  passage. — ''We  do  more  disdain  that 
you  should  send  for  us  to  come  to  you,  than  you  could  do,  if 
we  should  send  for  the  chiefest  among  you  to  come  up  to  us, 
and  be  employed  according  to  our  pleasure  in  such  works  as 
we  should  appoint  you." 

As  for  their  opinions,  we  did  not  meddle  with  them  for  those, 
otherwise  than  they  had  given  us  occasion  by  their  letters  to  us, 
and  by  their  free  and  open  publishing  them  amongst  us,  for  we 
wrote  to  them  only  about  civil  controversies  between  them  and 
our  people,  and  gave  them  no  occasion  to  vent  their  blasphem- 
ings  and  revilings,  etc.  And  for  their  title  to  the  Indians'  land, 
we  had  divers  times  desired  them  to  make  it  appear,  but  they 
always  refused,  even  to  our  commissioners  whom  we  sent  last 
to  them ;  and  since  they  were  in  prison,  we  offered  to  send  for 
any  witnesses  they  would  desire,  but  still  they  refused,  so  that 
our  title  appearing  good  and  we  having  now  regained  our  pos- 
session, we  need  not  question  them  any  more  about  that. 
Their  letters  being  read,  they  were  demanded  severally  if  they 
would  maintain  those  things  which  were  contained  therein. 
They  answered  they  would  in  that  sense  wherein  they  wrote 

After  this  they  were  brought  before  the  court  severally  to  be 
examined,  (divers  of  the  elders  being  desired  to  be  present,) 
and  because  they  had  said  they  could  give  a  good  interpreta- 
tion of  all  they  had  written,  they  were  examined  upon  the  par- 
ticular passages.  But  the  interpretation  they  gave  being  con- 
tradictory to  their  expressions,  they  were  demanded  then  if 
they  would  retract  those  expressions,  but  that  they  refused,  and 
said  still  that  they  should  then  deny  the  truth.  For  instance 
in  one  or  two ;  their  letters  were  directed,  one  to  their  neigh- 
bors of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  other  of  them  to  the  great 
honored  idol  general  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  by  a  messenger 
of  their  own  delivered  to  oiu-  governor,  and  many  passages 
in  both  letters  particularly  applied  to  our  courts,  our  magis- 


trates,  our  elders,  etc.,  yet  in  their  examinations  about  their 
reproachful  passages,  they  answered,  that  they  meant  them  of 
the  corrupt  estate  of  mankind  in  general  and  not  of  us,  etc. 
So  whereas  in  their  letters  they  impute  it  to  us  as  an  error,  that 
we  teach  that  Christ  died  actually  only  when  he  suffered  under 
Pontius  Pilate,  and  before  only  in  types,  upon  their  examina- 
tion they  say  that  their  meaning  was,  that  his  death  was  actual 
to  the  faith  of  the  fathers  under  the  law,  which  is  in  effect  no 
other  than  we  hold,  yet  they  account  it  an  error  in  us,  and 
would  not  retract  that  charge.  One  of  the  cldcre  had  been  in 
the  prison  with  them,  and  had  conferred  with  them  about  their 
opinions,  and  they  expressed  their  agreement  with  him  in 
every  point,  so  as  he  intended  to  move  for  favor  for  them, 
but  when  he  heard  their  answer  upon  their  examination, 
he  found  how  he  had  been  deluded  by  them ;  for  they  excel  the 
Jesuits  in  the  art  of  equivocation,  and  regard  not  how  false 
they  speak  to  all  other  men's  apprehensions,  so  they  keep  to 
the  rules  of  their  own  meaning.  Gorton  maintained,  that  the 
image  of  God  wherein  Adam  was  created  was  Christ,  and  so 
the  loss  of  that  image  was  the  death  of  Christ,  and  the  restor- 
ing of  it  in  regeneration  was  Christ's  resurrection,  and  so  the 
death  of  him  that  was  bom  of  the  Virgin  Mary  was  but  a 
manifestation  of  the  former.  In  their  letters,  etc.,  they  con- 
demned all  ordinances  in  the  church,  caUing  baptism  an  abom- 
ination, and  the  Lord's  supper  the  juice  of  a  poor  silly  grape 
turned  into  the  blood  of  Christ  by  the  skill  of  our  magicians, 
etc.  Yet  upon  examination  they  would  say  they  did  allow 
them  to  be  the  ordinances  of  Christ;  but  their  meaning  was 
that  they  were  to  continue  no  longer  than  the  infancy  of  the 
church  lasted,  (and  but  to  novices  then,)  for  after  the  revelation 
was  written  they  were  to  cease,  for  there  is  no  mention  of  them, 
say  they,  in  that  book. 

They  were  all  illiterate  men,  the  ablest  of  them  could  not 
write  true  Enghsh,  no  not  common  words,  yet  they  would  take 
upon  them  the  interpretation  of  the  most  difficult  places  of 

148  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

scripture,  and  wrest  them  any  way  to  serve  their  own  turns: 
as  to  give  one  instance  for  many.  Mr.  Cotton  pressing  them 
with  that  in  Acts  10.  '^Who  can  forbid  water  why  these 
should  not  be  baptized?  so  he  commanded  them  to  be  bap- 
tized" they  interpret  thus.  Who  can  deny  but  these  have  been 
baptized,  seeing  they  have  received  the  Holy  Ghost,  etc.,  so  he 
allowed  them  to  have  been  baptized.  This  shift  they  were  put 
to,  that  they  might  maintain  their  former  opinion,  That  such 
as  have  been  baptized  with  the  Holy  Ghost  need  not  the  out- 
ward baptism. 

The  court  and  the  elders  spent  near  a  whole  day  in  dis- 
covery of  Gorton's  deep  mysteries  which  he  had  boasted  of  in 
his  letters,  and  to  bring  him  to  conviction,  but  all  was  in  vain. 
Much  pains  was  also  taken  with  the  rest,  but  to  as  Httle  effect. 
They  would  acknowledge  no  error  or  fault  in  their  writings, 
and  yet  would  seem  sometimes  to  consent  with  us  in  the  truth. 

After  all  these  examinations  the  coiu-t  began  to  consult 
about  their  sentence.  The  judgment  of  the  elders  also  had 
been  demanded  about  their  blasphemous  speeches  and  opinions, 
what  punishment  was  due  by  the  word  of  God.  Their  answer 
was  first  in  writing,  that  if  they  should  maintain  them  as  ex- 
pressed in  their  writings,  their  offence  deserved  death  by  the 
law  of  God.  The  same  some  of  them  declared  after  in  open 
court.  But  before  the  court  would  proceed  to  determine  of 
their  sentence,  they  agreed  first  upon  their  charge,  and  then 
calUng  them  all  pubhcly  they  declared  to  them  what  they  had 
to  charge  them  with,  out  of  their  letter  and  speeches.  Their 
charge  was  this,  viz.  They  were  charged  to  be  blasphemous 
enemies  of  the  true  religion  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  all 
his  holy  ordinances,  and  Hkewise  of  all  civil  government  among 
his  people,  and  particularly  within  this  jurisdiction.  Then 
they  were  demanded  whether  they  did  acknowledge  this 
charge  to  be  just,  and  did  submit  to  it,  or  what  exceptions  they 
had  against  it.  They  answered  they  did  not  acknowledge  it 
to  be  just,  but  they  took  no  particular  exceptions  to  it,  but  fell 


into  some  cavilling  speeches,  so  they  were  returned  to  prison 
again.  Being  in  prison  they  behaved  insolently  towards  their 
keeper,  and  spake  evil  of  the  magistrates.  Whereupon  some 
of  the  magistrates  were  very  earnest  to  have  irons  presently 
put  upon  them.  Others  thought  it  better  to  forbear  all  such 
severity  till  their  sentence  were  passed.  This  latter  opinion 

After  divers  means  had  been  used  both  in  public  and  private 
to  reclaim  them,  and  all  proving  fruitless,  the  court  proceeded 
to  consider  of  their  sentence,  in  which  the  court  was  much  di- 
vided. All  the  magistrates,  save  three,  were  of  opinion  that 
Gorton  ought  to  die,  but  the  greatest  number  of  the  deputies 
dissenting,  that  vote  did  not  pass.  In  the  end  all  agreed  upon 
this  sentence,  for  seven  of  them,  viz.,  that  they  should  be  dis- 
persed into  seven  several  towns,  and  there  kept  to  work  for 
their  living,  and  wear  irons  upon  one  leg,  and  not  to  depart 
the  limits  of  the  town,  nor  by  word  or  writing  maintain  any 
of  their  blasphemous  or  wicked  errors  upon  pain  of  death, 
only  with  exception  for  speech  with  any  of  the  elders,  or  any 
other  hcensed  by  any  magistrate  to  confer  with  them;  this 
censure  to  continue  during  the  pleasure  of  the  court. 

There  were  three  more  taken  in  the  house  with  them,  but 
because  they  had  not  their  hands  to  the  letters,  they  were  dis- 
missed, two  of  them  upon  a  small  ransom,  as  captives  taken 
in  war,  and  the  third  freely,  for  that  he  was  but  in  his  master's 
house,  etc.  A  fourth,  being  foimd  to  be  an  ignorant  young 
man,  was  only  enjoined  to  abide  in  Watertown  upon  pain  of 
the  court's  displeasure  only. 

At  the  next  court  they  were  all  sent  away,  because  we 
found  that  they  did  corrupt  some  of  our  people,  especially  the 
women,  by  their  heresies. 

About  a  week  after,  we  sent  men  to  fetch  so  many  of  their 
cattle  as  might  defray  our  charges,  both  of  the  soldiers  and  of 
the  court,  which  spent  many  days  about  them,  and  for  their  ex- 
penses in  prison.     It  came  to  in  all  about  160  pounds.   There 

150  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1643 

were  three  who  escaped  out  of  the  house ;  these  being  sent  for 
to  come  in,  two  of  them  did  so,  and  one  of  them,  because  his 
hand  was  not  to  the  letters,  was  freely  discharged,  the  other 
was  sent  home  upon  his  own  bond  to  appear  at  the  next  court, 
(only  some  of  his  cattle  were  taken  towards  the  charges). 
There  was  a  fourth  who  had  his  hand  to  the  first  letter,  but  he 
died  before  our  soldiers  went,  and  we  left  his  whole  estate  to 
his  wife  and  children.  Their  arms  were  all  taken  from  them, 
and  of  their  guns  the  court  gave  one  fowhng  piece  to  Pum- 
ham  and  another  to  Saconoco,  and  hberty  granted  them  to 
have  powder  as  being  now  within  our  jurisdiction.^ 

The  Lord  Bartemore  being  owner  of  much  land  near  Vir- 
ginia, being  himself  a  papist,  and  his  brother  Mr.  Calvert 
the  governor  there  a  papist  also,  but  the  colony  consisted 
both  of  Protestants  and  papists,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Captain 
Gibbons  of  Boston,  and  sent  him  a  commission,  wherein  he 
made  tender  of  land  in  Maryland  to  any  of  ours  that  would 
transport  themselves  thither,  with  free  liberty  of  religion,  and 
all  other  privileges  which  the  place  afforded,  paying  such  an- 
nual rent  as  should  be  agreed  upon;  but  our  captain  had  no 
mind  to  further  his  desire  herein,  nor  had  any  of  our  people 
temptation  that  way.^ 

5.  {July)  13.]  One  Captain  John  Chaddock,  son  of  him 
that  was  governor  of  Bermuda,  a  godly  gentleman,  but  late  re- 
moving from  them  with  his  family  and  about  100  more  to 
Trinidado,  where  himself  and  wife  and  most  of  his  company 

*  The  treatment  of  Gorton  and  his  associates,  given  in  such  detail  by  Winthrop, 
is  also  the  subject  of  numerous  scattered  entries  in  the  Records  of  Massachtisetts, 
Vol.  II.,  p.  51,  etc.  Though  the  story  is  repulsive,  the  procedure  is  consistent 
with  Massachusetts  custom.  The  come-outers  vi^ere  severely  punished,  but  their 
offence  was  great:  the  New  England  magistrates  were  "just  asses,"  they  declared, 
and  denunciation  and  contempt  were  poured  out  upon  what  the  colonists  revered. 
There  was  danger  that  Gorton  might  secure  a  numerous  following.  In  England, 
at  last,  he  found  a  tolerance  such  as  New  England  was  not  yet  ready  to  grant. 

^  The  liberality  of  Maryland  contrasts  remarkably  with  the  narrowness  of 
Massachusetts.  For  a  consideration  of  Maryland  toleration  see  John  Fiske, 
Old  Virginia  and  her  Neighbors,  I.  319. 


died,  arrived  here  in  a  man  of  war  of  about  100  tons,  set  forth 
by  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  came  hither  for  planters  for 
Trinidado,  (Mr.  Humfrey  having  told  the  Earl  that  he  might  be 
supphed  from  hence,)  but  here  was  not  any  that  would  enter 
upon  that  voyage,  etc.  So  La  Tour  having  a  pinnace  here  at 
the  same  time,  they  hired  Captain  Chaddock  for  two  months  at 
200  pounds  the  month,  partly  to  convoy  the  pinnace  home 
from  the  danger  of  D'Aulnay  his  vessels,  and  partly  for  other 
service  against  D'Aulnay  there.  But  when  they  came,  they 
found  D'Aulnay  gone  into  France,  and  a  new  fort  raised  at 
Port  Royal,  and  a  pinnace  ready  to  go  forth  to  trade,  so  they 
kept  her  in  so  long  till  the  season  was  over  and  his  two  months 
out,  and  then  he  returned  to  Boston.  When  he  was  come  in 
near  the  town,  his  men  going  up  upon  the  main  yard  to  hand 
in  the  sail,  the  main  tie  brake,  and  the  yard  faUing  down  shook 
off  five  men  into  the  sea,  and  though  it  were  calm  and  smooth 
water,  yet  not  having  their  boat  out,  three  of  them  were 
drowned.  One  of  these  had  taken  some  things  out  of  the  de- 
serted castle,  as  they  went  out.  Notwithstanding  this  sad 
accident,  yet  so  soon  as  they  came  on  shore,  they  fell  to  drink- 
ing, etc.,  and  that  evening,  the  captain  and  his  master  being  at 
supper  and  having  drank  too  much,  the  captain  began  to  speak 
evil  of  the  country,  swearing  fearfully,  that  we  were  a  base 
heathen  people.  His  master  answered  that  he  had  no  reason 
to  say  so,  for  it  was  the  best  place  that  ever  he  came  in.  Upon 
these  and  other  speeches  the  captain  arose  and  drew  his  sword, 
and  the  master  drew  forth  his  pistol,  but  the  company  staying 
them  from  doing  any  mischief,  the  captain  swarc  blood  and 
wounds  he  would  kill  him.  For  this  they  were  brought  before 
the  court,  and  the  captain  fined  20  pounds  and  committed  to 
the  marshal  till  he  gave  security  for  it.  The  master  for  that 
he  was  in  drink,  as  he  ingenuously  acknowledged,  etc.,  was 
fined  only  10  shillings,  but  was  set  at  liberty  from  the  captain, 
who  had  formerly  misused  other  of  his  men,  and  was  a  very 
proud  and  intemperate  man.    But  because  the  ship  was  the 

152  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1643 

Earl  of  Warwick's,  who  had  always  been  forward  to  do  good 
to  our  colony,  we  wrote  to  him,  that  the  fine  should  be  reserved 
to  be  at  his  lordship's  disposing,  when  he  should  please  to 
command  or  call  for  it.    See  the  next  page. 

10.  (December)  27.]  By  order  of  the  general  court  all  the 
magistrates  and  the  teaching  elders  of  the  six  nearest  churches 
were  appointed  to  be  forever  governors  of  the  college,  and  this 
day  they  met  at  Cambridge  and  considered  of  the  officers  of  the 
college,  and  chose  a  treasurer,  H.  Pelham,  Esq.,  being  the  first 
in  that  office. 

This  day  five  ships  set  sail  from  Boston ;  three  of  them  were 
built  here,  two  of  300  tons  and  the  other  of  160.  One  of  them 
was  bound  for  London  with  many  passengers,  men  of  chief 
rank  in  the  country,  and  great  store  of  beaver.  Their  adven- 
ture was  very  great,  considering  the  doubtful  estate  of  the 
affairs  of  England,  but  many  prayers  of  the  churches  went 
with  them  and  followed  after  them. 


11.  (January)  2.]  Captain  Chaddock  having  bought  from 
the  French  a  pinnace  of  about  30  tons,  (which  La  Tour  sold 
him  for  a  demiculverin  and  was  the  same  which  was  taken  before 
from  D'AuInay,)  he  had  manned  and  fitted  her  to  go  in  her 
to  Trinidado,  and  riding  before  Boston  ready  to  depart,  and 
eight  men  aboard  her,  one  striking  fire  with  a  pistol,  two  bar- 
rels of  powder  took  fire  and  blew  her  up :  five  of  the  men  being 
in  the  cabin  were  destroyed,  and  the  other  three  being  in  the 
other  part  were  much  scorched  and  hurt,  but  got  into  their 
boat  and  were  saved.  The  captain  himself  was  then  on  shore 
at  Boston.  It  is  observable  that  these  men  making  no  use  of 
the  sudden  loss  of  three  of  their  company,  but  falling  to  drink- 
ing, etc.,  that  very  evening  this  judgment  came  thus  upon 
them.  It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  two  vessels  have  thus  been 
blown  up  in  our  harbor,  and  both  belonging  to  such  as  despised 
us  and  the  ordinance  of  God  amongst  us.  See  more,  page 

About  this  time  Captain  Daniel  Patrick  was  killed  at  Stam- 
ford by  a  Dutchman,  who  shot  him  dead  with  a  pistol.  This 
captain  was  entertained  by  us  out  of  Holland  (where  he  was  a 
common  soldier  of  the  Prince's  guard)  to  exercise  our  men. 
We  made  him  a  captain,  and  maintained  him.  After,  he  was 
admitted  a  member  of  the  church  of  Watertown  and  a  freeman. 
But  he  grew  very  proud  and  vicious,  for  though  he  had  a  wife 
of  his  own,  a  good  Dutch  woman  and  comely,  yet  he  despised 
her  and  followed  after  other  women;  and  perceiving  that  he 
was  discovered,  and  that  such  evil  courses  would  not  be  en- 
dured here,  and  being  withal  of  a  vain  and  unsettled  disposi- 
tion, he  went  from  us,  and  sat  down  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  Dutch,  and  put  himself  under  their  protection,  and  joined 


154  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

to  their  church,  without  being  dismissed  from  Watertown :  but 
when  the  Indians  arose  in  those  parts,  he  fled  to  Stamford  and 
there  was  slain.  The  Dutchman  who  killed  him  was  appre- 
hended, but  made  an  escape;  and  this  was  the  fruit  of  his 
wicked  course  and  breach  of  covenant  with  his  wife,  with  the 
church,  and  with  that  state  who  had  called  him  and  maintained 
him,  and  he  found  his  death  from  that  hand  where  he  sought 
protection.  It  is  observable  that  he  was  killed  upon  the  Lord's 
day  in  the  time  of  afternoon  exercise  (for  he  seldom  went  to 
the  pubhc  assemblies).  It  was  in  Captain  Underhill's  house. 
The  Dutchman  had  charged  him  with  treachery,  for  causing 
120  men  to  come  to  him  upon  his  promise  to  direct  them  to 
the  Indians,  etc.,  but  deluded  them.  Whereupon  the  captain 
gave  him  ill  language  and  spit  in  his  face,  and  turning  to  go 
out,  the  Dutchman  shot  him  behind  in  the  head,  so  he  fell 
down  dead  and  never  spake.  The  murderer  escaped  out  of 

10.  (December)  S.f  The  Hopewell,  a  ship  of  Boston,  about 
60  tons,  arrived ;  the  freight  was  wines,  pitch,  sugar,  ginger,  etc. 
She  had  her  lading  at  Palma  an  island  near  Teneriffe.  The 
Spaniards  used  our  people  courteously,  but  put  them  to  give 
security  by  some  English  merchants  residing  there  to  discharge 
their  cargoes  at  Boston,  for  they  would  not  have  the  Portugals 
of  the  Madeiras  to  have  any  goods  from  them.^  She  performed 
her  voyage  in  four  months.  She  went  a  second  voyage  thither 
soon  after,  but  was  never  heard  of.  Her  lading  was  corn  in 

At  this  time  came  over  Thomas  Morton,  our  professed  old 
adversary,  who  had  set  forth  a  book  against  us,  and  written 
reproachful  and  menacing  letters  to  some  of  us.^ 

Some  of  Watertown  began  a  plantation  at  Martin's  Vine- 
yard beyond  Cape  Cod,  and  divers  famiUes  going  thither,  they 

*7.  e.,  December  3,  1643. 

*  Portugal  had  revolted  from  Spain,  and  war  existed  between  the  two. 

'  Thomas  Morton  of  Merry  Momit,  author  of  the  New  English  Canaan. 


procured  a  young  man,  one  Mr.  Green,  a  scholar,  to  be  their 
minister,  in  hopes  soon  to  gather  a  church  there.  He  went 

Others  of  the  same  town  began  also  a  plantation  at  Nasha- 
way'  some  15  miles  N.  W.  from  Sudbmy. 

11.  {January)  18.]  About  midnight,  three  men,  coming 
in  a  boat  to  Boston,  saw  two  hghts  arise  out  of  the  water  near 
the  north  point  of  the  town  cove,  in  form  like  a  man,  and 
went  at  a  small  distance  to  the  town,  and  so  to  the  south  point, 
and  there  vanished  away.  They  saw  them  about  a  quarter 
of  an  hour,  being  between  the  town  and  the  governor's  garden. 
The  like  was  seen  by  many,  a  week  after,  arising  about  Castle 
Island  and  in  one  fifth  of  an  hour  came  to  John  Gallop's  point. 

The  country  being  weary  of  the  charge  of  maintaining  Castle 
Island,  the  last  general  court  made  an  order  to  have  it  de- 
serted and  the  ordnance  fetched  away;  but  Boston  and  other 
towns  in  the  bay  finding  that  thereupon  the  masters  of  some 
ships  which  came  from  England  took  occasion  to  slight  us  and 
to  offer  injury  to  our  people,  having  liberty  to  ride  and  go  out 
under  no  command,  and  considering  also  how  easily  any  of 
our  towns  in  the  bay  might  be  surprised,  we  having  no  strength 
without  to  stop  them  or  to  give  notice  of  an  enemy,  they  chose 
certain  men  out  of  the  several  towns  who  met  at  Boston  to 
consider  of  some  course  of  repairing  and  maintaining  it  at  their 
proper  charge:  but  the  difficulty  was,  how  to  do  it  without 
offence  to  the  general  court  who  had  ordered  the  deserting  of 
it,  etc. 

The  18th  of  this  month  two  fights  were  seen  near  Boston, 
(as  is  before  mentioned,)  and  a  week  after  the  fike  was  seen 
again.  A  fight  like  the  moon  arose  about  the  N.  E.  point  in 
Boston,  and  met  the  former  at  Nottles  Island,  and  there  they 
closed  in  one,  and  then  parted,  and  closed  and  parted  divers 
times,  and  so  went  over  the  hill  in  the  island  and  vanished. 
Sometimes  they  shot  out  flames  and  sometimes  sparkles.    This 

*  Now  Lancaster,  Mass. 

156  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

was  about  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  evening,  and  was  seen  by 
many.  About  the  same  time  a  voice  was  heard  upon  the 
water  between  Boston  and  Dorchester,  calHng  out  in  a  most 
dreadful  manner,  boy,  boy,  come  away,  come  away:  and  it 
suddenly  shifted  from  one  place  to  another  a  great  distance, 
about  twenty  times.  It  was  heard  by  divers  godly  persons. 
About  14  days  after,  the  same  voice  in  the  same  dreadful  man- 
ner was  heard  by  others  on  the  other  side  of  the  town  towards 
Not  ties  Island. 

These  prodigies  having  some  reference  to  the  place  where 
Captain  Chaddock's  pinnace  was  blown  up  a  httle  before,  gave 
occasion  of  speech  of  that  man  who  was  the  cause  of  it,  who 
professed  himself  to  have  skill  in  necromancy,  and  to  have 
done  some  strange  things  in  his  way  from  Virginia  hither,  and 
was  suspected  to  have  murdered  his  master  there;  but  the 
magistrates  here  had  not  notice  of  him  till  after  he  was  blown 
up.  This  is  to  be  observed  that  his  fellows  were  all  found,  and 
others  who  were  blown  up  in  the  former  ship  were  also  found, 
and  others  also  who  have  miscarried  by  drowning,  etc.,  have 
usually  been  found,  but  this  man  was  never  found. 

12.  (February)  5.]  Cutshamekin,  and  Agawam,  and  Josias, 
Chickatabot  his  heir,  came  to  the  governor,  and  in  their  own 
name  and  the  names  of  all  the  sachems  of  Watchusett,*  and  all 
the  Indians  from  Merrimack  to  Tecticutt,^  tendered  themselves 
to  our  government,  and  gave  the  governor  a  present  of  30 
fathom  of  wampom,  and  offered  to  come  to  the  next  court  to 
make  their  acknowledgment,  etc.  The  governor  received  their 
present  to  keep  it  till  the  court,  etc.,  and  if  the  court  and  they 
did  agree,  then  to  accept  it.  We  now  began  to  conceive  hope 
that  the  Lord's  time  was  at  hand  for  opening  a  door  of  hght 
and  grace  to  those  Indians,  and  some  fruit  appeared  of  our  kind 
deahng  with  Pumham  and  Sacononoco,  protecting  them  against 
the  Narragansett,  and  righting  them  against  Gorton,  etc.,  who 
had  taken  away  their  land :  for  this  example  gave  encourage- 

*  Princeton.  *  Taunton. 


ment  to  all  these  Indians  to  come  in  and  submit  to  our  govern- 
ment, in  expectation  of  the  like  protection  and  benefit. 

16.]  Pesacus,  the  Narragansett  sachem,  sent  again  a  mes- 
sage to  the  governor  with  another  present  by  Washose,  a 
sachem  who  came  before,  and  his  errand  was,  that  seeing  they, 
at  our  request,  had  sitten  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year 
we  would  grant  their  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with 
Onkus,  with  many  arguments.  The  governor  refused  his 
present,  and  told  him  that  if  they  sent  us  1000  fathom  of 
wampom  and  1000  skins,  yet  we  would  not  do  that  which  we 
judged  to  be  unjust,  viz.  to  desert  Onkus,  but  our  resolution 
was,  and  that  they  must  rest  upon,  that  if  they  made  war  upon 
Onkus,  the  English  would  all  fall  upon  them. 

1.  (March)  23.]  The  Trial  (the  first  ship  built  in  Boston) 
being  about  160  tons,  Mr.  Thomas  Graves,  an  able  and  a  godly 
man,  master  of  her,  was  sent  to  Bilboa  in  the  4th  month  last, 
with  fish,  which  she  sold  there  at  a  good  rate,  and  from  thence 
she  freighted  to  Malaga,  and  arrived  here  this  day  laden  with 
wine,  fruit,  oil,  iron,  and  wool,  which  was  a  great  advantage  to 
the  country,  and  gave  encouragement  to  trade.  So  soon  as  she 
was  fitted  (3.)  (May)  she  was  set  forth  again  to  trade  with  La 
Tour,  and  so  along  the  eastern  coast  towards  Canada. 

One  Mr.  Rigby,  a  lawyer  and  a  parliament  man,  wealthy 
and  religious,  had  purchased  the  Plough  Patent  lying  at  Sagad- 
ahock,  and  had  given  commission  to  one  Mr.  Cleaves,  as  his 
deputy,  to  govern  the  people  there,  etc.  He,  landing  at  Boston, 
and  knowing  how  distasteful  this  would  be  to  the  governor  of 
Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges'  province  of  New  Somersetshire,  who 
challenged  jurisdiction  in  a  great  part  of  Ligonia  or  the  Plough 
patent,  petitioned  the  general  court  to  write  to  them  on  his 
behalf,  but  the  court  thought  not  fit  so  to  do,  but  rather  that 
the  governor  should  write  in  his  own  name  only,  which  he  did 
accordingly.  But  when  Mr.  Cleaves  came  to  set  this  commis- 
sion on  foot,  and  called  a  court  at  Casco,  Mr.  Richard  Vines 
and  other  of  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges'  commissioners  opposed, 

158  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

and  called  another  court  at  Saco  the  same  time:  whereupon 
the  inhabitants  were  divided;  those  of  Casco,  etc.,  wrote  to 
Mr.  Vines  that  they  would  stand  to  the  judgment  of  the 
magistrates  of  the  bay  till  it  were  decided  in  England,  to 
which  government  they  should  belong,  and  sent  this  letter  by 
one  Tucker.  Mr.  Vines  imprisoned  him,  and  the  next  day  took 
his  bond  for  his  appearance  at  Saco  and  his  good  behavior. 
Upon  this  Mr.  Cleaves  and  the  rest,  about  thirty  persons,  wrote 
to  our  governor  for  assistance  against  Mr.  Vines,  and  tendered 
themselves  to  the  consociation  of  the  United  -Colonies.  The 
governor  returned  answer,  that  he  must  first  advise  with 
the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies.  And  beside,  they 
had  an  order  not  to  receive  any  but  such  as  were  in  a  church 
way,  etc.* 

Not  long  after,  viz.  (2.)  (April)  24,  Mr.  Vines  came  to  Boston 
with  a  letter  from  himself  and  the  other  of  Sir  F.  Gorges'  com- 
missioners, and  other  inhabitants  of  the  province,  between  20 
and  30. 

Three  fishermen  of  a  boat  belonging  to  Isle  of  Shoals  were 
very  profane  men,  and  scomers  of  religion,  and  were  drinking 
all  the  Lord's  day,  and  the  next  week  their  boat  was  cast  upon 
the  rocks  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals,  and  they  drowned. 

There  was  little  rain  this  winter,  and  no  snow  till  the  3d  of 
the  1st  month,  the  wind  continuing  W.  and  N.  W.  near  six 
weeks,  which  was  an  occasion  that  very  many  houses  were 
burned  down,  and  much  chattels  (in  some  of  them)  to  a  greater 
value  than  in  14  years  before. 

1.  (March)  7.]  Boston,  Charlestown,  Roxbury,  Dorchester, 
Cambridge,  and  Watertown,  conceiving  that  the  want  of  fortifi- 
cation at  Castle  Island  would  leave  them  open  to  an  enemy, 
appointed  a  committee  to  consider  how  it  might  be  fortified, 
and  coming  to  some  conclusion  about  it,  they  advised  with  the 

'  The  arrival  of  the  Plough  with  the  "Husbandmen",  who  were  to  occupy  a 
tract  at  Casco  Bay,  afterward  called  Ligonia,  and  the  Plough  Patent,  are  de- 
scribed in  Vol.  I.,  p.  65,  note  2. 


governor  and  some  other  of  the  magistrates,  who  encouraged 
them  in  it,  as  the  elders  also  did  in  their  sermons ;  but  because 
the  general  court  had  given  order  for  fetching  off  the  ordnance, 
etc.,  it  was  thought  fit  not  to  attempt  any  thing  without  the 
advice  of  the  same.  It  fell  out  also  that  five  of  the  neighboring 
Indian  sachems  came  at  the  same  time  to  the  governor  with  a 
present  of  wampom  about  30  fathom,  worth  some  8  pounds,  and 
desired  to  come  under  our  government  as  Pumham  and  Sacono- 
noco  had  done.  For  these  two  occasions  the  governor  sum- 
moned a  general  court  to  be  held  at  Boston  this  day,  (the  court 
of  assistants  being  to  begin  the  5th  day  before,)  where  the 
committees  of  the  said  six  towns  exhibited  a  petition  for  fortify- 
ing of  the  said  Island,  craving  help  also  from  the  country, 
though  they  had  agreed  to  do  it  at  their  own  charge  rather  than 
fail.  The  court  refusing  to  undertake  it,  they  gave  in  certain 
propositions  whereby  they  craved  some  aid,  at  least  for  main- 
taining of  the  garrison,  and  some  privileges  and  immunities. 
These  coming  to  be  debated  in  the  court,  some  opposition  there 
was,  which  had  almost  discouraged  the  committee.  The  argu- 
ments brought  against  it  were  chiefly  these.  1.  The  great 
charge.  2.  The  little  help  it  could  afford  against  a  strong 
enemy.  3.  The  opportunity  left  of  another  passage  by  Bird 
Island.  But  these  objections  were  so  far  removed,  as  after 
much  debate,  the  court  voted  for  the  fortification,  and  granted 
100  poimds  pay  for  the  maintenance  of  it,  when  it  should  be  in 
defence  and  a  garrison  of  20  men  residing  there ;  and  50  pounds 
towards  the  securing  the  other  passage.  And  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  a  commission  for  him  who  should  have 
command  in  chief,  etc.  But  this  allowance  was  yielded  rather 
out  of  a  willingness  to  gratify  these  six  towns  (being  near  one 
half  of  the  commonwealth  for  number  of  people  and  substance) 
and  to  keep  loving  correspondency  among  all  the  towns,  rather 
than  out  of  any  confidence  of  safety  by  it.  Many  also  of  good 
judgment  did  conceive  that  the  fortifications  would  not  be 
accomphshed  according  to  the  dimensions  propounded,  nor 

160  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

so  great  a  garrison  maintained,  for  the  people  were  known 
generally  to  be  more  willing  and  forward  in  such  public  en- 
gagements, than  able,  upon  trial,  to  perform  them :  for  in  such 
cases,  the  major  part,  which  carries  the  vote,  is  of  such  as  can 
afford  least  help  to  the  work. 

The  court  finding  that  Gorton  and  his  company  did  harm  in 
the  towns  where  they  were  confined,  and  not  knowing  what  to 
do  with  them,  at  length  agreed  to  set  them  at  liberty,  and  gave 
them  14  days  to  depart  out  of  our  jurisdiction  in  all  parts,  and 
no  more  to  come  into  it  upon  pain  of  death.  This  censure  was 
thought  too  light  and  favorable,  but  we  knew  not  how  in  justice 
we  could  inflict  any  punishment  upon  them,  the  sentence  of  the 
court  being  already  passed,  etc. 

At  this  court  Cutshamekin  and  squaw  sachem,  Masconono- 
co,  Nashacowam,  and  Wassamagoin,  two  sachems  near  the 
great  hill  to  the  west  called  Wachusett,  came  into  the  court,  and 
according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor,  desired  to  be 
received  under  our  protection  and  government  upon  the  same 
terms  that  Pumham  and  Sacononoco  were ;  so  we  causing  them 
to  understand  the  articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of 
God,  and  they  freely  assenting  to  all,  they  were  solemnly  re- 
ceived, and  then  presented  the  court  with  26  fathom  more  of 
wampom,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them  a  coat  of  two  yards 
of  cloth,  and  their  dinner;  and  to  them  and  their  men  every  of 
them  a  cup  of  sack  at  their  departure,  so  they  took  leave  and 
went  away  very  joyful. 

At  this  court  came  letters  from  New  Haven,  and  withal  an 
answer  from  the  Swedes  and  Dutch  to  the  letters  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  union,  sent  in  the  7th  month  last.  The 
Dutch  still  maintained  their  right  to  the  land  at  Hartford,  and 
their  complaint  of  injuries.  The  Swedes  denied  what  they 
had  been  charged  with,  and  sent  copies  of  divers  examinations 
upon  oath  taken  in  the  cause,  with  a  copy  of  all  the  proceeding 
between  them  and  our  friends  of  New  Haven  from  the  first; 
and  in  their  letters  used  large  expressions  of  their  respect  to 


the  English,  and  particularly  to  our  colony.  And  Mr.  Eaton 
desired  a  copy  of  •our  patent  to  show  the  Swedish  governor 
(at  his  request)  and  a  new  commission  from  the  commissioners 
of  the  union,  allowing  them  to  go  on  with  their  plantation  and 
trade  in  Delaware  river  and  bay  (for  the  governor  had  told 
their  agent  that  upon  such  a  commission  they  should  have  Ub- 
erty,  etc.).  This  coming  at  the  sitting  of  the  general  court,  the 
commissioners  advised  with  the  court  about  it,  who  granted 
both,  but  the  commission  with  a  salvo  jure:  we  were  then  in- 
formed also  of  a  Dutch  ship  lately  arrived  at  Hudson's  river 
sent  to  the  free  boors  at  Fort  Orange,'  which  brought  them 
4,000  weight  of  powder,  and  700  pieces  to  trade  with  the 
natives,  which  the  Dutch  governor  having  notice  of,  did  seize 
and  confiscate  to  the  use  of  the  company. 

We  had  the  news  also  that  the  Dutch  had  entertained  Cap- 
tain Underbill,  who  with  120  men,  Dutch  and  English,  had 
killed  120  Indians  upon  Long  Island,  and  300  more  upon  the 
main,  which  was  found  to  be  a  plot  of  the  Dutch  governor  to 
engage  the  English  in  that  quarrel  with  the  Indians,  which  we 
had  wholly  declined,  as  doubting  of  the  justice  of  the  cause. 

At  this  court  of  assistants  one  James  Britton ,  a  man  ill 
affected  both  to  our  church  discipline  and  civil  government,  and 
one  Mary  Latham,  a  proper  young  woman  about  18  years  of 
age,  whose  father  was  a  godly  man  and  had  brought  her  up 
well,  were  condemned  to  die  for  adultery,  upon  a  law  formerly 
made  and  published  in  print.  It  was  thus  occasioned  and 
discovered.  This  woman,  being  rejected  by  a  young  man 
whom  she  had  an  affection  unto,  vowed  she  would  marry  the 
next  that  came  to  her,  and  accordingly,  against  her  friends' 
minds,  she  matched  with  an  ancient  man  who  had  neither 
honesty  nor  ability,  and  one  whom  she  had  no  affection  unto. 

•  Fort  Orange  was  later  Albany.  For  a  late  and  clear  account  of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  Dutch  and  English  colony,  see  John  Fiske,  Dutch  and  English  Colonies 
in  America,  I.,  chap.  ix. ;  for  the  fortunes  of  the  Swedish  colony  on  the  Delaware, 
see  same  volume,  p.  277.  "Freeboors,"  vrije  hoeren,  means  the  free  settlers,  as 
distinguished  from  the  feudal  tenants  of  the  adjoining  colony  of  Rensselaerswyck. 


Whereupon,  soon  after  she  was  married,  divers  young  men 
soUcited  her  chastity,  and  drawing  her  into  bad  company, 
and  giving  her  wine  and  other  gifts,  easily  prevailed  with  her, 
and  among  others  this  Britton.  But  God  smiting  him  with  a 
deadly  palsy  and  fearful  horror  of  conscience  withal,  he  could 
not  keep  secret,  but  discovered  this,  and  other  the  like  with 
other  women,  and  was  forced  to  acknowledge  the  justice  of 
God  in  that  having  often  called  others  fools,  etc.,  for  confessing 
against  themselves,  he  was  now  forced  to  do  the  like.  The 
woman  dwelt  now  in  Pljonouth  patent,  and  one  of  the  magis- 
trates there,  hearing  she  was  detected,  etc.,  sent  her  to  us. 
Upon  her  examination,  she  confessed  he  did  attempt  the  fact, 
but  did  not  commit  it,  and  witness  was  produced  that  testified 
(which  they  both  confessed)  that  in  the  evening  of  a  day  of 
humiliation  through  the  coimtry  for  England,  etc.,  a  company 
met  at  Britton's  and  there  continued  drinking  sack,  etc.,  till 
late  in  the  night,  and  then  Britton  and  the  woman  were  seen 
upon  the  ground  together,  a  little  from  the  house.  It  was  re- 
ported also  that  she  did  frequently  abuse  her  husband,  setting 
a  knife  to  his  breast  and  threatening  to  kill  him,  calHng  him 
old  rogue  and  cuckold,  and  said  she  would  make  him  wear 
horns  as  big  as  a  bull.  And  yet  some  of  the  magistrates 
thought  the  evidence  not  sufficient  against  her,  because  there 
were  not  two  direct  witnesses;  but  the  jury  cast  her,  and  then 
she  confessed  the  fact,  and  accused  twelve  others,  whereof  two 
were  married  men.  Five  of  these  were  apprehended  and  com- 
mitted, (the  rest  were  gone,)  but  denying  it,  and  there  being  no 
other  witness  against  them  than  the  testimony  of  a  con- 
demned person,  there  could  be  no  proceeding  against  them. 
The  woman  proved  very  penitent,  and  had  deep  apprehension 
of  the  foulness  of  her  sin,  and  at  length  attained  to  hope  of 
pardon  by  the  blood  of  Christ,  and  was  wilHng  to  die  in  satis- 
faction to  justice.  The  man  also  was  very  much  cast  down  for 
his  sins,  but  was  loth  to  die,  and  petitioned  the  general  court 
for  his  life,  but  they  would  not  grant  it,  though  some  of  the 


magistrates  spake  much  for  it,  and  questioned  the  letter, 
whether  adultery  was  death  by  God's  law  now/  This  Britton 
had  been  a  professor  in  England,  but  coming  hither  he  opposed 
oiu"  church  government,  etc.,  and  grew  dissolute,  losing  both 
power  and  profession  of  godliness. 

1.  (March)  21.]  They  were  both  executed,  they  both  died 
very  penitently,  especially  the  woman,  who  had  some  com- 
fortable hope  of  pardon  of  her  sin,  and  gave  good  exhortation 
to  all  young  maids  to  be  obedient  to  their  parents,  and  to  take 
heed  of  evil  company,  etc. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  and  other  lords,  etc.,  being  appointed 
by  the  parliament  commissioners  for  regulating  the  West  In- 
dies and  all  other  Enghsh  plantations  in  America,  sent  com- 
mission to  Virginia  to  free  them  from  all  former  taxations  and 
all  other  charges  but  such  as  should  be  needful  for  their  own 
occasions,  and  gave  them  hberty  to  choose  their  own  governor; 
and  sent  command  to  all  English  ships  there  (which  were 
then  to  the  number  of  sixteen,  most  of  them  great  ships)  to 
assist  them  if  need  were.  But  the  king  sending  a  counter- 
mand to  Sir  Robert  Berkley,  the  governor,  he  withstood 
the  parliament's  commissioners,  and  drew  most  of  the  other 
magistrates  to  take  oath  upon  the  sacrament  to  maintain  the 
king's  authority,  etc.,  so  that  the  whole  country  was  like  to 
rise  in  parties,  some  for  the  king,  and  others  for  the  parUament.' 

A  proposition  was  made  this  court  for  all  the  English  within 
the  united  colonies  to  enter  into  a  civil  agreement  for  the 
maintenance  of  religion  and  our  civil  liberties,  and  for  yielding 
some  more  of  the  freeman's  privileges  to  such  as  were  no 

*  The  death  penalty  was  provided  in  the  "Body  of  Liberties." 
^  Sir  William  Berkeley  (not  Robert)  the  ultra  cavalier,  who  thus  in  Virginia 
upholds  the  King  in  opposition  to  the  Houses,  is  the  official  who  writes,  "  I  thank 
God  there  are  no  free  schools  nor  printing,  and  I  hope  we  shall  not  have  these 
hundred  years."  The  Civil  War  was  now  at  its  height,  just  before  the  battle  of 
Marston  Moor,  and  naturally  there  were  echoes  of  it  in  the  colonies.  For  a 
description  of  Virginia  conditions  see  L.  G.  Tyler,  England  in  America  ("  Amer- 
ican Nation"  series),  chaps,  v.,  vi. 

164  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

church  members  that  should  join  in  this  government.  But 
nothing  was  concluded,  but  referred  to  next  court,  and  in  the 
mean  time,  that  letters  should  be  written  to  the  other  colonies 
to  advise  with  them  about  it.  Nothing  was  effected  for  want 
of  opportunity  of  meeting,  etc. 

At  the  same  court  in  the  first  month,  upon  the  motion  of  the 
deputies,  it  was  ordered  that  the  court  should  be  divided  in 
their  consultations,  the  magistrates  by  themselves,  and  the 
deputies  by  themselves,  what  the  one  agreed  upon  they  should 
send  to  the  other,  and  if  both  agreed,  then  to  pass,  etc.  This 
order  determined  the  great  contention  about  the  negative  voice.* 

Divers  of  the  merchants  of  Boston  being  desirous  to  discover 
the  great  lake,  supposing  it  to  lie  in  the  north-west  part  of  our 
patent,  and  finding  that  the  great  trade  of  beaver,  which  came 
to  all  the  eastern  and  southern  parts,  came  from  thence,  peti- 
tioned the  court  to  be  a  company  for  that  design,  and  to  have 
the  trade  which  they  should  discover,  to  themselves  for  twenty- 
one  years.  The  court  was  very  unwilling  to  grant  any  mo- 
nopoly, but  perceiving  that  without  it  they  would  not  proceed, 
granted  their  desire;  whereupon,  having  also  commission 
granted  them  under  the  public  seal,  (3)  and  letters  from  the 
governor  to  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  governors,  they  sent  out  a 
pinnace  well  manned  and  furnished  with  provisions  and  trading 
stuff,  which  was  to  sail  up  Delaware  river  so  high  as  they  could 
go,  and  then  some  of  the  company,  under  the  conduct  of  Mr. 
Wilham  Aspenwall,  a  good  artist,  and  one  who  had  been  in 
those  parts,  to  pass  by  small  skiffs  or  canoes  up  the  river  so  far 
as  they  could. 

Many  of  Watertown  and  other  towns  joined  in  the  planta- 
tion at  Nashaway,  and  having  called  a  young  man,  an  uni- 
versity scholar,  one  Mr.  Norcross,  to  be  their  minister,  seven 

*The  momentous  issue  of  "the  sow  business"  is  here  noted.  Another 
important  business  of  the  present  court  Winthrop  fails  to  notice, — the  gathering 
of  the  Massachusetts  townships  into  the  four  counties  of  SuflFolk,  Norfolk,  Essex, 
and  Middlesex.     Records  of  Massachusetts,  II.  38, 


of  them,  who  were  no  members  of  any  chm-ches,  were  desirous 
to  gather  into  a  church  estate ;  but  the  magistrates  and  elders 
advised  them  first  to  go  and  build  them  habitations,  etc.,  (for 
there  was  yet  no  house  there,)  and  then  to  take  some  that  were 
members  of  other  churches,  with  the  consent  of  such  churches, 
as  formerly  had  been  done,  and  so  proceed  orderly.  But  the 
persons  interested  in  this  plantation,  being  most  of  them  poor 
men,  and  some  of  them  corrupt  in  judgment,  and  others  pro- 
fane, it  went  on  very  slowly,  so  as  that  in  two  years  they  had 
not  three  houses  built  there,  and  he  whom  they  had  called  to 
be  their  minister  left  them  for  their  delays. 

One  Dalkin  and  his  wife  dwelling  near  Meadford  coming 
from  Cambridge,  where  they  had  spent  their  Sabbath,  and 
being  to  pass  over  the  river  at  a  ford,  the  tide  not  being  fallen 
enough,  the  husband  adventured  over,  and  finding  it  too  deep, 
persuaded  his  wife  to  stay  a  while,  but  it  raining  very  sore, 
she  would  needs  adventure  over,  and  was  carried  away  with  the 
stream  past  her  depth.  Her  husband  not  daring  to  go  help  her, 
cried  out,  and  thereupon  his  dog,  being  at  his  house  near  by, 
came  forth,  and  seeing  something  in  the  water,  swam  to  her, 
and  she  caught  hold  on  the  dog's  tail,  so  he  drew  her  to  the 
shore  and  saved  her  life. 

At  the  general  court  (8.)  (October)  4.  there  came  a  letter  to 
the  governor  from  Mr.  AVheelwright,  (who  was  now  moved 
from  Exeter  to  Wells,  near  Cape  Porpoise,  where  he  was  pastor 
of  a  church,)  the  contents  whereof  were  as  followeth: — 

Right  WoRsmPFUL. 

Upon  the  long  and  mature  consideration  of  things,  I  perceive  that 
the  main  difference  between  yourselves  and  some  of  the  reverend  elders 
and  me,  in  point  of  justification  and  the  evidencing  thereof,  is  not  of  that 
nature  and  consequence  as  was  then  presented  to  me  in  the  false  glass  of 
Satan's  temptations  and  mine  own  distempered  passions,  which  makes  me 
unfeignedly  sorry  that  I  had  such  an  hand  in  those  sharp  and  vehement 
contentions  raised  thereabouts  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the  churches 
of  Christ.     It  is  the  grief  of  my  soul  that  I  used  such  vehement  censorious 

166  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

speeches  in  the  application  of  my  sermon,  or  in  any  other  writing,  whereby 
I  reflected  any  dishonor  upon  your  worships,  the  reverend  elders,  or  any  of 
contrary  judgment  to  myself.  It  repents  me  that  I  did  so  much  adhere 
to  persons  of  corrupt  judgment,  to  the  countenancing  of  them  in  any  of 
their  errors  or  evil  practices,  though  I  intended  no  such  thing;  and  that 
in  the  synod  I  used  such  unsafe  and  obscure  expressions  falling  from  me 
as  a  man  dazzled  with  the  buffetings  of  Satan,  and  that  I  did  appeal  from 
misapprehension  of  things.  I  confess  that  herein  I  have  done  very  sin- 
fully, and  do  humbly  crave  pardon  of  this  honored  state.  If  it  shall 
appear  to  me,  by  scripture  light,  that  in  any  carriage,  word,  writing,  or 
action,  I  have  walked  contrary  to  rule,  I  shall  be  ready,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  to  give  satisfaction:  thus  hoping  that  you  will  pardon  my  boldness, 
I  humbly  take  leave  of  your  worship,  committing  you  to  the  good  provi- 
dence of  the  Almighty;  and  ever  remain,  your  worship's  in  all  service 
to  be  commanded  in  the  Lord. 

J.  Wheelwright. 
Wells,  (7)  10-43.' 

Upon  this  letter  the  court  was  very  well  inclined  to  release 
his  banishment;  and  thereupon  ordered  that  he  might  have  a 
safe  conduct  to  come  to  the  court,  etc.  Hereof  the  governor 
certified  him  by  letter,  and  received  this  answer  from  him. 

Right  Worshipful. 

I  have  received  the  letter  wherein  you  signify  to  me  that  you  have 
imparted  my  letter  to  the  honorable  court,  and  that  it  finds  good  applause, 
for  which  I  rejoice  with  much  thankfulness.  I  am  very  thankful  to  your 
worship  for  the  letter  of  safe  conduct  which  I  formerly  received,  as  like- 
wise for  the  late  act  of  court,  granting  me  the  same  liberty  in  case  I  desire 
letters  to  that  end.  I  should  very  willingly,  upon  letters  received,  express 
by  word  of  mouth  openly  in  court,  that  which  I  did  by  writing,  might  I, 
without  offence,  explain  my  true  intent  and  meaning  more  fully  to  this 
effect :  that  notwithstanding  my  failings,  for  which  I  humbly  crave  pardon, 
yet  I  cannot  with  a  good  conscience  condemn  myself  for  such  capital 
crimes,  dangerous  revelations  and  gross  errors,  as  have  been  charged  upon 
me,  the  concurrence  of  which  (as  I  take  it)  make  up  the  very  substance  of 
the  cause  of  all  my  sufferings.  I  do  not  see,  but  in  so  mixt  a  cause  I  am 
bound  to  use,  may  it  be  permitted,  my  just  defence  so  far  as  I  apprehend 

»/.  e.,  September  10,  1643. 


myself  to  be  innocent,  as  to  make  my  confession  where  I  am  convinced  of 
any  delinquency;  otherwise  I  shall  seemingly  and  in  appearance  fall  under 
guilt  of  many  heinous  offences,  for  which  my  conscience  doth  acquit  me. 
If  I  seem  to  make  suit  to  the  honorable  court  for  relaxation  to  be  granted, 
by  an  act  of  mercy,  upon  my  sole  confession,  I  must  offend  my  conscience; 
if  by  an  act  of  justice,  upon  mine  apology  and  lawful  defence,  I  fear  lest 
I  shall  offend  your  worships.  I  leave  all  things  to  your  wise  and  godly 
consideration,  hoping  that  you  will  pardon  my  simplicity  and  plainness 
which  I  am  forced  unto  by  the  power  of  an  over-ruling  conscience.  I 
rest  your  worship's  in  the  Lord. 

J.  Wheelwright. 
Wells,  (1)  1-43.^ 

To  this  the  governor  replied  to  this  effect,  viz.,  that  though 
his  liberty  might  be  obtained  without  his  personal  appearance, 
yet  that  was  doubtful,  nor  did  he  conceive  that  a  wise  and 
modest  apology  would  prejudice  the  acceptance  of  his  free  and 
ingenuous  confession,  seeing  the  latter  would  justify  the  sen- 
tence of  the  court,  which  looked  only  at  his  action,  and  yet  by 
the  former,  he  might  maintain  the  Hberty  of  his  conscience  in 
clearing  his  intention  from  those  ill  deserving  crimes  which  the 
court  apprehended  by  his  action:  and  withal  (because  there 
might  want  opportunity  of  conveyance  before  the  court)  he 
sent  him  inclosed  a  safe  conduct,  etc.  The  next  court  released 
his  banishment  without  his  appearance.' 

3.  {May)  20.]  A  ship  coming  from  Virginia  certified  us  of 
a  great  massacre  lately  committed  by  the  natives  upon  the 
EngUsh  there,  to  the  number  of  300  at  least,  and  that  an  Indian 
whom  they  had  since  taken  confessed,  that  they  did  it  because 
they  saw  the  English  took  up  all  their  lands  from  them,  and 
would  drive  them  out  of  the  country,  and  they  took  this  season 
for  that  they  understood  that  they  were  at  war  in  England,  and 

^I.  e.,  March  1,  1643/4. 

^  The  restoration  of  this  able  man  to  the  colonies  was  a  great  benefit.  In 
later  life  he  went  to  England,  where  he  is  said  to  have  been  in  high  favor  with 
Cromwell.  Returning,  he  survived  till  1680,  being  at  his  death  the  oldest  minister 
in  the  country. 


began  to  go  to  war  among  themselves,  for  they  had  seen  a  fight 
in  the  river  between  a  London  ship  which  was  for  the  parlia- 
ment and  a  Bristol  ship  which  was  for  the  king.  He  confessed 
further  that  all  the  Indians  within  600  miles  were  confederate 
together  to  root  all  strangers  out  of  the  country. 

It  was  very  observable  that  this  massacre  came  upon  them 
soon  after  they  had  driven  out  the  godly  ministers  we  had  sent 
to  them,  and  had  made  an  order  that  all  such  as  would  not  con- 
form to  the  discipline  of  the  church  of  England  should  depart 
the  country  by  a  certain  day,*  which  the  massacre  now  pre- 
vented :  and  the  governor  (one  Sir  Robert  Berkeley,  a  courtier, 
and  very  malignant  towards  the  way  of  our  churches  here)  and 
coimcil  had  appointed  a  fast  to  be  kept  through  the  country 
upon  good  Friday  (as  they  call  it)  for  the  good  success  of  the 
king,  etc.,  and,  the  day  before,  this  massacre  began  in  the  out- 
parts  of  the  country  round  about,  and  continued  two  days,  for 
they  killed  all,  by  sudden  surprisal,  living  amongst  them,  and 
as  familiar  in  their  houses  as  those  of  the  family.  This  mas- 
sacre was  accompanied  with  a  great  mortality.  Upon  these 
troubles  divers  godly  disposed  persons  came  from  thence  to 
New  England,  and  many  of  the  rest  were  forced  to  give  glory 
to  God  in  acknowledging,  that  this  evil  was  sent  upon  them 
from  God  for  their  reviling  the  gospel  and  those  faithful  minis- 
ters he  had  sent  among  them.^ 

A  letter  came  to  the  governor,  under  the  marks  of  Pesecus 
and  Canonicus,  the  sachem  of  Narragansett,  but  written  by 
Gorton's  company,  to  this  effect :  That  they  were  purposed  to 
make  war  upon  Onkus  in  revenge  of  the  death  of  Onkus^  and 
others  of  their  people  whom  he  had  slain,  and  that  they  mar- 
velled why  we  should  be  against  it ;  that  they  had  put  them- 

*  The  act  may  be  seen  in  Hening,  Statutes  of  Virginia,  I.  277. 

^  Among  these  refugees  from  Virginia  was  probably  Daniel  Gookin,  after- 
ward major-general,  honorably  distinguished  in  various  ways,  and  especially  for 
his  humane  spirit  toward  the  Indians  at  a  time  when  humanity  could  not  be 
shown  without  risk. 

^  For  Uncas  must  be  read  Miantonomo. 

1644]  JOHN  ExNDICOTT,   GOVERNOR  169 

selves  under  the  government  and  protection  of  the  king  of 
England,  and  so  were  now  become  our  fellow-subjects,  and 
therefore  if  any  difference  should  fall  between  us  and  them,  it 
ought  to  be  referred  to  him ;  professing  withal  their  willingness 
to  continue  all  friendly  correspondency  with  us. 

The  general  court  being  assembled,  when  Mr.  Endecott  was 
chosen  governor^  and  Mr.  Winthrop  deputy  governor,  they 
took  this  letter  into  consideration,  together  with  another  from 
Gorton's  company  to  the  same  effect,  and  sent  two  mes- 
sengers to  the  Narragansetts  with  instructions  to  this  purpose, 
viz.  to  know  whether  they  did  own  that  letter,  etc.,  and  by 
whose  advice  they  had  done  as  they  wrote,  and  why  they  would 
countenance  and  take  counsel  from  such  evil  men,  and  such  as 
we  had  banished  from  us  and  to  persuade  them  to  sit  still,  and 
to  have  more  regard  to  us  than  such  as  Gorton,  etc.  ^Vhen  our 
messengers  came  to  them,  Canonicus  would  not  admit  them 
into  his  wigwam  for  two  hours,  but  suffered  them  to  stay  in  the 
rain.  When  he  did  admit  them,  he  lay  along  upon  his  couch, 
and  would  not  speak  to  them  more  than  a  few  f roward  speeches, 
but  referred  them  to  Pesacus,  who,  coming  after  some  four 
hours,  carried  them  into  an  ordinary  wigwam,  and  there  had 
conference  with  them  most  part  of  the  night.  Their  answers 
were  witty  and  full  to  the  questions ;  and  their  conclusion  was, 
that  they  would  presently  go  to  war  upon  Onkus,  but  not  in 
such  manner  as  Miantunnomoh  had  done,  by  a  great  army,  but 
by  sending  out  parties  of  20  or  more  or  less,  to  catch  his  men, 
and  keep  them  from  getting  their  living,  etc. 

At  this  court  Passaconaway,  the  Merrimack  sachem,  came 
in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pumham,  etc.  had 
done  before. 

4.  (June)  5.]  Two  of  our  ministers'  sons,  being  students  in 
the  college,  robbed  two  dwelling  houses  in  the  night  of  some 
15  pounds.    Being  found  out,   they  were  ordered  by  the 

*  Endicott  now  becomes  governor  for  the  first  time,  though  before  the  formal 
organization  he  was  chief  agent  in  the  inchoate  colony. 

170  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

governors  of  the  college  to  be  there  whipped,  which  was  per- 
formed by  the  president  himself — yet  they  were  about  20  years 
of  age ;  and  after  they  were  brought  into  the  court  and  ordered 
to  two  fold  satisfaction,  or  to  serve  so  long  for  it.  We  had  yet 
no  particular  punishment  for  burglary/ 

At  this  court  there  arose  some  troubles  by  this  occasion. 
Those  of  Essex  had  procured  at  the  court  before,  that  the 
deputies  of  the  several  shires  should  meet  before  this  court  to 
prepare  business,  etc.,  which  accordingly  they  did,  and  pro- 
pounded divers  things  which  they  agitated  and  concluded 
among  themselves,  without  communicating  them  to  the  other 
shires,  who  conceived  they  had  been  only  such  things  as  had 
concerned  the  commonwealth,  but  when  they  came  now  to  be 
put  to  this  court,  it  appeared  that  their  chief  intent  was  to 
advantage  their  own  shire.  As,  1.  By  drawing  the  government 
thither.  2.  By  drawing  the  courts  thither.  3.  By  drawing  a 
good  part  of  the  country  stock  thither.  4.  By  procuring  four 
of  those  parts  to  be  joined  in  commission  with  the  magistrates. 
And  for  this  end  they  had  made  so  strong  a  party  among  the 
deputies  of  the  smaller  towns  (being  most  of  them  mean  men, 
and  such  as  had  small  understanding  in  affairs  of  state)  as  they 
easily  carried  all  these  among  the  deputies.  But  when  the 
two  bills  came  to  the  magistrates,  they  discerning  the  plot,  and 
finding  them  hurtful  to  the  commonwealth,  refused  to  pass 
them,  and  a  committee  of  both  being  appointed  to  consider 
the  reasons  of  both  sides,  those  of  the  magistrates  prevailed. 

But  the  great  difference  was  about  a  commission,  which  the 
deputies  sent  up,  whereby  power  was  given  to  seven  of  the 
magistrates  and  three  of  the  deputies  and  Mr.  Ward  (some 
time  pastor  of  Ipswich,  and  still  a  preacher)  to  order  all  affairs 
of  the  commonwealth  in  the  vacancy  of  the  general  court,  which 

*  The  young  men  were  the  sons  of  Nathaniel  Ward  and  Thomas  Welde. 
The  latter  was  already  in  England,  whither  the  former  also  returned  in  1646. 
Ward  left  the  college  six  hundred  acres  of  land  in  Andover,  which  he  had  received 
from  the  governor,  thus  showing  he  bore  no  grudge  for  the  treatment  of  his  son. 


the  magistrates  returned  with  this  answer:  That  they  con- 
ceived such  commission  did  tend  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
foundation  of  our  government,  and  of  the  freemen's  hberty, 
and  therefore  desired  the  deputies  to  consider  of  a  way  how  this 
danger  might  be  avoided,  and  the  hberty  of  the  freemen  pre- 
served inviolable,  otherwise  they  could  not  comfortably  pro- 
ceed in  other  affairs. 

Upon  this  return  all  the  deputies  came  to  confer  with  the 
magistrates.  The  exceptions  the  magistrates  took  were  these. 
1.  That  this  court  should  create  general  officers  which  the 
freemen  had  reserved  to  the  court  of  elections.  2.  That  they 
should  put  out  four  of  the  magistrates  from  that  power  and 
trust  which  the  freemen  had  committed  to  them.  3.  At  the 
commission  itself,  seeing  they  ought  not  to  accept  that  power 
by  commission  which  did  belong  to  them  by  the  patent  and  by 
their  election.  They  had  little  to  answer  to  this,  yet  they 
alleged  a  precedent  or  two  where  this  court  had  ordered  some 
of  the  magistrates  and  some  others  to  be  a  council  of  war,  and 
that  we  had  varied  from  our  patent  in  some  other  things, 
and  therefore  were  not  bound  to  it  in  this. 

But  they  chiefly  stood  upon  this,  that  the  governor  and 
assistants  had  no  power  out  of  court  but  what  was  given  them 
by  the  general  court.  To  this  the  magistrates  replied:  1. 
That  such  examples  as  w^re  against  rules  or  common  right  were 
errors  and  no  precedents.  2.  That  council  was  for  one  par- 
ticular case  only,  and  not  of  general  extent.  3.  In  those 
things  wherein  we  had  varied  from  our  patent  we  did  not  touch 
the  foundation  of  our  government.  To  the  last  it  was  said, 
that  the  governor  and  assistants  had  power  of  government 
before  we  had  any  written  laws  or  had  kept  any  courts;  and 
to  make  a  man  a  governor  over  a  people,  gives  him,  by  neces- 
sary consequence,  power  to  govern  that  people,  otherwise  there 
were  no  power  in  any  commonwealth  to  order,  dispose,  or 
punish  in  any  case  where  it  might  fall  out,  that  there  were 
no  positive  law  declared  in. 

172  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

It  was  consented  to  that  this  court  had  authority  to  order 
and  direct  the  power  of  these  magistrates  for  time,  place, 
persons,  etc.,  for  the  common  good,  but  not  wholly  to  deprive 
them  of  it,  their  office  continuing :  so  as  these  being  chosen  by 
the  people,  by  virtue  of  the  patent  to  govern  the  people,  a 
chief  part  whereof  consists  in  counsel,  they  are  the  standing 
council  of  the  commonwealth,  and  therefore  in  the  vacancy  of 
this  court,  may  act  in  all  the  affairs  thereof  without  any  com- 

Upon  this  they  withdrew,  and  after  a  few  hours  came  again, 
and  then  they  tendered  a  commission  for  war  only,  and  none 
of  the  magistrates  to  be  left  out.  But  the  magistrates  refused 
to  accept  of  any  commission,  but  they  would  consent  the  same 
should  pass  by  order  so  as  the  true  power  of  the  magistrates 
might  be  declared  in  it :  or  to  a  commission  of  association,  to 
add  three  or  four  others  to  the  magistrates  in  that  council :  or 
to  continue  the  court  a  week  longer,  and  send  for  the  elders  to 
take  their  advice  in  it;  but  none  of  these  would  be  accepted. 
But  they  then  moved,  that  we  would  consent  that  nothing 
might  be  done  till  the  court  met  again,  which  was  before 
agreed  to  be  adjourned  to  the  28th  of  (8)  {October).  To  this 
was  answered,  that,  if  occasion  required,  they  must  act  accord- 
ing to  the  power  and  trust  committed  to  them;  to  which  their 
speaker  replied — You  will  not  be  obeyed.' 

4.  (June)  23.]  Two  days  after  the  court  was  broken  up, 
Pumham  sent  two  men  to  Boston  to  tell  us  that  the  Narra- 
gansetts  had  taken  and  killed  six  of  Onkus'  men  and  five 
women,  and  had  sent  him  two  hands  and  a  foot  to  engage  him 
in  the  war,  but  he  refused  to  receive  them  and  sent  to  us  for 
counsel,  etc.  This  occasioned  such  of  the  magistrates  and 
deputies  as  were  at  hand  (advising  also  with  some  of  the  near 
elders)  to  meet  to  consult  about  calling  the  court,  and  agreed, 
both  in  regard  of  this  news  from  the  Indians,  and  especially  for 
speedy  reconciling  the  magistrates  and  deputies,  to  write  to 

'  The  Democracy  was  pressing  with  Anglo-Saxon  sturdiness  toward  power. 


the  governor  that  the  court  might  be  called  the  28th  following, 
which  the  governor  assented  unto. 

The  court  being  assembled,  they  took  order  for  ten  men  to 
be  sent  to  Pumham  according  to  his  desire,  to  help  him  make 
a  fort  of  palisadoes,  etc.,  but  the  men,  being  volunteers, 
asked  10s.  per  week  for  each  man,  and  such  spoil  as  they  should 
get,  if  they  were  put  to  fight,  and  arms  fixed  and  powder  and 
shot.  Whereupon  the  court,  fearing  it  would  be  an  ill  prece- 
dent, staid,  and  sent  word  to  Pumham  that  the  men  were 
ready,  but  he  must  pay  them,  etc. 

The  commission  also  for  the  Serjeant  major  general  was 
agreed  and  sealed,  and  in  it  he  was  referred  to  receive  his  in- 
structions, etc.,  from  the  council  of  the  commonwealth,  but  who 
were  this  council  was  not  agreed.  "\Micreupon  the  magistrates 
(all  save  two)  signed  a  declaration  in  maintenance  of  their  au- 
thority, and  to  clear  the  aspersions  cast  upon  them,  as  if  they 
intended  to  bring  in  an  arbitrary  government,  etc.  This  they 
sent  first  to  the  deputies,  with  intimation  that  they  intended  to 
publish  it,  whereupon  the  deputies  sent  to  desire  that  it  might 
not  be  published,  and  desired  a  committee  might  meet  to  state 
the  difference  between  us,  which  was  done,  and  the  difference 
was  brought  under  this  question:  whether  the  magistrates 
are  by  patent  and  election  of  the  people  the  standing  council 
of  the  commonwealth  in  the  vacancy  of  the  general  court,  and 
have  power  accordingly  to  act  in  all  cases  subject  to  govern- 
ment, according  to  the  said  patent  and  the  laws  of  this  juris- 
diction ;  and  when  any  necessary  occasions  call  for  action  from 
authority,  in  cases  where  there  is  no  particular  express  law 
provided,  there  to  be  guided  by  the  word  of  God,  till  the  general 
court  give  particular  rules  in  such  cases?  This  difference 
being  thus  stated,  they  drew  up  this  following  order  and  sent  it 
to  us,  viz. 

Whereas  there  is  a  difference  between  the  governor,  assist- 
ants, and  deputies  in  this  court,  concerning  the  power  of  the 
magistrates  in  the  vacancy  of  the  general  court, — we  there- 

174  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

fore  (salvo  jure)  for  the  peace  and  safety  of  this  colony  do  con- 
sent, that  the  governor  and  assistants  shall  take  order  for  the 
welfare  of  this  commonwealth  in  all  sudden  cases  that  may 
happen  within  our  jurisdiction,  until  the  next  session  of  this 
court,  when  we  desire  this  question  may  be  determined. 

This  we  accepted  (with  the  salvo  jure)  but  we  had  refused 
to  accept  of  another  they  sent  us  before  in  these  words, — we 
do  authorize  those  three  which  are  of  the  standing  council  to 
proceed,  etc. 

Upon  this  agreement  the  magistrates  consented,  that  the 
declaration  should  remain  with  the  secretary,  and  not  be  pub- 
ished  without  the  consent  of  the  major  part  of  the  magistrates, 
which  we  intended  not  to  do,  except  we  were  necessitated 
thereto  by  the  deputies'  misreport  of  our  proceedings.  And 
indeed  some  of  the  magistrates  did  decline  the  pubHshing 
thereof,  upon  this  apprehension,  that  it  would  cause  a  pubUc 
breach  throughout  the  country:  and  if  it  should  come  to  that, 
the  people  would  fall  into  factions,  and  the  non-members 
would  certainly  take  part  with  the  magistrates,  (we  should 
not  be  able  to  avoid  it,)  and  this  would  make  us  and  our  cause, 
though  never  so  just,  obnoxious  to  the  common  sort  of  free- 
men, the  issue  whereof  must  needs  have  been  very  doubtful.* 

5.  (July)  2.]  Mr.  George  Phillips  was  buried.  He  was  the 
first  pastor  of  the  church  of  Watertown,  a  godly  man,  specially 
gifted,  and  very  peaceful  in  his  place,  much  lamented  of  his 
own  people  and  others. 

Another  great  error  the  deputies  committed,  which  also 
arose  out  of  the  same  false  bottom,  viz.,  the  choosing  one  of  the 
younger  magistrates,  (though  a  very  able  man,)  Mr.  Bradstreet,^ 

*  The  theocracy,  in  which  a  privileged  body  exercised  a  power  that  was  op- 
pressive, the  people,  except  the  church  members,  being  without  franchise,  was 
not  a  polity  agreeable  to  Englishmen.  In  1665  came  what  Brooks  Adams  calls 
the  "Emancipation  of  Massachusetts,"  with  a  form  of  government  much  freer 
and  better,  though  introduced  under  the  auspices  of  the  restored  Stuarts. 

^  Simon  Bradstreet,  already  useful  and  distinguished,  and  destined  to  become 
more  so,  was  born  in  1603,  and  received  part  of  his  education  at  Emmanuel 


and  one  of  the  deputies,  Mr.  Hathome,  (the  principal  man  in 
all  these  agitations,)  a  young  man  also,  to  be  commissioners  for 
the  united  colonies;  both  eastern  men,  quite  out  of  the  way 
of  opportunity  of  correspondency  with  the  other  confederates ; 
whereas  all  the  rest  had  chosen  either  their  governors  or  other 
chief  magistrates;  and  ourselves  had  formerly  chosen  the 
governor  and  Mr.  Dudley.  Thus  usual  it  is  for  one  error  in 
state  to  beget  others. 

This  also  was  a  failing  in  them,  that,  when  the  governor  of 
Plymouth  (our  brethren  and  confederates)  wrote  earnestly  to 
us,  in  their  great  want  of  powder,  to  supply  them  out  of  our 
store,  and  the  magistrates  had  granted  them  two  barrels,  the 
deputies  stopped  it,  and  would  not  consent  they  might  have 
Hberty  to  buy  for  their  money. 

Those  also  of  Aquiday  Island,  being  in  great  fear  of  the  In- 
dians, wrote  to  us  for  some  powder  and  other  ammunition, 
but  the  court  was  then  adjourned;  and  because  the  depu- 
ties had  denied  our  confederates,  the  magistrates  thought 
not  fit  to  supply  them:  but  certainly  it  was  an  error  (in 
state  policy  at  least)  not  to  support  them,  for  though  they 
were  desperately  erroneous  and  in  such  distraction  among 
themselves  as  portended  their  ruin,  yet  if  the  Indians  should 
prevail  against  them,  it  would  be  a  great  advantage  to  the 
Indians,  and  danger  to  the  whole  country  by  the  arms,  etc., 
that  would  there  be  had,  and  by  the  loss  of  so  many  per- 
sons and  so  much  cattle  and  other  substance  belonging  to 
above  120  families.  Or,  if  they  should  be  forced  to  seek  pro- 
tection from  the  Dutch,  who  would  be  ready  to  accept  them, 
it  would  be  a  great  inconvenience  to  all  the  EngUsh  to  have 

College,  Cambridge,  before  his  immigration.  He  performed  a  noble  service 
ten  years  later  in  opposing  a  war  by  New  England  against  the  New  Netherlands, 
the  English  Commonwealth  at  the  time  being  engaged  in  their  unfortunate  struggle 
with  Holland.  He  was  elected,  as  one  of  the  best  men  of  the  colony,  to  accompany 
John  Norton  to  England,  to  establish  good  relations  after  the  Restoration.  He 
died,  full  of  years  and  honors,  in  1697.  At  this  time  Bradstreet  and  Hathome 
lived  respectively  at  Ipswich  and  Salem. 

176  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1644 

so  considerable  a  place  in  the  power  of  strangers  so  potent  as 
they  are. 

Another  error  also  was  this,  that,  when  by  the  articles  of  con- 
federation we  were  bound,  if  any  of  our  confederates  upon  any 
pressing  occasion  should  send  to  us  for  aid,  we  should  forthwith 
send  them  such  a  number  of  men  as  is  agreed  upon  in  the 
articles,  yet  the  deputies  would  not  consent,  that  upon  any 
such  occasion  the  magistrates  should  raise  any  man,  without 
calling  a  general  court,  which  would  put  the  country  to  great 
charge,  and  might  occasion  the  loss  of  the  opportunity;  and 
when  they  should  be  assembled,  there  would  be  no  use  of  coun- 
cil, the  thing  being  already  determined  by  the  articles  of  con- 

5.  (July)  15.]  Upon  the  earnest  importunity  of  Pumham 
who  feared  the  Narragansetts  because  of  their  threatenings, 
that  it  might  really  appear  that  we  did  own  them  and  would 
protect  them,  we  sent  10  men  and  an  officer,  a  discreet  man, 
to  command  them,  and  gave  them  commission  to  stay  there 
one,  two,  or  three  days,  as  etc.,  with  charge  not  to  enter  into 
the  Hmits  of  the  Narragansett,  nor  to  provoke  them,  etc. ,  and 
if  they  were  forced,  to  defend  themselves,  yet  they  should  not 
pursue  the  enemy,  if  he  retired,  etc. 

Two  new  ships,  one  of  250  [tons],  built  at  Cambridge,  the 
other  of  200,  built  at  Boston,  set  sail  towards  the  Canaries 
laden  with  pipe  staves,  fish,  etc. 

The  court,  breaking  up  in  haste,  (it  being  on  the  evening  of 
the  fast  appointed,)  gave  order  to  the  magistrates  in  the  bay  to 
return  answer  to  the  Dutch  governor's  letter  of  (12)  (February) 
11.  which  accordingly  was  done,  to  this  effect,  viz.,  Gratulation 
of  his  respect  and  correspondency  with  us,  manifestation  of 
our  good  will  to  him,  and  desire  of  continuance  of  all  friendly 
intercourse,  etc., — aclmowledging  that  he  had  largely  and 
prudently  discoursed  of  the  matters  in  difference:  but  we  are 
also  to  attend  the  allegations  on  the  other  part.  But  seeing 
proofs  were  not  yet  had  on  either  side,  he  could  expect  no 


further  answer  than  before:  but  if  he  would  please  to  send 
commissioners  to  Hartford  to  treat  with  the  commissioners 
for  the  colonies,  it  would  be  veiy  acceptable,  and  a  hopeful 
means  to  prepare  for  a  good  issue. 

Anabaptistry  increased  and  spread  in  the  country,  which  oc- 
casioned the  magistrates,  at  the  last  court,  to  draw  an  order  for 
banishing  such  as  continued  obstinate  after  due  conviction. 
This  was  sent  to  the  elders,  who  approved  of  it  with  some  miti- 
gations, and  being  voted,  and  sent  to  the  deputies,  it  was  after 

A  poor  man  of  Hingham,  one  Painter,  who  had  hved  at 
New  Haven  and  at  Rowley  and  Charlestown,  and  been  scan- 
dalous and  burdensome  by  his  idle  and  troublesome  behavior 
to  them  all,  was  now  on  the  sudden  turned  anabaptist,  and 
having  a  child  bom,  he  would  not  suffer  his  wife  to  bring  it  to 
the  ordinance  of  baptism,  for  she  was  a  member  of  the  church, 
though  himself  were  not.  Being  presented  for  this,  and  en- 
joined to  suffer  the  child  to  be  baptized,  he  still  refusing,  and 
disturbing  the  church,  he  was  again  brought  to  the  court 
not  only  for  his  former  contempt,  but  also  for  saying  that 
our  baptism  was  antichristian ;  and  in  the  open  court  he 
affirmed  the  same.  Wliereupon  after  much  patience  and  clear 
conviction  of  his  error,  etc.,  because  he  was  very  poor,  so  as  no 
other  but  corporal  punishment  could  be  fastened  upon  him,  he 
was  ordered  to  be  whipped,  not  for  his  opinion,  but  for  re- 
proaching the  Lord's  ordinance,  and  for  his  bold  and  evil  beha- 
vior both  at  home  and  in  the  com't.  He  endured  his  punish- 
ment with  much  obstinacy,  and  when  he  was  loosed,  he  said 
boastingly,  that  God  had  marvellously  assisted  him.  ^Vhere- 
upon  two  or  three  honest  men,  his  neighbors,  affirmed  before 
all  the  company,  that  he  was  of  very  loose  behavior  at  home, 

'  Though  Winthrop  now  connived  at  such  intolerance,  later  he  is  said  to  have 
grown  wiser.  When  pressed  on  his  death-bed  by  Dudley  to  sign  an  order  ban- 
ishing a  heterodox  offender,  he  is  said  to  have  replied:  "  I  have  done  too  much  of 
that  work  already."     Hutchinson,  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  I.  142. 

178  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1644 

and  given  much  to  lying  and  idleness,  etc.  Nor  had  he  any- 
great  occasion  to  gather  God's  assistance  from  his  stillness 
under  the  punishment,  which  'was  but  moderate,  for  divers 
notorious  malefactors  had  showed  the  like,  and  one  the  same 

5.  (July)  15.]  Here  arrived  Monsieur  La  Tour,  who  under- 
stood by  letters  from  his  lady,  that  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  had 
prevailed  against  him  in  France,  and  was  coming  with  great 
strength  to  subdue  him:  whereupon  he  came  to  desire  some 
aid,  if  need  should  be. 

Natascott  being  formerly  made  a  town,  and  having  now 
twenty  houses  and  a  minister,  was  by  the  last  general  court 
named  Hull. 

At  this  court  Captain  Jenyson,  captain  of  the  miUtary 
company  in  Watertown,  an  able  man  who  had  been  there  from 
the  first  settHng  of  that  town,  having  a  year  before,  (being  then 
a  deputy,)  in  private  conference,  questioned  the  lawfulness  of 
the  parliament's  proceeding  in  England,  was  sent  for  by  the 
deputies,  and  examined  about  it,  and  after  before  the  magis- 
trates. He  ingenuously  confessed  his  scruple,  but  took  offence, 
that  being  a  church  member,  and  in  pubHc  office,  he  should  be 
openly  produced  merely  for  matter  of  judgment,  not  having 
been  first  dealt  with  in  private,  either  in  a  church  way  or  by 
some  of  the  magistrates,  which  seemed  to  some  of  the  court  to 
have  been  a  failing.  The  court  was  unwilling  to  turn  him  out 
of  place,  having  been  a  very  useful  man,  etc.,  yet  not  seeing 
how  he  might  be  trusted,  being  of  that  judgment,  yet  professing 
that  he  was  assured  that  those  of  the  parliament  side  were  the 
more  godly  and  honest  part  of  the  kingdom,  and  that  though, 
if  he  were  in  England,  he  should  be  doubtful  whether  he  might 
take  their  part  against  their  prince,  yet,  if  the  king  or  any 
party  from  him  should  attempt  any  thing  against  this  common- 
wealth, he  should  make  no  scruple  to  spend  estate  and  Ufe  and 
all  in  our  defence  against  them,  he  was  dismissed  to  further  con- 
sideration ;  and  the  court  being  broken  up,  he  came  soon  after 


to  some  of  the  magistrates  and  told  them,  that  this  questioning 
in  the  court  had  occasioned  him  to  search  further  into  the 
point,  and  he  was  now  satisfied  that  the  parhament's  cause  was 
good,  and  if  he  were  in  England  he  would  assist  in  defence  of  it.^ 

The  contentions  in  Hampton  were  gro^vn  to  a  great  height, 
the  whole  town  was  divided  into  two  factions,  one  with  Mr. 
Batchellor  their  late  pastor,  and  the  other  with  Mr.  Dalton  their 
teacher,  both  men  very  passionate,  and  wanting  discretion  and 
moderation.  Their  differences  were  not  in  matters  of  opinion, 
but  of  practice.  Mr.  Dalton's  party  being  the  most  of  the 
church,  and  so  freemen,  had  great  advantage  of  the  other, 
though  a  considerable  party,  and  some  of  them  of  the  church 
also,  whereby  they  carried  all  affairs  both  in  church  and  town 
according  to  their  own  minds,  and  not  with  that  respect  to 
their  brethren  and  neighbors  which  had  been  fit.  Divers  meet- 
ings had  been  both  of  magistrates  and  elders,  and  parties  had 
been  reconciled,  but  brake  out  presently  again,  each  side  being 
apt  to  take  fire  upon  any  provocation.  WTiereupon  Mr.  Batch- 
ellor was  advised  to  remove,  and  was  called  to  Exeter,  whither 
he  intended  to  go,  but  they  being  divided,  and  at  great  differ- 
ence also,  when  one  party  had  appointed  a  day  of  humiliation 
to  gather  a  new  church,  and  call  Mr.  Batchellor,  the  court  sent 
order  to  stop  it,  for  they  considered  they  were  not  in  a  fit 
condition  for  such  a  work,  and  beside,  Mr.  Batchellor  had  been 
in  three  places  before,  and  through  his  means,  as  was  supposed, 
the  churches  fell  to  such  divisions,  as  no  peace  could  be  till  he 
was  removed.  And  at  this  court  there  came  petition  against 
petition  both  from  Hampton  and  Exeter ;  whereupon  the  court 
ordered  two  or  three  magistrates  to  be  sent  to  Hampton  with 
full  power  to  hear  and  determine  all  differences  there. 

At  Wenham  also  there  was  a  public  assembly  for  gather- 
ing a  church,  but  the  magistrates  and  elders  present,  finding 
upon   trial,    that    the   persons   appointed   were   not   fit   for 

*  The  better  prospects  of  the  ParHament,  now  helped  by  Scotland,  made 
concealment  of  sympathy  with  it  no  longer  necessary. 

180  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

foundation  stones,  they  advised  them  not  to  proceed,  which 
they  obeyed. 

4.  and  5  {June  and  July).]  About  this  time,  Mr.  Vines  of 
Saco,  Mr.  Short  of  Pemaquid,  and  Mr.  Wannerton  of  Pascata- 
quack,  went  to  La  Tour  to  call  for  some  debts,  etc.  In  their 
way  they  put  in  at  Penobscott,  and  were  there  detained  pris- 
oners a  few  days;  but  after,  for  Mr.  Short's  sake,  to  whom 
D'Aulnay  was  in  debt,  they  were  dismissed:  and  going  to  La 
Tour,  Mr.  Wannerton  and  some  other  Englishmen  of  the  eastern 
parts  were  entertained  by  him,  and  sent  with  some  twenty  of 
his  men  to  try  if  they  could  not  take  Penobscott,  for  he  under- 
stood the  fort  was  weakly  manned  and  in  want  of  victual. 
They  went  first  to  a  farm  house  of  D'Aulnay's,  about  six  miles 
off,  and  there  Wannerton  and  two  more  went  and  knocked  at 
the  door,  with  their  swords  and  pistols  ready.  One  opens  the 
door,  and  another  presently  shoots  Wannerton  dead,  and  a 
third  shoots  his  second  in  the  shoulder,  but  he  withal  dis- 
charged his  pistol  upon  him  that  shot  him,  and  killed  him. 
Then  other  of  Wannerton 's  company  came  in  and  took  the 
house  and  the  two  men  (for  there  were  no  more)  prisoners,  and 
they  burnt  the  house  and  killed  the  cattle  they  found  there,  and 
so  embarked  themselves  and  came  to  Boston  to  La  Tour. 
This  Thomas  Wannerton  was  a  stout  man,  and  had  been  a 
soldier  many  years :  he  had  lived  very  wickedly  in  whoredom, 
drunkenness  and  quarrelling,  so  as  he  had  kept  the  Pascata- 
quack  men  under  awe  of  him  divers  years,  till  they  came  under 
this  government,  and  since  that  he  was  much  restrained,  and 
the  people  freed  from  his  terror.  He  had  of  late  come  under 
some  terrors,  and  motions  of  the  spirit,  by  means  of  the  preach- 
ing of  the  word,  but  he  had  shaken  them  off,  and  returned  to 
his  former  dissolute  course,  and  so  continued  till  God  cut  him 
off  by  this  sudden  execution.  But  this  hostile  action  being 
led  on  by  an  Englishman  of  our  jurisdiction,  it  was  like  to 
provoke  D'Aulnay  the  more  against  us. 

3.  (May)  3.]    There  was  mention  made  before  of  a  pinnace 


sent  by  the  company  of  discoverers  to  Delaware  river,  with 
letters  from  the  governor  to  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  governors 
for  liberty  to  pass.  The  Dutch  promised  to  let  them  pass,  but 
for  maintaining  their  own  interest  he  must  protest  against  them. 
When  they  came  to  the  Swedes,  the  fort  shot  at  them,  ere  they 
came  up:  whereupon  they  cast  forth  anchor,  and  the  next 
morning,  being  the  Lord's  day,  the  lieutenant  came  aboard 
them,  and  forced  them  to  fall  down  lower ;  when  Mr.  Aspenwall 
came  to  the  governor  and  complained  of  the  lieutenant's  ill 
dealing,  both  in  shooting  at  them  before  he  had  hailed  them, 
and  in  forcing  them  to  weigh  anchor  on  the  Lord's  day.  The 
governor  acknowledged  he  did  ill  in  both,  and  promised  all 
favor,  but  the  Dutch  agent,  being  come  down  to  the  Swedes' 
fort,  showed  express  order  from  the  Dutch  governor  not  to  let 
him  pass,  whereupon  they  returned.  But  before  they  came  out 
of  the  river,  the  Swedish  heutenant  made  them  pay  40  shillings 
for  that  shot  which  he  had  unduly  made.  The  pinnace  arrived 
at  Boston  (5)  20. — 44.^    See  page. 

A  Dutch  ship  came  from  the  West  Indies  and  brought  to 
Monhatoes  200  soldiers  from  Curassou,-  which  was  taken  by 
the  Portugal  and  the  Indians  and  300  slain  of  the  Dutch  part, 
as  was  reported. 

23.]  La  Tour  ha\ang  been  with  the  governor  at  Salem, 
and  made  known  his  condition  to  him,  he  was  moved  with 
compassion  towards  him,  and  appointed  a  meeting  of  the 
magistrates  and  elders  at  Boston  this  day.  In  opening  La 
Tour's  case,  it  appeared  that  the  place,  where  his  fort  was,  had 
been  purchased  by  his  father  of  Sir  William  Alexander,  and  he 
had  a  free  grant  of  it,  and  of  all  that  part  of  New  Scotland, 
under  the  great  seal  of  Scotland,  and  another  grant  of  a  Scotch 
Baronetcy  under  the  same  seal ;  and  that  himself  and  his  father 
had  continued  in  possession,  etc.,  about  thirty  years, ^  and  that 
Port  Royal  was  theirs  also,  until  D'Aulnay  had  dispossessed 

'I.e.,   July   20,   1644.  ^  jyianhattan;  Cura9ao. 

^Alexander's  own  grant  was  only  of  date  1621. 

182  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

him  of  it  by  force  within  these  five  years.  Most  of  the  magis- 
trates and  some  of  the  elders  were  clear  in  the  case  that  he  was 
to  be  reUeved,  both  in  point  of  charity,  as  a  distressed  neighbor, 
and  also  in  point  of  prudence,  as  thereby  to  root  out,  or  at  least 
weaken,  an  enemy  or  a  dangerous  neighbor.  But  because 
many  of  the  elders  were  absent,  and  three  or  four  of  the  magis- 
trates dissented,  it  was  agreed  the  rest  of  the  elders  should 
be  called  in,  and  that  another  meeting  should  be  at  Salem  the 
next  week. 

When  they  were  met,  the  governor  propounded  the  case 
to  them,  and  it  was  brought  to  the  two  former  questions.  1. 
Whether  it  were  lawful  for  true  Christians  to  aid  an  antichris- 
tian.  2.  Wliether  it  were  safe  for  us  in  point  of  prudence. 
After  much  disputation,  some  of  the  magistrates  and  elders 
remaining  unsatisfied,  and  the  rest  not  willing  to  conclude  any 
thing  in  this  case  without  a  full  consent,  a  third  way  was  pro- 
pounded, which  all  assented  to,  which  was  this,  that  a  letter 
should  be  sent  to  D'Aulnay  to  this  effect,  viz.:  That  by 
occasion  of  some  commissions  of  his  (which  had  come  to  our 
hands)  to  his  captains  to  take  our  people,  etc.,  and  not  knowing 
any  just  occasion  we  had  given  him,  to  know  the  reason  thereof, 
and  withal  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  wrongs  he  had  done 
us  and  our  confederates  in  taking  Penobscott,  and  our  men  and 
goods  at  Isle  Sable,  and  threatening  to  make  prize  of  our  vessels 
if  they  came  to  Penobscott,  etc.,  declaring  withal  that  although 
our  men,  which  went  last  year  to  aid  La  Tour,  did  it  without 
any  commission  from  us,  or  any  counsel  or  act  of  permission  of 
our  state,  yet  if  he  made  it  appear  to  us  that  they  had  done 
him  any  wrong,  (which  yet  we  knew  not  of,)  we  should  be 
ready  to  do  him  justice;  and  requiring  his  express  answer  by 
the  bearer,  and  expecting  that  he  should  call  in  all  such  com- 
missions, etc.  We  subscribed  the  letter  with  the  hands  of 
eight  of  the  magistrates,  and  directed  it  to  Monsieur  D'Aulnay, 
Knight,  General  for  the  King  of  France  in  L'Acady  at  Port 
Royal.    We  sent  it  in  English,  because  he  had  written  to  our 


governor  in  French,  but  understanding  that  he  had  been  for- 
merly scrupulous  to  answer  letters  in  English,  we  therefore 
gave  the  messenger  a  copy  of  it  in  French.  We  sent  also  in 
the  letter  a  copy  of  an  order  pubHshed  by  the  governor  and 
council,  whereby  we  forbade  all  our  people  to  use  any  act  of 
hostility,  otherwise  than  in  their  own  defence,  towards  French 
or  Dutch,  etc.,  till  the  next  general  court,  etc.  In  our  letter 
we  also  mentioned  a  course  of  trade  our  merchants  had  entered 
into  with  La  Tour,  and  our  resolution  to  maintain  them  in  it. 

Before  this  letter  was  sent,  we  had  intelligence  from  the 
West  Indies,  that  D'Aulnay  was  met  at  sea  by  some  Biscayers 
and  his  ship  sunk,  yet  being  not  certain  hereof,  when  La  Tour 
went  home,  we  sent  the  letter  by  a  vessel  of  our  own  which  ac- 
companied him,  to  be  delivered  if  occasion  were.  This  news 
proved  false,  and  no  such  thing  was;  and  indeed  it  was  so 
usual  to  have  false  news  brought  from  all  parts,  that  we  were 
very  doubtful  of  the  most  probable  reports. 

At  the  same  meeting  there  were  three  other  questions  on 
foot.    The  first  was  upon  this  occasion. 

Captain  Stagg  arriving  at  Boston  in  a  ship  of  London,  of 
24  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  finding  here  a  ship  of  Bristol 
of  100  tons,  laden  with  fish  for  Bilboa,  he  made  no  speech  of 
any  commission  he  had,  but  having  put  on  shore  a  good  part 
of  his  lading,  which  was  wine  from  Teneriffe,  he  suddenly 
weighed  anchor,  and  with  the  sea  turn  sailed  from  before 
Boston  to  Charlestown,  and  placed  his  ship  between  Charles- 
town  and  the  Bristol  ship,  and  moored  himself  abreast  her. 
Then  he  called  the  master  of  the  Bristol  ship,  and  showed  him 
his  commission,  and  told  him,  if  he  would  yield,  himself  and  all 
his  should  have  what  belonged  to  them  and  their  wages  to  that 
day,  and  turning  up  the  half  hour  glass,  set  him  in  his  own 
ship  again,  requiring  to  have  his  answer  by  that  time  of  half 
an  hour.  The  master  coming  aboard  acquainted  his  men 
with  it,  and  demanded  their  resolution.  Two  or  three  would 
have  fought;  and  rather  have  blown  up  their  ship  than  have 

184  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

yielded;  but  the  greater  part  prevailed,  so  she  was  quietly 
taken,  and  all  the  men  save  three  sent  to  Boston,  and  there 
order  was  taken  by  the  captain  for  their  diet/ 

In  this  half  hour's  time  much  people  gathered  together  upon 
Windmill  hill  to  see  the  issue,  and  some  who  had  interest  in 
the  ship,  especially  one  Bristol  merchant,  (a  very  bold  malig- 
nant person,)  began  to  gather  company  and  raise  a  tumult. 
But  some  of  the  people  present  laid  hold  of  them  and  brought 
them  to  the  deputy  governor,  who  committed  the  merchant  and 
some  others  who  were  strangers  to  a  chamber  in  an  ordinary, 
with  a  guard  upon  them,  and  others  who  were  town  dwellers 
he  committed  to  prison,  and  sent  the  constable  to  require  the 
people  to  depart  to  their  houses;  and  then  hearing  that  the 
ship  was  taken,  he  wrote  to  the  captain  to  know  by  what 
authority  he  had  done  it  in  our  harbor,  who  forthwith  repaired 
to  him  with  his  commission,  which  was  to  this  effect: 

Robertus  Comes  Warwici,  etc.,  magnus  Admirallus  Angliae, 
etc.,  omnibus  cujuscunque  status  honoris,  etc.,  salutem. 
Sciatis  quod  in  registro  curise  Admiralitatis,  etc., — and  so 
recites  the  ordinance  of  parliament,  in  English,  to  this  effect: 
That  it  should  be  lawful  for  all  men,  etc.,  to  set  forth  ships  and 
to  take  all  vessels  in  or  outward  bound  to  or  from  Bristol, 
Barnstable,  Dartmouth,  etc.,  in  hostility  against  the  king  and 
parliament,  and  to  visit  all  ships  in  any  port  or  creek,  etc.,  by 
force,  if  they  should  refuse,  etc.,  and  they  were  to  have  the 
whole  prize  to  themselves,  paying  the  tenth  to  the  admiral, 
provided,  before  they  went  forth,  they  should  give  security 
to  the  admiral  to  observe  their  commission,  and  that  they 
should  make  a  true  invoice  of  all  goods,  and  not  break  bulk, 
but  bring  the  ship  to  the  admiral  and  two  or  three  of  the  officers, 
and  that  they  should  not  rob  or  spoil  any  of  the  parhament's 

*  The  Civil  War,  as  appears  here,  came  near  to  actual  battle  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  London  was  strong  for  the  Houses;  the  west  of  England,  of  which 
Bristol  was  the  metropolis,  long  held  for  the  King,  and  ships  were  Roundhead 
or  Cavalier  according  to  the  ports  whence  they  sailed. 


friends,  and  so  concludes  thus:  Stagg  Capitaneus  obligavit 
se,  etc.,  in  bis  mille  libris,  etc.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium  sigil- 
lum  Admiralitatis  presentibus  apponi  feci. 

Dat.  March,  1644. 

Upon  sight  of  this  commission,  the  deputy  appointed  Cap- 
tain Stagg  to  bring  or  send  it  to  the  meeting  at  Salem;  and 
the  tumult  being  pacified,  he  took  bond,  with  sureties,  of  the 
principal  stirrers,  to  appear  at  the  meeting  and  to  keep  the 
peace  in  the  mean  time.  The  captain  brought  his  commission 
to  Salem,  and  there  it  was  read  and  considered.  Some  of  the 
elders,  the  last  Lord's  day,  had  in  their  sermons  reproved 
this  proceeding,  and  exhorted  the  magistrates,  etc.,  to  main- 
tain the  people's  liberties,  which  were,  they  said,  violated  by 
this  act,  and  that  a  commission  could  not  supersede  a  patent. 
And  at  this  meeting  some  of  the  magistrates  and  some  of  the 
elders  were  of  the  same  opinion,  and  that  the  captain  should 
be  forced  to  restore  the  ship.  But  the  greater  part  of  both  were 
of  a  different  judgment. — Their  reasons  were  these. 

1.  Because  this  could  be  no  precedent  to  bar  us  from  oppos- 
ing any  commission  or  other  foreign  power  that  might  indeed 
tend  to  our  hurt  and  violate  our  liberty;  for  the  parliament 
had  taught  us,  that  salus  popuh  is  suprema  lex. 

2.  The  king  of  England  was  enraged  against  us,  and  all  that 
party,  and  all  the  popish  states  in  Europe:  and  if  we  should 
now,  by  opposing  the  parliament,  cause  them  to  forsake  us,  we 
could  have  no  protection  or  countenance  from  any,  but  should 
lie  open  as  a  prey  to  all  men. 

3.  We  might  not  deny  the  parliament's  power  in  this  case, 
unless  we  should  deny  the  foundation  of  our  government  by 
our  patent ;  for  the  parliament's  authority  will  take  place  in  all 
pecuhar  and  privileged  places,  where  the  king's  writs  or  com- 
missions will  not  be  of  force,  as  in  the  Dutchy  of  Lancaster, 
the  Cinque  ports,  and  in  London  itself,  the  parliament  may 
fetch  out  any  man,  even  the  Lord  Mayor  himself,  and  the 
reason  is,  because  what  the  parliament  doth  is  done  by  them- 

186  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

selves,  for  they  have  their  burgesses,  etc.,  there;  nor  need  they 
fear  that  the  parhament  will  do  any  man  wrong :  and  we  have 
consented  to  hold  our  land  of  the  manor  of  E.  Greenwich,  and 
so  such  as  are  burgesses  or  knights  for  that  manor,  are  our 
burgesses  also.  This  only  might  help  us,  that  the  king  giving 
us  land  which  was  none  of  his,  but  we  were  forced  to  purchase 
it  of  the  natives,  or  subdue  it  as  vacuum  domicilium,  we  are 
not  bound  to  hold  that  of  him  which  was  not  his.  But  if  we 
stand  upon  this  plea,  we  must  then  renounce  our  patent  and 
England's  protection,  which  were  a  great  weakness  in  us,  seeing 
their  care  hath  been  to  strengthen  our  liberties  and  not  over- 
throw them:  and  if  the  parliament  should  hereafter  be  of  a 
mahgnant  spirit,  etc.,  then  if  we  have  strength  sufficient,  we 
may  make  use  of  salus  populi  to  withstand  any  authority  from 
thence  to  our  hurt. 

4.  Again,  if  we  who  have  so  openly  declared  our  affection  to 
the  cause  of  the  parhament  by  our  prayers,  fastings,  etc.,  should 
now  oppose  their  authority,  or  do  any  thing  that  might  make 
such  an  appearance,  it  would  be  laid  hold  on  by  those  in  Vir- 
ginia and  the  West  Indies  to  confirm  them  in  their  rebellious 
course;  and  it  would  grieve  all  our  godly  friends  in  England, 
or  any  other  of  the  parliament's  friends. 

5.  Lastly,  if  any  of  our  people  have  any  goods  in  the  ship, 
it  is  not  to  be  questioned,  but  upon  testimony  the  parhament 
will  take  order  for  their  satisfaction. 

It  was  objected  by  some,  that  our's  is  perfecta  respublica 
and  so  not  subject  to  appeals,  and  consequently  to  no  other 
power  but  among  ourselves.  It  was  answered,  that  though 
our  patent  frees  us  from  appeals  in  cases  of  judicature,  yet  not 
in  point  of  state ;  for  the  king  of  England  cannot  erigere  per- 
fectam  rempublicam  in  such  a  sense:  for  nemo  potest  plus  juris 
in  alios  transferre  quam  in  se  habet;  he  hath  not  an  absolute 
power  without  the  parliament.^ 

Upon  these  and  other  considerations,  it  was  not  thought  fit 

*  The  spirit  of  independence  is  notable  here. 


to  oppose  the  parliament's  commission,  but  to  suffer  the  cap- 
tain to  enjoy  his  prize.  But  because  some  of  our  merchants 
had  put  goods  aboard  her,  wherein  they  claimed  property,  they 
desired  to  try  their  right  by  action,  to  which  the  captain  con- 
sented to  appear.  So  a  court  was  called  of  purpose,  the  issue 
whereof  follows  after/ 

The  third  matter  which  fell  into  consideration,  at  the  said 
meeting  at  Salem,  was  about  one  Franklin,  who  at  the  last 
court  of  assistants  was  found  guilty  of  murder,  but,  some  of 
the  magistrates  doubting  of  the  justice  of  the  case,  he  was  re- 
prieved till  the  next  court  of  assistants.  The  case  was  this. 
He  had  taken  to  apprentice  one  Nathaniel  Sewell,  one  of 
those  children  sent  over  the  last  year  for  the  country ;  the  boy 
had  the  scurvy,  and  was  withal  very  noisome,  and  otherwise 
ill  disposed.  His  master  used  him  with  continual  rigor  and 
unmerciful  correction,  and  exposed  him  many  times  to  much 
cold  and  wet  in  the  winter  season,  and  used  divers  acts  of 
rigor  towards  him,  as  hanging  him  in  the  chimney,  etc.,  and 
the  boy  being  very  poor  and  weak,  he  tied  him  upon  an  horse 
and  so  brought  him  (sometimes  sitting  and  sometimes  hanging 
down)  to  Boston,  being  five  miles  off,  to  the  magistrates,  and 
by  the  way  the  boy  calling  much  for  water,  would  give  him 
none,  though  he  came  close  by  it,  so  as  the  boy  was  near  dead 
when  he  came  to  Boston,  and  died  within  a  few  hours  after. 
Those  who  doubted  whether  this  were  murder  or  not,  did  stick 
upon  two  reasons  chiefly.  1.  That  it  did  not  appear  that  the 
master's  intention  was  to  hurt  him,  but  to  reform  him.  2.  In 
that  which  was  most  likely  to  be  the  occasion  or  cause  of  his 
death,  he  was  busied  about  an  action  which  in  itself  was  law- 
ful, viz.,  the  bringing  of  him  before  the  magistrates ;  and  mur- 
der cannot  be  committed  but  where  the  action  and  intention 
both  are  evil.  To  this  it  was  answered,  that  this  continual  act 
of  cruelty  did  bring  him  to  death  by  degrees,  and  the  last  act 
was  the  consummation  of  it;  and  that  this  act,  in  regard  to 

^  See  post,  p.  190. 


the  subject,  who,  to  the  apprehension  of  all  that  saw  him,  was 
more  fit  to  be  kept  in  his  bed  than  to  be  haled  to  correction, 
was  apparently  unlawful.  As  in  case  a  man  had  a  servant 
sick  in  bed  of  the  small  pox,  newly  come  forth,  and  that  his 
master  knowing  and  seeing  these  upon  his  body  should,  against 
the  physician's  advice,  hale  him  forth  of  his  bed  into  the  open 
air  in  frosty  weather,  upon  pretence  that  he  might  ease  nature, 
etc.,  this  act,  in  regard  of  the  state  of  the  subject,  were  utterly 
unlawful,  and  if  the  servant  should  die  under  his  hand,  etc.,  it 
were  murder  in  him.  As  for  the  intention,  though  prima  inten- 
tio  might  be  to  reform  liim,  yet  sure  proxima  intentio  was  evil 
because  it  arose  from  distemper  of  passion ;  and  if  a  man  in  a 
sudden  passion  kill  his  dear  friend  or  child,  it  is  murder,  though 
his  prima  intentio  were  to  instruct  or  admonish  him:  and  in 
some  cases  where  there  appears  no  intention  to  hurt,  as  where 
a  man  knowing  his  ox  to  have  used  to  push,  shall  not  keep  him 
in,  so  as  he  kills  a  man,  he  was  to  die  for  it,  though  to  keep  an 
ox  were  a  lawful  act,  and  he  did  not  intend  hurt,  but  because 
he  did  not  what  he  reasonably  ought  to  prevent,  etc.,  therefore 
he  was  a  murderer.  And  that  in  Exodus  if  a  master  strike 
his  servant  with  a  rod,  which  is  a  lawful  action,  and  he  die 
under  his  hand,  (as  this  servant  did,)  he  was  to  die  for  it: — 
And  that  in  Deut.  if  a  man  strike  with  a  weapon  or  with 

his  hand,  or  any  thing  wherewith  he  may  die,  and  he  die,  he  is 
a  murderer, — shows  plainly,  that  let  the  means  be  what  it 
may,  if  it  be  voluntarily  apphed  to  an  evil  intent,  it  is  murder; 
according  to  that  judgment  given  against  her  that  gave  a 

potion  to  one  to  procure  his  love,  and  it  killed  him,  it  was 
adjudged  murder. 

All  the  magistrates  seeming  to  be  satisfied  upon  this  confer- 
ence, warrant  was  signed  by  the  governor  for  his  execution  a 
week  after,  which  was  not  approved  by  some,  in  regard  of  his 
reprieval  to  the  next  court  of  assistants.  But  it  was  without 
any  good  reason,  for  a  condemned  man  is  in  the  power  of  the 
magistrate  to  be  executed  when  he  please,  and  the  reprieval 


was  no  stipulation  or  covenant  with  him,  but  a  determination 
among  the  magistrates  for  the  satisfaction  of  some  who  were 
doubtful,  which  satisfaction  being  attained,  currat  lex  etc.  Pro. 
22.     He  shall  go  to  the  pit,  let  no  man  hinder  him. 

This  man  had  been  admitted  into  the  church  of  Roxbury 
about  a  month  before,  and  upon  this  he  was  cast  out ;  but  the 
church,  in  compassion  to  his  soul,  after  his  condemnation,  pro- 
cured hcense  for  him  to  come  to  Roxbury,  intending  to  receive 
him  in  again  before  he  died,  if  they  might  find  him  truly  peni- 
tent. But  though  presently  after  his  condemnation  he  judged 
himself,  and  justified  God  and  the  court,  yet  then  he  quarrelled 
with  the  witnesses,  and  justified  himself,  and  so  continued  even 
to  his  execution,  professing  assurance  of  salvation,  and  that 
God  would  never  lay  the  boy  his  death  to  his  charge,  but  the 
guilt  of  his  blood  would  lie  upon  the  country.  Only  a  little 
before  he  was  turned  off  the  ladder,  he  seemed  to  apprehend 
some  hardness  of  heart,  that  he  could  not  see  himself  guilty  of 
that  which  others  did. 

A  fourth  matter  then  in  consideration  was  upon  a  speech, 
which  the  governor  made  to  this  effect,  viz.  1.  That  he  could 
not  but  bewail  the  great  differences  and  jarrings  which  were 
upon  all  occasions,  among  the  magistrates,  and  between  them 
and  the  deputies;  that  the  ground  of  this  was  jealousies  and 
misreports;  and  thereupon  some  elders  siding,  etc.,  but  not 
deahng  with  any  of  them  in  a  way  of  God ;  but  hearing  them 
reproached  and  passing  it  in  silence:  also  their  authority 
questioned,  as  if  they  had  none  out  of  court  but  what  must  be 
granted  them  by  commission  from  the  general  court>  etc., — and 
the  way  to  redress  hereof  was,  that  the  place  and  power  of 
magistrates  and  deputies  might  be  known;  and  so  the  elders 
were  desired  (which  they  willingly  assented  to)  to  be  mediators 
of  a  thorough  reconciUation,  and  to  go  about  it  presently,  and 
to  meet  at  Boston  two  or  three  days  before  the  next  court  to 
perfect  the  same.  But  indeed  the  magistrates  did  all  agree 
very  well  together,  except  two  only,  viz.,  Mr.  Bellingham 

190  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

and  Mr.  Saltonstall,  who  took  part  with  the  deputies  against 
the  other  ten  magistrates  about  their  power,  and  in  other  cases 
where  any  difference  was.  And  some  of  the  elders  had  done 
no  good  offices  in  this  matter,  through  their  misapprehensions 
both  of  the  intentions  of  the  magistrates,  and  also  of  the  mat- 
ters themselves,  being  affairs  of  state,  which  did  not  belong  to 
their  calling.* 

The  merchants  which  had  to  do  with  the  goods  in  the  ship 
which  was  seized  by  Captain  Stagg,  being  desirous  to  do  their 
utmost  to  save  their  principals  in  England  from  damage,  know- 
ing them  to  be  honest  men  and  faithful  to  the  parliament, 
intended  to  have  a  trial  at  law  about  it,  and  procured  an  at- 
tachment against  the  captain;  but  they  were  dissuaded  from 
that  course,  and  the  deputy  sent  for  Captain  Stagg  and  ac- 
quainted him  with  it,  and  took  his  word  for  his  appearance  at 
the  next  court  which  was  called  of  purpose.  When  the  gov- 
ernor and  six  other  of  the  magistrates  were  met,  (for  the  gov- 
ernor did  not  send  for  such  as  dwelt  far  off,)  and  the  jury,  the 
merchants  were  persuaded  not  to  put  it  to  a  jury,  for  the  jury 
could  find  no  more  but  the  matter  of  fact,  viz.,  whose  the  goods 
were,  whether  the  merchants'  in  England,  or  theirs  who  shipped 
them,  in  regard  they  had  not  yet  made  any  consignment  of 
them,  nor  taken  any  bills  of  lading:  and  this  the  magistrates 
could  as  well  determine  upon  proof,  and  certify  accordingly: 
for  it  was  resolved  not  to  use  any  force  against  the  parliament's 
authority;  and  accordingly  they  certified  the  Lord  Admiral  of 
the  true  state  of  the  case,  as  they  found  it  upon  examination 
and  oath  of  the  factors. 

The  pinnace,  which  went  to  Delaware  upon  discovery,  re- 
turned with  loss  of  their  voyage.  The  occasion  was,  the 
Dutch  governor  made  a  protest  against  them,  yet  promised 
them  leave  to  pass,  etc.,  provided  they  should  not  trade  with 
the  Indians:  also  the  Swedish  governor  gave  them  leave  to 
pass,  but  would  not  permit  them  to  trade;  and  for  that  end 

*  And  yet  the  elders  were  constantly  dealing  with  affairs  of  state. 


each  of  them  had  appointed  a  pinnace  to  wait  upon  our  pin- 
nace, but  withal  the  master  of  their  vessel  proved  such  a  drunk- 
en sot,  and  so  complied  with  the  Dutch  and  Swedes,  as  they 
feared,  when  they  should  have  left  the  vessel  to  have  gone  up 
to  the  lake  in  a  small  boat,  he  would  in  his  drunkenness  have 
betrayed  their  goods,  etc,  to  the  Dutch,  whereupon  they  gave 
over  and  returned  home ;  and  bringing  their  action  against  the 
master  both  for  his  drunkenness  and  denial  to  proceed  as  they 
required,  and  as  by  charter  party  he  was  bound,  they  recovered 
200  pounds  of  him,  which  was  too  much,  though  he  did  deal 
badly  with  them,  for  it  was  very  probable  they  could  not  have 

There  fell  out  a  troublesome  business  at  Boston,  upon  this 
occasion.  There  arrived  here  a  Portugal  ship  with  salt,  having 
in  it  two  Enghshmen  only.  One  of  these  happened  to  be 
drunk,  and  was  carried  to  his  lodging,  and  the  constable,  (a 
godly  man,  and  zealous  against  such  disorders,)  hearing  of  it, 
found  him  out,  being  upon  his  bed  asleep,  so  he  awaked  him, 
and  led  him  to  the  stocks,  there  being  no  magistrate  at  home. 
He  being  in  the  stocks,  one  of  La  Tour's  gentlemen  Ufted  up 
the  stocks  and  let  him  out.  The  constable,  hearing  of  it,  went 
to  the  Frenchman,  (being  then  gone  and  quiet,)  and  would 
needs  carry  him  to  the  stocks ;  the  Frenchman  offered  to  jield 
himself  to  go  to  prison,  but  the  constable,  not  understanding 
his  language,  pressed  him  to  go  to  the  stocks :  the  Frenchman 
resisted  and  drew  his  sword ;  with  that  company  came  in  and 
disarmed  him,  and  carried  him  by  force  to  the  stocks,  but  soon 
after  the  constable  took  him  out  and  carried  him  to  prison,  and 
presently  after  took  him  forth  again  and  delivered  him  to  La 
Tour.  Much  tumult  there  was  about  this:  many  Frenchmen 
were  in  town,  and  other  strangers,  which  were  not  satisfied 
with  this  dealing  of  the  constable,  yet  were  quiet.  In  the 
morning  the  magistrates  examined  the  cause  and  sent  for  La 
Tour,  who  was  much  grieved  for  his  servant's  miscarriage,  and 
also  for  the  disgrace  put  upon  him,  (for  in  France  it  is  a  most 

192  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

ignominious  thing  to  be  laid  in  the  stocks,)  but  yet  he  com- 
plained not  of  any  injury,  but  left  him  wholly  to  the  magis- 
trates to  do  with  him  what  they  pleased.  The  magistrates 
told  him,  they  were  sorry  to  have  any  such  occasion  against 
any  of  his  servants,  but  they  must  do  justice,  and  therefore 
they  must  commit  him  to  prison,  except  he  could  find  sureties 
to  be  forth  coming,  to  answer,  etc.,  and  to  keep  the  peace. 
La  Tour's  gentlemen  offered  to  engage  themselves  for  him. 
They  answered,  they  might  not  take  security  of  strangers  in 
this  case,  otherwise  they  would  have  desired  no  more  than 
La  Tour's  own  word.  Upon  this  two  Englishmen,  members  of 
the  church  of  Boston,  standing  by,  offered  to  be  his  sureties, 
whereupon  he  was  bailed  till  he  should  be  called  for,  because 
La  Tour  was  not  like  to  stay  till  the  court.  This  was  thought 
too  much  favor  for  such  an  offence  by  many  of  the  common 
people,  but  by  our  law  bail  could  not  be  denied  him;  and  be- 
side the  constable  was  the  occasion  of  all  this  in  transgressing 
the  bounds  of  his  office,  and  that  in  six  things.  1.  In  fetching 
a  man  out  of  his  lodging  that  was  asleep  upon  his  bed,  and 
without  any  warrant  from  authority.  2.  In  not  putting  a 
hook  upon  the  stocks,  nor  setting  some  to  guard  them.  3. 
In  laying  hands  upon  the  Frenchman  that  had  opened  the 
stocks,  when  he  was  gone  and  quiet,  and  no  disturbance  of  the 
peace  then  appearing.  4.  In  carrying  him  to  prison  without 
warrant.  5.  In  dehvering  him  out  of  prison  without  warrant. 
6.  In  putting  such  a  reproach  upon  a  stranger  and  a  gentleman, 
when  there  was  no  need,  for  he  knew  he  would  be  forthcoming, 
and  the  magistrate  would  be  at  home  that  evening;  but  such 
are  the  fruits  of  ignorant  and  misguided  zeal.  It  might  have 
caused  much  blood  and  no  good  done  by  it,  and  justice  might 
have  had  a  more  fair  and  safe  way,  if  the  constable  had  kept 
within  his  own  bounds,  and  had  not  interfered  upon  the  au- 
thority of  the  magistrate.  But  the  magistrates  thought  not 
convenient  to  lay  these  things  to  the  constable's  charge  before 
the  assembly,  but  rather  to  admonish  him  for  it  in  private,  lest 


they  should  have  discouraged  and  discountenanced  an  honest 
officer,  and  given  occasion  to  the  offenders  and  their  abettors  to 
insult  over  him.  The  constable  may  restrain,  and,  if  need  be, 
imprison  in  the  stocks,  such  as  he  sees  disturbing  the  peace,  but, 
when  the  affray  is  ended  and  the  parties  departed  and  in  quiet, 
it  is  the  office  of  the  magistrate  to  make  inquiry  and  to  punish 
it,  and  the  persons  so  wrongfully  imprisoned  by  the  constable 
might  have  had  their  action  of  false  imprisonment  against  him. 

6.  (August)  26.]  About  nine  in  the  evening  there  fell  a  great 
flame  of  fire  down  into  the  water  towards  Pullen  Point;  it  Hghted 
the  air  far  about :  it  was  no  lightning,  for  the  sky  was  very  clear. 

At  Stamford  an  Indian  came  into  a  poor  man's  house,  none 
being  at  home  but  the  wife,  and  a  child  in  the  cradle,  and  tak- 
ing up  a  lathing  hammer  as  if  he  would  have  bought  it,  the 
woman  stooping  down  to  take  her  child  out  of  the  cradle,  he 
struck  her  with  the  sharp  edge  upon  the  side  of  her  head, 
wherewith  she  fell  down,  and  then  he  gave  her  two  cuts  more 
which  pierced  into  her  brains,  and  so  left  her  for  dead,  carr5dng 
away  some  clothes  which  lay  at  hand.  This  woman  after  a 
short  time  came  to  herself  and  got  out  to  a  neighbor's  house, 
and  told  what  had  been  done  to  her,  and  described  the  Indian 
by  his  person  and  clothes,  etc.  Whereupon  many  Indians  of 
those  parts  were  brought  before  her,  and  she  charged  one  of 
them  confidently  to  be  the  man,  whereupon  he  was  put  in 
prison  with  intent  to  have  put  him  to  death,  but  he  escaped, 
and  the  woman  recovered,  but  lost  her  senses.  A  good  time 
after  the  Indians  brought  another  Indian  whom  they  charged 
to  have  committed  that  fact,  and  he,  upon  examination,  con- 
fessed it,  and  gave  the  reason  thereof,  and  brought  forth  some 
of  the  clothes  which  he  had  stolen.  Upon  this  the  magistrates 
of  New  Haven,  taking  advice  of  the  elders  in  those  parts,  and 
some  here,  did  put  him  to  death.  The  executioner  would  strike 
off  his  head  with  a  falchion,  but  he  had  eight  blows  at  it  before 
he  could  effect  it,  and  the  Indian  sat  upright  and  stirred  not  all 
the  time. 

194  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

7.  {September)  7.]  Here  came  a  pinnace  from  Virginia  with 
letters  from  the  governor  and  council  there,  for  procuring 
powder  and  shot  to  prosecute  their  war  against  the  Indians, 
but  we  were  weakly  provided  ourselves,  and  so  could  not  afford 
them  any  help  in  that  kind. 

9.]  Mr.  La  Tour  departed  from  Boston ;  all  our  train  bands 
(it  being  then  the  ordinary  training  day)  made  a  guard  for  him 
to  his  boat ;  and  the  deputy  governor  and  many  others  accom- 
panied him  to  the  wharf.  When  he  was  aboard  his  bark,  he 
weighed,  and  set  sail  and  shot  off  all  his  gims,  which  were  six, 
and  our  small  shot  gave  him  a  volley  and  one  piece  of  ordnance, 
and  all  the  ships,  viz.,  four,  saluted  him,  each  of  them  with  three 

At  the  court  of  assistants,  Thomas  Morton  *  was  called  forth 
presently  after  the  lecture,  that  the  country  might  be  satisfied 
of  the  justice  of  our  proceeding  against  him.  There  was  laid 
to  his  charge  his  complaint  against  us  at  the  council  board, 
which  he  denied.  Then  we  produced  the  copy  of  the  bill  ex- 
hibited by  Sir  Christopher  Gardiner,  etc.,  wherein  we  were 
charged  with  treason,  rebelHon,  etc.,  wherein  he  was  named  as 
a  party  or  witness.  He  denied  that  he  had  any  hand  in 
the  information,  only  was  called  as  a  witness.  To  convince 
him  to  be  the  principal  party,  it  was  showed:  1.  That  Gardi- 
ner had  no  occasion  to  complain  against  us,  for  he  was  kindly 
used,  and  dismissed  in  peace,  professing  much  engagement  for 
the  great  courtesy  he  found  here.  2.  Morton  had  set  forth 
a  book  against  us,  and  had  threatened  us,  and  had  prose- 
cuted a  quo  warranto  against  us,  which  he  did  not  deny.  3. 
His  letter  was  produced,  written  soon  after  to  Mr.  Jeffery,  his 
old  acquaintance  and  intimate  friend,  in  these  words. 

My  very  good  gossip, 

If  I  should  commend  myself  to  you,  you  reply  with  this  proverb, 
propria  laus  sordet  in  ore:  but  to  leave  impertinent  salute,  and  really  to 
proceed. — You  shall  hereby  understand,  that,  although,  when  I  was  first 
*  Morton  of  Merry  Mount,  whose  return  to  America  has  been  mentioned. 


sent  to  England  to  make  complaint  against  Ananias  and  the  brethren,  I 
effected  the  business  but  superficially,  (through  the  brevity  of  time,)  I 
have  at  this  time  taken  more  deliberation  and  brought  the  matter  to  a 
better  pass.  And  it  is  thus  brought  about,  that  the  king  hath  taken  the 
business  into  his  own  hands.  The  Massachusetts  Patent,  by  order  of 
the  council,  was  brought  in  view;  the  privileges  there  granted  well  scanned 
upon,  and  at  the  council  board  in  public,  and  in  the  presence  of  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall  and  the  rest,  it  was  declared,  for  manifest  abuses  there 
discovered,  to  be  void.  The  king  hath  reassumed  the  whole  business  into 
his  own  hands,  appointed  a  committee  of  the  board,  and  given  order  for 
a  general  governor  of  the  whole  territory  to  be  sent  over.  The  commission 
is  passed  the  privy  seal,  I  did  see  it,  and  the  same  was  1  mo.  Maii'  sent  to 
the  Lord  Keeper  to  have  it  pass  the  great  seal  for  confirmation;  and  I 
now  stay  to  return  with  the  governor,  by  whom  all  complainants  shall 
have  relief:  So  that  now  Jonas  being  set  ashore  may  safely  cry,  repent 
you  cruel  separatists,  repent,  there  are  as  yet  but  forty  days.  If  Jove 
vouchsafe  to  thunder,  the  charter  and  kingdom  of  the  separatists  will 
fall  asunder.  Repent  you  cruel  schismatics,  repent.  These  things  have 
happened,  and  I  shall  see  (notwithstanding  their  boasting  and  false 
alarms  in  the  Massachusetts,  with  feigned  cause  of  thanksgiving)  their 
merciless  cruelty  rewarded,  according  to  the  merit  of  the  fact,  with  con- 
dign punishment  for  coming  into  those  parts,  like  Sampson's  foxes  with 
fire-brands  at  their  tails.  The  king  and  council  are  really  possessed  of 
their  preposterous  loyalty  and  irregular  proceedings,  and  are  incensed 
against  them :  and  although  they  be  so  opposite  to  the  catholic  axioms, 
yet  they  will  be  compelled  to  perform  them,  or  at  leastwise  suffer  them  to 
be  put  in  practice  to  their  sorrow.  In  matter  of  restitution  and  satisfac- 
tion, more  than  mystically,  it  must  be  performed  visibly,  and  in  such  sort 
as  may  be  subject  to  the  senses  in  a  very  lively  image.  My  Lord  Canter- 
bury having,  with  my  Lord  Privy  Seal,  caused  all  Mr.  Cradock's  letters 
to  be  viewed,  and  his  apology  in  particular  for  the  brethren  here,  protested 
against  him  and  Mr.  Humfrey,  that  they  were  a  couple  of  imposterous 
knaves;  so  that,  for  all  their  great  friends,  they  departed  the  council 
chamber  in  our  view  with  a  pair  of  cold  shoulders.  I  have  staid  long, 
yet  have  not  lost  my  labor,  although  the  brethren  have  found  their  hopes 
frustrated;  so  that  it  follows  by  consequence,  I  shall  see  my  desire  upon 
mine  enemies:  and  if  John  Grant  had  not  betaken  him  to  flight,  I  had 

*7.  e.,  primo  Maii,  on  the  first  of  May.  The  "committee  of  the  board" 
is  doubtless  the  well-known  colonial  committee  of  April  28,  1634,  whose  com- 
mission is  given  in  Bradford,  appendix. 

196  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

taught  him  to  sing  clamavi  in  the  Fleet  before  this  time,  and  if  he  return 
before  I  depart,  he  will  pay  dear  for  his  presumption.  For  here  he  finds 
me  a  second  Perseus:  I  have  uncased  Medusa's  head,  and  struck  the 
brethren  into  astonishment.  They  find,  and  will  yet  more  to  their  shame, 
that  they  abuse  the  word  and  are  to  blame  to  presume  so  much, — that 
they  are  but  a  word  and  a  blow  to  them  that  are  without.  Of  these  par- 
ticulars I  thought  good,  by  so  convenient  a  messenger,  to  give  you  notice, 
lest  you  should  think  I  had  died  in  obscurity,  as  the  brethren  vainly  in- 
tended I  should,  and  basely  practised,  abusing  justice  by  their  sinister 
practices,  as  by  the  whole  body  of  the  committee,  una  voce,  it  was  con- 
cluded to  be  done,  to  the  dishonor  of  his  majesty.  And  as  for  Ratcliffe, 
he  was  comforted  by  their  lordships  with  the  cropping  of  Mr.  Winthrop's 
ears  }  which  shows  what  opinion  is  held  amongst  them  of  King  Winthrop 
with  all  his  inventions  and  his  Amsterdam  fantastical  ordinances,  his 
preachings,  marriages,  and  other  abusive  ceremonies,  which  do  ex- 
emplify his  detestation  to  the  church  of  England,  and  the  contempt  of  his 
majesty's  authority  and  wholesome  laws,  which  are  and  will  be  established 
in  those  parts,  invita  Minerva.  With  these  I  thought  fit  to  salute  you, 
as  a  friend,  by  an  epistle,  because  I  am  bound  to  love  you,  as  a  brother, 
by  the  gospel,  resting  your  loving  friend. 

Thomas  Morton. 
Dated  1  mo.  Maii,  1634. 

Having  been  kept  in  prison  about  a  year,  in  expectation 
of  further  evidence  out  of  England,  he  was  again  called  before 
the  court,  and  after  some  debate  what  to  do  with  him,  he  was 
fined  100  pounds,  and  set  at  hberty.  He  was  a  charge  to  the 
country,  for  he  had  nothing,  and  we  thought  not  fit  to  inflict 
corporal  punishment  upon  him,  being  old  and  crazy,  but 
thought  better  to  fine  him  and  give  him  his  hberty,  as  if  it 
had  been  to  procure  his  fine,  but  indeed  to  leave  him  oppor- 
tunity to  go  out  of  the  jurisdiction,  as  he  did  soon  after,  and 
he  went  to  Acomenticus,  and  hving  there  poor  and  despised, 
he  died  within  two  years  after. 

7.  (September)  16.]  Here  arrived  a  ship  from  Dartmouth. 
She  was  impressed  into  the  king's  service,  and  sent  to  sea  in  the 

*  Ratcliffe's  ears  had  been  cropped  by  order  of  the  Massachusetts  authorities 
for  speaking  abusively  of  the  magistracy  and  church  government. 


Earl  of  Marlborough's  fleet,  but  she  left  the  fleet,  and  took  in 
wine  and  salt  at  the  Spanish  Islands,  and  went  to  Virginia, 
where  he  left  his  merchants  and  divers  of  his  men;  and  not 
putting  off  his  goods  there,  he  came  to  Boston,  where  the  Lon- 
don ship,  Captain  Bayley  commander,  having  commission 
from  the  parhament,  would  have  taken  him,  but  he  stood  upon 
his  defence,  and  was  able  to  keep  his  ship  against  the  other. 
But  another  question  arose  about  her,  upon  this  occasion; 
our  merchants  of  Boston  had  set  out  a  small  ship  worth 
1500  pounds,  which,  being  trading  in  Wales,  was  taken  by 
the  king's  ships,  whereupon  the  merchants  desired  leave  to 
seize  this  ship  for  their  satisfaction.  On  the  other  side,  the 
master,  being  come  under  our  command,  desired  our  pro- 
tection. Our  answer  was,  that,  if  he  would  deliver  his  sailors 
on  shore,  we  would  protect  him  till  the  court,  etc.  See  more 
next  leaf. 

17.]  The  Lady  La  Tour  arrived  here  from  London  in  a  ship 
commanded  by  Captain  Bayley.  They  had  been  six  months 
from  London,  having  spent  their  time  in  trading  about  Canada, 
etc.  They  met  with  D'Aulnay  near  Cape  Sable,  and  told  him 
they  were  bound  for  the  Bay,  and  had  stowed  the  lady  and  her 
people  under  hatches,  so  he  not  knowing  it  was  Captain  Bay- 
ley,  whom  he  earnestly  sought  for,  to  have  taken  or  sunk  him, 
he  wrote  by  the  master  to  the  deputy  governor  to  this  effect: 
That  his  master  the  king  of  France,  understanding  that  the 
aid  La  Tour  had  here  the  last  year  was  upon  the  commission 
he  showed  from  the  Vice  Admiral  of  France,  gave  him  in 
charge  not  to  molest  us  for  it,  but  to  hold  all  good  corres- 
pondency with  us  and  all  the  Enghsh,  which  he  professed 
he  was  desirous  of,  so  far  as  might  stand  with  his  duty  to 
his  master,  and  withal  that  he  intended  to  send  to  us  so 
soon  as  he  had  settled  his  affairs,  to  let  us  know  what  fur- 
ther commission  he  had,  and  his  sincerity  in  the  business  of 
La  Tour,  etc. 

Here  arrived  also  Mr.  Roger  Williams  of  Providence,  and 

198  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

with  him  two  or  three  families.  He  brought  with  him  a  letter 
from  divers  lords  and  others  of  the  parhament,  the  copy 
whereof  ensueth. 

Our  much  honored  Friends: 

Taking  notice,  some  of  us  of  long  time,  of  Mr.  Roger  Williams  his 
good  affections  and  conscience,  and  of  his  sufferings  by  our  common 
enemies  and  oppressors  of  God's  people,  the  prelates,  as  also  of  his  great 
industry  and  travail  in  his  printed  Indian  labors  in  your  parts,  the  like 
whereof  we  have  not  seen  extant  from  any  part  of  America,  and  in  which 
respect  it  hath  pleased  both  houses  of  Parliament  freely  to  grant  unto  him 
and  friends  with  him  a  free  and  absolute  charter  of  civil  government  for 
those  parts  of  his  abode  •}  and  withal  sorrowfully  resenting,  that  amongst 
good  men  (our  friends)  driven  to  the  ends  of  the  world,  exercised  with 
the  trials  of  a  wilderness,  and  who  mutually  give  good  testimony  each  of 
other,  as  we  observe  you  do  of  him,  and  he  abundantly  of  you,  there 
should  be  such  a  distance;  we  thought  it  fit,  upon  divers  considerations, 
to  profess  our  great  desires  of  both  your  utmost  endeavors  of  nearer 
closing,  and  of  ready  expressing  of  those  good  affections,  which  we  per- 
ceive you  bear  each  to  other,  in  the  actual  performance  of  all  friendly 
offices;  the  rather  because  of  those  bad  neighbors  you  are  like  to  find 
too  near  unto  you  in  Virginia,  and  the  unfriendly  visits  from  the  West  of 
England  and  from  Ireland :  that  howsoever  it  may  please  the  Most  High 
to  shake  our  foundations,  yet  the  report  of  your  peaceable  and  prosperous 
plantations  may  be  some  refreshing  to 

Your  true  and  faithful  friends, 
Northumberland,  P.  Wharton, 

Rob.  Harley,  Thos.  Barrington, 

Wm.  Masham,  Ol.  St.  John, 

John  Gurdon,  Isaac  Pennington, 

Cor.  Holland,  Gil.  Pykering, 

J.  Blakiston,  Miles  Corbet. 

To  the  Right  Worshipful  the  Governor  and  Assistants  and  the  rest  of 
our  worthy  friends  in  the  plantation  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New 

*  The  Rhode  Island  charter  of  1644. 

^  This  letter  is  strong  evidence  of  the  respect  in  which  Roger  Williams  was 
held.  He  had  just  before  put  humanity  in  his  debt  by  writing  The  Bloudy  Tenent, 
his  famous  defence  of  toleration,  which  appeared  in  1644. 


19.]  Two  churches  were  appointed  to  be  gathered,  one  at 
Haverhill  and  the  other  at  Andover,  both  upon  Merrimack 
river.  They  had  given  notice  thereof  to  the  magistrates  and 
elders,  who  desired,  in  regard  of  their  far  remoteness  and 
scarcity  of  housing  there,  the  meeting  might  be  at  Rowley, 
which  they  assented  unto,  but  being  assembled,  most  of  those 
who  were  to  join,  refused  to  declare  how  God  had  carried  on 
the  work  of  his  grace  in  them,  upon  this  reason,  because  they 
had  declared  it  formerly  in  their  admission  into  other  churches ; 
whereupon  the  assembly  brake  up  without  proceeding,  etc. 

The  governor  and  others  of  the  magistrates  met  at  Boston 
upon  two  special  occasions ;  the  one  was  for  trial  of  an  action 
between  the  Lady  La  Tour  and  Captain  Bayley  for  not  carrying 
her,  etc.,  to  her  own  place,  and  for  some  injuries  done  her 
aboard  his  ship.     See  more  after. 

The  other  was  upon  the  request  of  some  merchants  of  Bos- 
ton, who,  having  a  ship  taken  in  Wales  by  the  king's  party, 
desired  recompence  by  a  ship  of  Dartmouth  riding  in  our 
harbor.  Whereupon  we  sent  for  the  master  of  the  Dartmouth 
ship,  who  dehvered  his  ship  into  our  hands,  till  the  cause  should 
be  tried,  which  he  did  the  more  willingly,  for  that  some  Lon- 
don ships  of  greater  force,  riding  also  in  our  harbor,  had 
threatened  to  take  him;  and  the  next  morning  Captain  Rich- 
ardson (having  commission  from  the  Lord  Admiral)  fitted  his 
ship  to  take  her,  notwithstanding  that  he  had  been  forbidden 
over  night  by  the  deputy  governor  to  meddle  with  her,  being 
under  our  protection,  and  lying  so  before  Boston  as  their  shot 
must  needs  do  harm.  Whereupon  the  governor  and  the  other 
magistrates  (sitting  then  in  court)  arose  and  went  to  take  order 
about  it,  and  having  over  night  given  commission  to  some  to 
make  seizure  of  the  Dartmouth  ship,  they  went  aboard  her 
with  their  commission,  and  an  officer  was  sent  with  warrant  to 
stay  Captain  Richardson,  but  he  being  then  come  to  anchor 
close  by  the  other  ship,  he  could  not  (or  would  not)  stay,  but 
suffered  his  men  to  enter  the  other  ship,  and  the  master  coming 

200  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

aboard  him  at  his  request,  he  detained  him  prisoner.  Where- 
upon the  governor,  etc.,  sent  two  other  masters  of  ships  to  him 
to  command  him  ashore,  but  he  seeing  his  men  so  unruly,  and 
fearing  they  would  fall  to  fight  or  pillage  in  his  absence,  (as  he 
after  told  us,)  excused  himself  for  not  coming  upon  that  com- 
mand. Upon  which  fire  was  given  to  a  warning  piece  from  the 
battery,  which  cut  a  rope  in  the  head  of  his  ship:  and  upon  that 
one  of  his  men,  without  any  command,  ran  down  hastily  to 
fire  upon  our  battery ;  but  it  pleased  God  that  he  hurt  himself 
in  the  way,  and  so  was  not  able  to  go  on.  A  stranger  also 
(unbidden)  gave  fire  to  another  piece  on  the  battery,  which 
levelled  at  the  bow  of  his  ship,  but  it  struck  against  the  head  of 
a  bolt  in  the  cutwater  of  the  Dartmouth  ship,  and  went  no 
further.  Then  we  sent  forty  men  armed  aboard  the  Dart- 
mouth ship,  and  upon  that  Captain  Richardson  came  ashore 
and  acknowledged  his  error,  and  his  sorrow  for  what  he  had 
done,  yet  withal  alleging  some  reasons  for  his  excuse.  So  we 
only  ordered  him  to  pay  a  barrel  of  powder,  and  to  satisfy  the 
officers  and  soldiers  we  had  employed,  etc.,  and  dismissed  him. 
The  reason  was,  because  (through  the  Lord's  special  providence) 
there  was  no  hurt  done,  nor  had  he  made  one  shot;  for  if  he 
had,  we  were  resolved  to  have  taken  or  sunk  him,  which  we 
might  easily  have  done,  lying  close  under  our  battery,  so  as  we 
could  have  played  upon  him  with  whole  culverin  or  demi 
culverin  six  hours  together,  nor  had  he  yet  showed  to  us  or  to 
the  master  of  the  Dartmouth  ship  any  commission.  But  after, 
he  showed  only  an  ordinary  commission  from  the  Lord  Ad- 
miral, not  under  the  great  seal,  nor  grounded  upon  any  ordi- 
nance of  parhament,  as  Captain  Stagg's  was:  therefore  we  for- 
bade him  to  meddle  with  any  ship  in  our  harbor,  for  he  could 
not  by  that  commission  take  a  ship  in  any  place  exempt  from 
the  Admiral's  jurisdiction. 

^„.-— gK^^attt«jla^ized  this  ship,  we  were  to  consult  what  to  do 

/\  i^itn  ner.    iJiflj^^^mination,  we  found  that  the  master  and 

company  were  Dartni^uth  men,  and  that  the  ship  had  formerly 



been  employed  in  the  parliament's  service,  but,  Dartmouth 
being  taken  by  the  king,  she  had  been  employed  for  taking  a 
vessel  or  two  of  the  parliament's  under  the  same  master,  but  a 
captain  put  over  him  and  many  soldiers,  and  was  since  sold  to 
a  merchant  of  Christopher  Island,  and  by  his  agent  sent  forth 
upon  merchant  affairs  to  divers  places,  and  to  repair  at  last 
to  St.  Maloes  in  France,  where  the  agent  dwelt,  who  was  an 
Englishman  and  had  used  to  trade  at  Dartmouth,  whose  letter 
of  advice  and  the  bill  of  sale  of  the  ship  were  produced  by  the 
master.  It  appeared  further  to  us,  that  Dartmouth  had  been 
cordial  to  the  parliament,  and  stood  out  seven  days  against 
12,000  men ;  and  after  it  was  surrendered  did  generally  refuse 
to  take  the  oath  to  the  king,  and  the  master  among  others,  and 
that  they  had  many  better  ships  there  which  lay  still  at  home, 
and  such  as  they  sent  forth  they  were  not  to  come  home  but  by 
advice.  Yet  it  appeared  after  by  divers  testimonies,  that  she 
belonged  to  Dartmouth,  and  the  charter  party  also,  and  that 
the  master  was  part  owner.  Divers  of  the  elders,  being  called 
in  for  advice,  agreed  (near  all)  that  she  might  be  seized  to 
satisfy  for  our  two  ships  which  the  king's  party  had  taken  from 
us,  and  accordingly  commission  was  given  by  the  governor  and 
council  to  the  merchant  to  seize  and  use  her,  giving  security 
to  be  responsible  and  8  pounds  per  100  if  she  should  be  lawfully 
recovered  within  thirteen  months,  but  the  company  to  have 
their  wages  and  goods. 

While  the  governor  and  other  of  the  magistrates  were  at 
Boston,  a  boat  sent  from  Mr.  D'Aulnay  with  ten  men  arrived 
at  Salem,  hearing  that  the  governor  dwelt  there.  There  was 
in  her  one  Marie,  supposed  to  be  a  friar,  but  habited  hke  a 
gentleman.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  our  governor  by  a  gentleman 
of  his  company  to  know  where  he  should  attend  him:  and 
upon  our  governor's  answer  to  him,  he  came  the  next  day  to 
Boston,  and  with  letters  of  credence  and  commission  from  Mr. 
D'Aubiay;  he  showed  us  the  king  of  France  his  commission 
under  the  great  seal  of  France,  with  the  privy  seal  annexed, 


wherein  the  proceedings  against  La  Tour  were  verified,  and  he 
condemned  as  a  rebel  and  traitor,  etc.,  with  command  for  the 
apprehension  of  himself  and  lady,  who  had  fled  out  of  France 
against  special  order,  under,  etc.  He  complained  also  of  the 
wrong  done  by  our  men  the  last  year  in  assisting  of  La  Tour 
etc.,  and  proffered  terms  of  peace  and  amity.  We  answered  to 
the  1.  That  divers  of  the  ships  and  most  of  the  men  were 
strangers  to  us,  and  had  no  commission  from  us,  nor  any  per- 
mission to  use  any  hostility,  and  we  were  very  sorry  when  we 
heard  what  had  been  done.  This  gave  him  satisfaction.  To 
the  other  proposition  we  answered,  that  we  could  not  conclude 
any  league  with  him,  without  the  advice  of  the  commissioners 
of  the  united  colonies;  but  if  he  would  set  down  his  proposi- 
tions in  writing,  we  would  consider  further  of  them :  and  withal 
we  acquainted  him  with  what  we  had  lately  written  to  Mr. 
D'Aulnay,  and  the  injuries  we  had  complained  of  to  him.  So 
he  withdrew  himself  to  his  lodging  at  Mr.  Fowle's,  and  drew 
out  both  his  propositions  and  answers  to  our  complaints  in 
French,  and  returned  to  us.  He  added  two  propositions 
more,  one  that  we  would  aid  him  against  La  Tour,  and  the 
other  that  we  would  not  assist  him,  and  gave  reasonable  answer 
to  our  demands.  Upon  these  things  [he]  discoursed  half  the 
day,  sometimes  with  our  governor  in  French,  and  otherwhile 
with  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  in  Latin.  We  urged  much  for 
a  reconcihation  with  La  Tour,  and  that  he  would  permit  his 
lady  to  go  to  her  husband.  His  answer  was,  that  if  La  Tom- 
would  voluntarily  submit  and  come  in,  he  would  assure  him  his 
life  and  liberty,  but  if  he  were  taken,  he  were  sure  to  lose  his 
head  in  France;  and  for  his  lady,  she  was  known  to  be  the 
cause  of  his  contempt  and  rebellion,  and  therefore  they  could 
not  let  her  go  to  him,  but  if  we  should  send  her  in  any  of  our 
vessels  he  must  take  her,  and  if  we  carried  any  goods  to  La 
Tour  he  would  take  them  also,  but  he  would  give  us  satisfaction 
for  them.  In  the  end  we  came  to  this  agreement,  which 
was  drawn  up  in  Latin  in  these  words,  and  signed  by  the 


governor  and  six  other  magistrates,  and  I\Ir.  Marie,  whereof 
one  copy  we  kept  and  the  other  he  carried  with  him.  He  came 
to  Boston  the  sixth  day  very  late,  and  made  great  haste  away, 
so  he  departed  on  the  third  day  following.  We  furnished  him 
with  horses  and  sent  him  to  Salem  well  accompanied,  and 
offered  him  a  bark  to  carry  him  home,  but  he  refused  it.  We 
entertained  him  with  all  com'teous  respect,  and  he  seemed  to 
be  surprised  with  his  unexpected  entertainment,  and  gave  a 
very  hberal  testimony  of  his  kind  acceptance  thereof,  and  as- 
surance of  Mr.  D'Auhiay's  engagement  to  us  for  it.  The 
agreement  between  us  was  tliis. 

The  agreement  between  John  Endecott,  Esq.,  Governor  of  the 
Massachusetts  in  New  England,  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  there, 
and  Mr.  Marie,  commissioner  of  Mr.  D'Aulnay,  Knight,  Governor  and 
Lieutenant  General  of  his  Majesty  the  king  of  France,  in  Acadie,  a  prov- 
ince of  New  France,  made  and  ratified  at  Boston  in  the  Massachusetts 
aforesaid,  8  die  mensis  8,  (October  8)  An.  Dom.  1644. 

The  governor  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  do  promise  to  Mr. 
Marie,  that  they  and  ail  the  English  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts aforesaid  shall  observe  and  keep  firm  peace  with  Mr.  D'Aulnay, 
etc.,  and  all  the  French  under  his  command  in  Acadie:  and  likewise  the 
said  Mr.  Marie  doth  promise  for  Mr.  D'Aulnay,  that  he  and  all  his  people 
shall  also  keep  fimi  peace  with  the  governor  and  magistrates  aforesaid, 
and  with  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachusetts  afore- 
said; and  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  all  men,  both  French  and  English,  to 
trade  each  with  other:  so  that  if  any  occasion  of  offence  shall  happen, 
neither  party  shall  attempt  any  thing  against  the  other  in  any  hostile 
manner  before  the  wrong  be  first  complained  of,  and  due  satisfaction  not 
given.  Provided  always,  the  governor  and  magistrates  aforesaid  be  not 
bound  to  restrain  their  merchants  to  trade  with  their  ships  with  any 
persons,  either  French  or  other,  wheresoever  they  dwell :  provided  also, 
that  the  full  ratification  and  conclusion  of  this  agreement  be  referred  to 
the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  of  New 
England,  for  the  continuation  or  abrogation  of  the  same;  and  in  the  mean 
time  to  remain  firm  and  inviolate.^ 

'  The  treaty  is  given  in  full  in  Hazard,  State  Papers,  I.  536;  also  in  Hutchin- 
son, Collections,  146. 

204  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1644 

By  this  agreement  we  were  freed  from  the  fear  om*  people 
were  in,  that  Mr.  D'Aulnay  would  take  revenge  of  our  small 
vessels  or  out  plantations,  for  the  harm  he  sustained  by  our 
means  the  last  year ;  and  also  from  any  further  question  about 
that  business. 

We  were  now  also  freed  from  as  great  a  fear  of  war  with 
the  Narragansetts.  For  the  commissioners,  meeting  at  Hart- 
ford, sent  for  Onkus  and  some  from  Narragansett,  (a  sachem 
and  a  chief  captain  were  sent,)  and  whereas  the  Narragansett 's 
plea  against  Onkus  was,  that  he  had  put  their  sachem  to  death 
after  he  had  received  a  ransom  for  his  life,  it  was  clearly  proved 
otherwise,  and  that  the  things  he  received  were  part  of  them 
given  him  for  his  courteous  usage  of  the  said  Miantunnomoh 
and  those  sachems  which  were  slain  in  the  battle,  and  another 
part,  that  Miantunnomoh  might  be  given  to  the  English.  In 
the  end  it  was  agreed  by  all  parties,  that  there  should  be  peace 
on  all  sides  till  planting  time  were  over  the  next  year ;  and  then 
neither  of  them  should  attempt  any  hostile  act  against  the 
other,  without  first  acquainting  the  English,  etc.  therewith. 

The  Lady  La  Tour,  being  arrived  here,  commenced  her  action 
against  Captain  Bayley  and  the  merchant,  (brother  and  factor 
to  Alderman  Berkley,  who  freighted  the  ship,)  for  not  perform- 
ing the  charter  party,  having  spent  so  much  time  upon  the 
coast  in  trading,  as  they  were  near  six  months  in  coming,  and 
had  not  carried  her  to  her  fort  as  they  ought  and  might  have 
done :  and  upon  a  full  hearing  in  a  special  court  four  days,  the 
jury  gave  her  2,000  pounds.  For  had  they  come  in  any  reason- 
able time,  it  might  have  been  much  more  to  her  advantage  in 
her  trade  and  safety  against  D'Aulnay:  whereas  now  it  was 
like  to  occasion  her  utter  ruin:  for  she  knew  not  how  to  get 
home  without  hiring  two  or  three  ships  of  force. 

La  Tour,  and  a  vessel  of  ours  in  his  company  laden  with 
provision,  went  hence  with  a  fair  wind,  which  if  he  had  made 
use  of,  he  had  met  with  D'Aulnay,  and  after  he  had  touched  at 
divers  places  by  the  way,  and  staid  there  some  time,  he  passed 


by  Penobscott  soon  after  D'Aulnay  was  gone  into  the  harbor, 
and  so  escaped,  whereas  if  he  had  passed  any  time  many  days 
before,  he  must  needs  have  been  taken.  This  vessel  of  ours  in 
her  return  was  met  by  D'Auhiay,  who  stayed  her,  and  taking 
the  master  aboard  his  ship,  manned  the  other  with  French- 
men, and  telhng  the  master  his  intention,  and  assuring  him  of 
all  good  usage  and  recompense  for  the  stay  of  his  vessel,  (all 
which  he  really  performed,)  he  brought  her  with  him  to  the 
mouth  of  St.  John's  river;  and  then  sent  her  boat  with  one 
gentleman  of  his  own  to  La  Tour  to  show  his  commission, 
and  withal  desired  the  master  to  write  to  La  Tour  to  desire 
him  to  dismiss  the  messenger  safely,  for  otherwise  D'Aulnay 
would  keep  him  for  hostage  (yet  he  assured  him  he  would  not 
do  it).  So  La  Tour  chsmissed  the  messenger  in  peace,  which 
he  professed  he  would  not  have  done  but  for  our  master's  sake. 
D'Aulnay  carried  our  ketch  with  him  to  Port  Royal,  where  he 
used  the  master  very  courteously  and  gave  him  credit  for  fish, 
etc.,  he  bought  of  him,  and  recompense  for  keeping  his  vessel, 
and  so  dismissed  him.  Presently  after  their  return,  we  sent 
another  vessel  to  trade  with  D'Aulnay,  and  by  it  the  deputy 
governor  wrote  to  D'Aulnay  to  show  the  cause  of  sending 
her,  with  profession  of  our  desire  of  holding  good  correspond- 
ency with  him,  etc.,  and  withal  persuading  him  by  divers  argu- 
ments to  entertain  peace  with  La  Tour.  That  vessel  found 
courteous  entertainment  with  him,  and  he  took  off  all  her 
commodities,  but  not  at  so  good  rates  as  they  expected. 

The  Lady  La  Tour  having  arrested  the  captain  and  merchant 
of  the  ship,  they  were  forced  to  dehver  their  cargo  on  shore  to 
free  their  persons,  by  which  means  she  laid  her  execution  upon 
them  to  the  value  of  1100  pounds;  more  could  not  be  had 
without  unfurnishing  the  ship,  which  must  have  been  by 
force,  for  otherwise  the  master  and  seamen  would  deUver 
none.  The  master  petitioned  the  general  court  for  his  freight 
and  wages,  for  which  the  goods  stood  bound  by  charter  party. 
The  general  court  was  much  divided  about  it,  but  the  magis- 

206  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

trates  voted  that  none  was  due  here,  nor  the  goods  bound  for 
them;  but  the  major  part  of  the  deputies  being  of  another 
judgment,  they  made  use  of  their  negative  vote,  and  so  nothing 
was  ordered.  Whereupon  the  master  brought  his  action  at 
the  next  court  of  assistants.  When  it  came  to  be  tried,  two 
of  the  assistants  were  of  opinion  that  it  ought  not  to  be  put 
to  trial,  because  the  general  court  had  the  hearing  and  voting 
of  it:  but  it  was  answered  by  the  rest,  (the  governor  being 
absent,)  that,  seeing  the  general  court  had  made  no  order  in  it, 
this  court  might  hear  and  determine  it,  as  if  the  general  court 
had  never  taken  cognizance  of  it.  Accordingly  it  was  put  to 
the  jury  upon  this  issue:  Whether  the  goods  were  security 
for  the  freight,  etc.  And  the  jury  found  for  the  defendant,  and 
yet  in  the  charter  party  the  merchants  bound  themselves,  their 
executors,  etc.,  and  goods,  as  the  owners  had  bound  their  ship, 
etc.,  to  the  merchants. 

This  business  caused  much  trouble  and  charge  to  the  coun- 
try, and  made  some  difference  between  the  merchants  of 
Charlestown,  (who  took  part  with  the  merchants  and  master 
of  the  ship,)  and  the  merchants  of  Boston,  who  assisted  the 
lady,  (some  of  them  being  deeply  engaged  for  La  Tour,)  so 
as  offers  were  made  on  both  sides  for  an  end  between  them. 
Those  of  Charlestown  offered  security  for  the  goods,  if  upon  a 
review  within  thirteen  months  the  judgment  were  not  reversed, 
or  the  parliament  in  England  did  not  call  the  cause  before 
themselves.  This  last  clause  was  very  ill  taken  by  the  court, 
as  making  way  for  appeals,  etc.,  into  England,  which  was  not 
reserved  in  our  charter.  The  other  offered  them  all  the  goods 
save  150  pounds  to  defray  the  lady's  expenses  in  town,  and 
security  for  that,  if  the  judgment  was  reversed,  so  as  the  other 
would  give  security  to  answer  the  whole  2,000  pounds  if  the 
judgment  were  not  reversed,  etc. 

10.  (December)  8.]  The  parties  not  agreeing,  the  lady  took 
the  goods  and  hired  three  ships  which  lay  in  the  harbor,  be- 
longing to  strangers,  which  cost  her  near  800  pounds,  and  set 


sail  for  her  fort.  And  the  merchants,  against  whom  she  had 
execution  for  their  bodies  for  satisfaction  of  the  rest  of  the 
judgment,  got  into  their  ship  and  fell  down  beyond  the  castle, 
(where  they  were  out  of  command,)  and  took  aboard  some 
thirty  passengers,  and  so,  (26,)  in  company  of  one  of  our  own 
ships  which  carried  about  seventy  passengers,  they  set  sail  for 

When  our  ship,  etc.,  arrived  at  London,  Alderman  Berkley 
arrested  the  goods  of  two  of  the  passengers. 


PART  in 


17.  7.  (September)  17.]  The  Lady  La  Tour  arrived  here  in 
ship  set  forth  from  London  by  Alderman  Berkley  and  Captain 
Bayley.  They  were  bound  for  La  Tour's  fort,  and  set  forth 
in  the  spring,  but  spent  so  much  time  in  trading  by  the  way, 
etc.,  as  when  they  came  at  Cape  Sable,  Monsieur  D'Aulnay 
came  up  to  them  in  a  ship  from  France,  so  as  they  durst  not 
discover  what  they  were,  but  stood  along  for  Boston.  The 
lady,  being  arrived,  brought  her  action  against  them  for  de- 
laying her  so  long  at  sea,  whereby  she  lost  the  opportunity  of 
relieving  her  fort,  and  must  be  at  excessive  charges  to  get 
thither.  The  cause  was  openly  heard  at  a  special  court  at 
Boston  before  all  the  magistrates,  and  a  jury  of  principal  men 
impannelled,  (most  merchants  and  seamen,)  and  the  charter 
party  being  read,  and  witnesses  produced,  it  appeared  to  the 
court,  that  they  had  broken  charter  party,  so  as  the  jury  gave 
her  2000  pounds  damages.  Whereupon  the  cargo  of  the  ship 
was  seized  in  execution,  (so  much  of  it  as  could  be  found,)  and 
being  meal,  and  peas,  and  trading  stuff,  etc.,  and  being  ap- 
praised by  four  men,  sworn,  etc.,  it  was  found  to  the  value  of 

*  This  is  the  part  of  Winthrop's  Journal  discovered  in  the  year  1816,  in  the 
tower  of  the  Old  South  Meeting  House  in  Boston,  the  part  unknown  to  the 
Hartford  transcribers,  and  first  published  by  Savage  in  1825.  While  part  ii. 
of  the  Journal  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1825,  part  iii.  as  well  as  part  i.  are  pre- 
served in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  so  that  the  ac- 
curacy of  Savage's  transcription  may  be  verified. 



about  1100  pounds.  The  defendants  desired  liberty  till  the 
next  year  to  bring  a  review,  pretending  they  had  evidence  in 
England,  etc.  It  was  granted  them,  and  they  were  offered  to 
have  all  their  goods  again,  (except  100  pounds  for  defraying  the 
lady's  present  charges  in  Boston,  for  which  they  should  have 
good  security,  etc.)  so  as  they  would  put  in  security  to  answer 
the  whole  2000  pounds,  if  they  did  not  reverse  the  judgment 
within  the  year.  This  they  refused,  and  would  give  security 
for  no  more  than  what  they  should  receive  back ;  whereupon 
the  execution  proceeded.  But  the  master  of  the  ship  brought 
his  action  upon  the  goods  in  execution  for  security  for  his 
freight  and  men's  wages  (which  did  amount  to  near  the  whole 
extended).  The  jury  found  against  him,  whereupon  at  the  next 
general  court  he  petitioned  for  redress.  A  great  part  of  the 
court  was  of  opinion,  that  the  goods,  being  his  security  by 
charter  party,  ought  not  to  be  taken  from  him  upon  the  execu- 
tion, and  most  of  the  deputies,  and  the  deputy  governor,  and 
some  others  of  the  magistrates  voted  that  way ;  but  the  greater 
part  of  the  magistrates  being  of  the  other  side,  he  would  not  be 
relieved.  The  lady  was  forced  to  give  700  pounds  to  three 
ships  to  carry  her  home.^ 

It  may  be  of  use  to  mention  a  private  matter  or  two,  which 
fell  out  about  this  time,  because  the  power  and  mercy  of  the 
Lord  did  appear  in  them  in  extraordinary  manner.  One  of  the 
deacons  of  Boston  church,  Jacob  Ehot,  (a  man  of  a  very  sin- 
cere heart  and  an  humble  frame  of  spirit,)  had  a  daughter^ 
of  eight  years  of  age,  who  being  playing  with  other  children 
about  a  cart,  the  hinder  end  thereof  fell  upon  the  child's 
head,  and  an  iron  sticking  out  of  it  struck  into  the  child's  head, 
and  drove  a  piece  of  the  skull  before  it  into  the  brain,  so  as  the 
brains  came  out,  and  seven  sm-geons  (some  of  the  country,  very 

^  This  opening  passage  of  part  iii.  Winthrop  has  crossed  out  in  the  manu- 
script, with  the  marginal  comment,  "  this  is  before  in  the  other  book."  It  is  how- 
ever worth  while  to  retain  the  passage  since  it  tells  the  story  in  somewhat  different 

*  The  little  girl  was  a  niece  of  the  Apostle  Eliot 


experienced  men,  and  others  of  the  ships,  which  rode  in  the 
harbor)  being  called  together  for  advice,  etc.,  did  all  conclude, 
that  it  was  the  brains,  (being  about  half  a  spoonful  at  one  time, 
and  more  at  other  times,)  and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  the 
child's  life,  except  the  piece  of  skull  could  be  drawn  out.  But 
one  of  the  ruling  elders  of  the  church,  an  experienced  and  very 
skilful  surgeon,  liked  not  to  take  that  course,  but  applied  only 
plasters  to  it;  and  withal  earnest  prayers  were  made  by  the 
church  to  the  Lord  for  it,  and  in  six  weeks  it  pleased  God 
that  the  piece  of  skull  consumed,  and  so  came  forth,  and  the 
child  recovered  perfectly;  nor  did  it  lose  the  senses  at  any 

Another  was  a  child  of  one  Bumstead,  a  member  of  the 
church,  had  a  child  of  about  the  same  age,  that  fell  from  a  gal- 
lery in  the  meeting  house  about  eighteen  feet  high,  and  brake 
the  arm  and  shoulder,  (and  was  also  committed  to  the  Lord  in 
the  prayers  of  the  church,  with  earnest  desires,  that  the  place 
where  his  people  assembled  to  his  worship  might  not  be  defiled 
with  blood,)  and  it  pleased  the  Lord  also  that  this  child  was 
soon  perfectly  recovered. 

The  differences  which  fell  out  in  the  court,  and  still  contin- 
ued [blank]. 

A  bark  was  set  out  from  Boston  with  seven  men  to  trade  at 
Delaware.  They  staid  in  the  river  near  the  Enghsh  plantation 
all  the  winter,  and  in  the  spring  they  fell  down,  and  traded 
three  weeks,  and  had  gotten  five  hundred  skins,  and  some 
otter,  etc.,  and  being  ready  to  come  away,  fifteen  Indians  came 
aboard,  as  if  they  would  trade  again,  and  suddenly  they  drew 
forth  hatchets  from  under  their  coats,  and  killed  the  master 
and  three  others,  and  rifled  the  bark,  and  carried  away  a  boy, 
and  another  man,  who  was  the  interpreter;  and  when  they 
came  on  shore,  they  gave  him  forty  skins,  and  twenty  fathom 
of  wampom,  and  other  things,  and  kept  them  till  about  six 
weeks  after.  The  Swedish  governor  procured  another  sachem 
to  fetch  them  to  him,  who  sent  them  to  New  Haven  by  a  bark 


of  that  place,  and  so  they  were  brought  to  Boston  (5)  14,  45,* 
the  man  as  a  prisoner. 

(8)  (October)  30.]  The  general  court  assembled  again,  and 
all  the  elders  were  sent  for,  to  reconcile  the  differences  between 
the  magistrates  and  deputies.  When  they  were  come,  the  first 
question  put  to  them  was  that  which  was  stated  by  consent 
the  last  session,  viz. 

Whether  the  magistrates  are,  by  patent  and  election  of  the 
people,  the  standing  council  of  this  commonwealth  in  the 
vacancy  of  the  general  court,  and  have  power  accordingly  to  act 
in  all  cases  subject  to  government,  according  to  the  said  patent 
and  the  laws  of  this  jurisdiction;  and  when  any  necessary 
occasions  call  for  action  from  authority,  in  cases  where  there  is 
no  particular  express  law  provided,  there  to  be  guided  by  the 
word  of  God,  till  the  general  court  give  particular  rules  in  such 

The  elders,  having  received  the  question,  withdrew  them- 
selves for  consultation  about  it,  and  the  next  day  sent  to  know, 
when  we  would  appoint  a  time  that  they  might  attend  the 
court  with  their  answer.  The  magistrates  and  deputies  agreed 
upon  an  hour,  but  the  deputies  came  not  all,  but  sent  a  com- 
mittee of  four  (which  was  not  well,  nor  respectively,  that  when 
all  the  elders  had  taken  so  much  pains  at  their  request,  some 
having  come  thirty  miles,  they  would  not  vouchsafe  their  pres- 
ence to  receive  their  answer).  Their  answer  was  affirmative 
on  the  magistrates'  behalf,  in  the  very  words  of  the  question, 
with  some  reasons  thereof.  It  was  delivered  in  writing  by  Mr. 
Cotton  in  the  name  of  them  all,  they  being  all  present,  and  not 
one  dissentient. 

Upon  the  return  of  this  answer,  the  deputies  prepared 
other  questions  to  be  propounded  to  the  elders,  and  sent  them 
to  the  magistrates  to  take  view  of.  Likewise  the  magis- 
trates prepared  four  questions,  and  sent  them  also  to  the 

1  July  14,  1645. 

212  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

The  magistrates'  questions,  with  the  elders'  answers,  were: 

1.  Whether  the  deputies  in  the  general  court  have  judicial 
and  magistratical  authority? 

2.  Whether  by  patent  the  general  court,  consisting  of  mag- 
istrates and  deputies,  (as  a  general  court)  have  judicial  and 
magistratical  authority? 

3.  Whether  we  may  warrantably  prescribe  certain  penalties 
to  offences,  which  may  probably  admit  variable  degrees  of 

4.  Whether  a  judge  be  bound  to  pronounce  such  sentence  as 
a  positive  law  prescribes,  in  case  it  be  apparently  above  or  be- 
neath the  merit  of  the  offence? 

The  elders  answer  to  the  two  first. 

1.  The  patent,  in  express  words,  giveth  full  power  and  au- 
thority, as  to  the  governor  and  assistants,  so  to  the  freemen 
also  assembled  in  general  court. 

2.  Whereas  there  is  a  threefold  power  of  magistratical  au- 
thority, viz.,  legislative,  judicial,  and  consultative  or  directive 
of  the  public  affairs  of  the  country  for  provision  and  protec- 
tion. The  first  of  these,  viz.,  legislative  is  expressly  given  to 
the  freemen,  jointly  with  the  governor  and  assistants.  Con- 
sultative or  directive  power,  etc.,  is  also  granted  by  the  patent 
as  the  other.  But  now  for  power  of  judicature,  (if  we  speak 
of  the  constant  and  usual  administration  thereof,)  we  do  not 
find  that  it  is  granted  to  the  freemen,  or  deputies,  in  the  general 
court,  either  by  the  patent,  or  the  elections  of  the  people,  or 
by  any  law  of  the  country.  But  if  we  speak  of  the  occasional 
administration  thereof,  we  find  power  of  judicature  admin- 
istrable  by  the  freemen,  jointly  with  the  governor  and  assistants 
upon  a  double  occasion.  1.  In  case  of  defect  or  deUnquency 
of  a  magistrate,  the  whole  court,  consisting,  etc.,  may  remove 
him.  2.  If  by  the  law  of  the  country  there  He  any  appeal  to 
the  general  court,  or  any  special  causes  be  reserved  to  their 
judgment,  it  will  necessarily  infer,  that,  in  such  cases,  by  such 
laws,  the  freemen,  jointly  with  the  governor  and  assistants, 


have  power  of  judicature,  touching  the  appellant's  cause  of 
appeal  and  those  reserved  cases.  WTiat  we  speak  of  the  power 
of  freemen  by  patent,  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  deputies,  so 
far  forth  as  the  power  of  the  freemen  is  delegated  to  them  by 
order  of  law. 

To  the  third  and  fourth  questions  the  elders  answer. 

1.  Certain  penalties  may  and  ought  to  be  prescribed  to  capi- 
tal crimes,  although  they  may  admit  variable  degrees  of  guilt ; 
as  in  case  of  murder  upon  prepensed  malice,  and  upon  sud- 
den provocation,  there  is  prescribed  the  same  death  in  both, 
though  murder  upon  prepensed  malice  be  of  a  far  greater 
guilt  than  upon  sudden  provocation,  Numb.  35.  16.  18  with 
20.  21.  Also  in  crimes  of  less  guilt,  as  in  theft,  though  some 
theft  may  be  of  greater  guilt  than  other,  (as  for  some  man  to 
steal  a  sheep,  who  hath  less  need,  is  of  greater  guilt,  than  for 
another,  who  hath  more  need,)  the  Lord  prescribed  the  same 
measure  of  restitution  to  both. 

2.  In  case  that  variable  circumstances  of  an  offence  do  so 
much  vary  the  degrees  of  guilt,  as  that  the  offence  is  raised  to 
an  higher  nature,  there  the  penalty  must  be  varied  to  an  higher 
answerable  proportion.  The  striking  of  a  neighbor  may  be 
punished  with  some  pecuniary  mulct,  when  the  striking  of  a 
father  may  be  punished  with  death.  So  any  sin  committed 
with  an  high  hand,  as  the  gathering  of  sticks  on  the  Sabbath 
day,  may  be  punished  with  death,  when  a  lesser  punishment 
may  serve  for  gathering  sticks  privily,  and  in  some  need. 

3.  In  case  circumstances  do  so  vary  a  sin,  as  that  many  sins 
are  compHcated  or  wrapped  up  in  it,  the  penalty  is  to  be  varied, 
according  to  the  penalties  of  those  several  sins.  A  single  lie 
may  be  punished  with  a  less  mulct,  than  if  it  be  told  before  the 
judgment  seat,  or  elsewhere,  to  the  damage  of  any  person, 
whether  in  his  good  name,  by  slander,  or  in  his  estate,  by  detri- 
ment in  his  commerce ;  in  which  case,  a  he  aggravated  by  cir- 
cumstances is  to  be  punished  with  respect  both  to  a  he  and  to  a 
slander  and  to  the  detriment  which  another  sustaineth  thereby. 

214  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1644 

4.  In  case  that  the  circumstances,  which  vary  the  degrees  of 
guilt,  concern  only  the  person  of  the  offender,  (as  whether  it 
were  the  first  offence,  or  customary,  whether  he  were  enticed 
thereto,  or  the  enticer,  whether  he  were  principal  or  accessory, 
whether  imadvised,  or  witting  or  wilHng,  etc.)  there  it  were 
meet  the  penalty  should  be  expressed  with  a  latitude,  whereof 
the  lowest  degree  to  be  expressed  (suppose  five  shillings,  or,  as 
the  case  may  be,  five  stripes)  and  the  highest  degree,  twenty 
shillings  or,  etc.,  or  stripes  more  or  less ;  within  which  compass 
or  latitude  it  may  be  free  to  a  magistrate  to  aggravate  or  miti- 
gate the  penalty,  etc.  Yet  even  here  also  care  would  be  taken, 
that  a  magistrate  attend,  in  his  sentence,  as  much  as  may  be, 
to  a  certain  rule  in  these  circumstances,  lest  some  persons, 
whose  sins  be  ahke  circumstanced  with  others,  if  their  punish- 
ment be  not  equal,  etc.,  may  think  themselves  more  unequally 
dealt  withal  than  others. 

5.  In  those  cases  wherein  the  judge  is  persuaded  in  con- 
science, that  a  crime  deserveth  a  greater  punishment  than  the 
law  inflicteth,  he  may  lawfully  pronounce  sentence  according 
to  the  prescript  penalty,  etc.,  because  he  hath  no  power  com- 
mitted to  him  by  law  to  go  higher.  But  where  the  law  may 
seem  to  the  conscience  of  the  judge  to  inflict  a  greater  penalty 
than  the  offence  deserveth,  it  is  his  part  to  suspend  his  sentence, 
till  by  conference  with  the  lawgivers,  he  find  liberty,  either  to 
inflict  the  sentence,  or  to  mitigate  it. 

6.  The  penalties  of  great  crimes  may  sometimes  be  miti- 
gated by  such  as  are  in  chief  power,  out  of  respect  to  the  pub- 
he  good  service  which  the  delinquent  hath  done  to  the  state  in 
former  times,  as  Solomon  did  by  Abiathar,  1  Kings  2.  26.  27. 

Questions  propounded  to  the  elders  by  the  deputies. 

1.  Whether  the  governor  and  assistants  have  any  power  by 
patent  to  dispense  justice  in  the  vacancy  of  the  general  court, 
without  some  law  or  order  of  the  same  to  declare  the  rule? 

The  elders'  answer  was  negative;  and  further,  they  con- 
ceived it  meet,  the  rule  should  be  express  for  the  regulating  of 


all  particulars,  as  far  as  may  be,  and  where  such  cannot  be  had, 
to  be  supplied  by  general  rules. 

2.  Quest.  Whether  any  general  court  hath  not  power  by 
patent,  in  particular  cases,  to  choose  any  commissioners,  (either 
assistants  or  freemen,)  exempting  all  others,  to  give  them  com- 
mission, to  set  forth  their  power  and  places?  By  ''any  partic- 
ular case"  we  mean  in  all  things,  and  in  the  choice  of  all 
officers,  that  the  commonwealth  stands  in  need  of  between 
election  and  election;  not  taking  away  the  people's  hberty  in 
elections,  nor  turning  out  any  officer  so  elected  by  them,  with- 
out showing  cause. 

The  elders  answer. 

1 .  If  the  terms, ' '  all  things, ' '  imply  or  intend  all  cases  of  con- 
stant judicature  and  counsel,  we  answer  negatively,  etc.,  be- 
cause then  it  would  follow,  that  the  magistrates  might  be 
excluded  from  all  cases  of  constant  judicature  and  counsel, 
which  are  their  principal  work,  whereby  also  the  end  of  the 
people's  election  would  be  made  frustrate. 

2.  But  if  these  terms,  ''all  things,"  imply  or  intend  cases 
(whether  occasional  or  others)  belonging  neither  to  constant 
judicature  nor  counsel,  we  answer  affirmatively,  etc.,  which  yet 
we  understand  with  this  distinction,  viz.,  that  if  the  affairs  com- 
mitted to  such  officers  and  commissioners  be  of  general  con- 
cernment, we  conceive  the  freemen,  according  to  patent,  are  to 
choose  them,  the  general  court  to  set  forth  their  power  and 
places ;  but  if  they  be  of  merely  particular  concernment,  then 
we  conceive  the  general  court  may  choose  them,  and  set  forth 
their  power  and  places.  Whereas  we  give  cases  of  constant 
judicature  and  council  to  the  magistrates,  we  thus  interpret  the 
word  "counsel."  Counsel  consists  of  care  and  action.  In  re- 
spect of  care,  the  magistrates  are  not  hmited;  in  respect  of 
action,  they  are  to  be  limited  by  the  general  court,  or  by  the 
supreme  council.  Finally,  it  is  our  humble  request,  that  in 
case  any  difference  grow  in  the  general  court,  between  magis- 
trates and  deputies,  either  in  these,  or  any  hke  weighty  cases, 

216  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

which  cannot  be  presently  issued  with  mutual  peace,  that  both 
parties  will  be  pleased  to  defer  the  same  to  further  deliberation 
for  the  honor  of  God  and  of  the  court. 

Upon  other  propositions  made  by  the  deputies,  the  elders 
gave  this  further  answer,  viz. 

That  the  general  court,  consisting  of  magistrates  and  depu- 
ties, is  the  chief  civil  power  of  this  commonwealth,  and  may 
act  in  all  things  belonging  to  such  a  power,  both  concerning 
counsel,  in  consulting  about  the  weighty  affairs  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  concerning  making  of  laws,  also  concerning  judi- 
catures, in  orderly  impeaching,  removing,  and  sentencing  any 
officers,  even  the  highest,  according  to  law,  hkewise  in  receiv- 
ing appeals,  whether  touching  civil  or  criminal  causes,  wherein 
appeals  are  or  shall  be  allowed  by  the  general  court ;  provided 
that  all  such  appeals  proceed  orderly  from  an  inferior  court  to 
the  court  of  assistants,  and  from  thence  to  the  general  court; 
or  if  the  case  were  first  depending  in  the  court  of  assistants, 
then  to  proceed  from  thence  to  the  general  court,  in  all  such 
cases  as  are  appealable,  ''as  in  cases  judged  evidently  against 
"law,  or  in  cases  wherein  the  subject  is  sentenced  to  banish- 
''ment,  loss  of  Hmb,  or  life,  without  an  express  law,  or  in  cases 
''weighty  and  difficult,  (not  admitting  small  matters,  the  pur- 
"suit  whereof  would  be  more  burdensome  to  the  court  and 
"country,  than  behoveful  to  the  appellant,  nor  needlessly  in- 
"terrupting  the  ordinary  course  of  justice  in  the  court  of  as- 
"sistants,  or  other  inferior  courts;)  provided  also,  that  if  it  do 
"appear,  that  the  appeal  proceed  not  out  of  regard  of  right,  but 
"from  delay  of  justice,  or  out  of  contention,  that  a  due  and  just 
"punishment  be  by  law  ordained,  and  inflicted  upon  such 

That  no  magistrate  hath  power  to  vary  from  the  penalty  of 
any  law,  etc.,  without  consulting  with  the  general  court. 

3.  Quest.  Whether  the  titles  of  governor,  deputy,  and  as- 
sistants do  necessarily  imply  magistratical  authority,  in  the 


The  elders'  answer  was  affirmative. 

4.  Quest.  Whether  the  magistratical  power  be  not  given 
by  the  patent  to  the  people  or  general  court,  and  by  them  to  the 
governor,  etc. 

The  elders  answer,  the  magistratical  power  is  given  to  the 
governor,  etc.,  by  the  patent.  To  the  people  is  given,  by  the 
same  patent,  to  design  the  persons  to  those  places  of  govern- 
ment; and  to  the  general  court  power  is  given  to  make  laws, 
as  the  rules  of  their  administration. 

These  resolutions  of  the  elders  were  after  put  to  vote,  and 
were  all  allowed  to  be  received,  except  those  in  the  last  page 
marked  in  the  margin  thus,  ''  ".  Most  of  the  deputies  were 
now  well  satisfied  concerning  the  authority  of  the  magistrates, 
etc.,  but  some  few  leading  men  (who  had  drawn  on  the  rest) 
were  still  fixed  upon  their  own  opinions.  So  hard  a  matter  it 
is,  to  draw  men  (even  wise  and  godly)  from  the  love  of  the 
fruit  of  their  own  inventions.* 

There  fell  out  at  this  court  another  occasion  of  further 
trouble.  The  deputy  governor  having  formerly,  and  from  time 
to  time,  opposed  the  deputies'  claim  of  judicial  authority,  and 
the  prescribing  of  set  penalties  in  cases  which  may  admit  vari- 
able degrees  of  guilt,  which  occasioned  them  to  suspect,  that  he, 
and  some  others  of  the  magistrates,  did  affect  an  arbitrary  gov- 
ernment, he  now  wrote  a  small  treatise  about  these  points,  show- 
ing what  arbitrary  government  was,  and  that  our  government 
(in  the  state  it  now  stood)  was  not  arbitrary,  neither  in  the 
ground  and  foundation  of  it,  nor  in  the  exercise  and  adminis- 
tration thereof.  And  because  it  is  of  pubhc,  and  (for  the  most 
part)  of  general  concernment,  and  being  a  subject  not  formerly 
handled  by  any  that  I  have  met  with,  so  as  it  may  be  of  use  to 
stir  up  some  of  more  experience  and  more  able  parts  to  bestow 
their  pains  herein,  I  have  therefore  made  bold  to  set  down  the 

^  This  detailed  and  labored  expounding  of  the  patent  by  the  elders  for  the 
benefit  of  the  uneasy  deputies  is  an  incident  in  the  long  struggle  in  which  the 
people  conquered. 

218  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1644 

whole  discourse,  with  the  proceedings  which  happened  about 
it,  in  a  treatise  by  itself,  with  some  small  alterations  and  addi- 
tions (not  in  the  substance  of  the  matter)  for  clearer  evidence 
of  the  question.  And  I  must  apologize  this  to  the  reader,  that 
I  do  not  condemn  all  prescript  penalties,  although  the  argument 
seem  to  hold  forth  so  much,  but  only  so  far  as  they  cross  with 
the  rules  of  justice,  and  prudence,  and  mercy;  also,  in  such 
cases  of  smaller  concernment,  as  wherein  there  may  be  lawful 
liberty  allowed  to  judges  to  use  admonition,  or  to  respite  an 
offender  to  further  trial  of  reformation,  etc.* 

At  this  court  Mr.  Saltonstall  moved  very  earnestly  that  he 
might  be  left  out  at  the  next  election,  and  pursued  his  motion 
after  to  the  towns.  It  could  not  appear  what  should  move  him 
to  it;  only  Mr.  Bellingham  and  he  held  together,  and  joined 
with  the  deputies  against  the  rest  of  the  magistrates,  but  not 
prevaiUng,  and  being  oft  opposed  in  pubHc,  might  put  some 
discouragement  upon  his  spirit,  to  see  all  differ  from  him  save 
one.  And  indeed  it  occasioned  much  grief  to  all  the  elders, 
and  gave  great  offence  through  the  country ;  and  such  as  were 
acquainted  with  other  states  in  the  world,  and  had  not  well 
known  the  persons,  would  have  concluded  such  a  faction  here 
as  hath  been  usual  in  the  council  of  England  and  other  states, 
who  walk  by  politic  principles  only.  But  these  gentlemen 
were  such  as  feared  God,  and  endeavored  to  walk  by  the  rules 
of  his  word  in  all  their  proceedings,  so  as  it  might  be  conceived 
in  charity,  that  they  walked  according  to  their  judgments  and 
conscience,  and  where  they  went  aside,  it  was  merely  for  want 
of  light,  or  their  eyes  were  held  through  some  temptation  for  a 
time,  that  they  could  not  make  use  of  the  hght  they  had ;  for 
in  all  these  differences  and  agitations  about  them,  they  con- 
tinued in  brotherly  love,  and  in  the  exercise  of  all  friendly 
offices  each  to  other,  as  occasion  required. 

One  Cornish,  dwelling  some  time  in  Weymouth,  removed  to 
Acomenticus,  for  more  outward  accommodation,  and  in  the 

^  The  tract  is  printed  in  Winthrop's  Winthrop,  II.  445. 


[blank]  month  last  was  taken  up  in  the  river,  his  head  bruised, 
and  a  pole  sticking  in  his  side,  and  his  canoe  laden  with  clay 
found  sunk.  His  wife  (being  a  lewd  woman,  and  suspected  to 
have  fellowship  with  one  Footman)  coming  to  her  husband,  he 
bled  abundantly,  and  so  he  did  also,  when  Footman  was 
brought  to  him  ;*  but  no  evidence  could  be  found  against  him. 
Then  something  was  discovered  against  the  son  of  Mr.  Hull, 
their  minister,  and  the  woman  was  arraigned  before  the  mayor, 
Mr.  Roger  Garde,  and  others  of  the  province  of  Maine,  and 
strong  presumptions  came  in  against  her,  whereupon  she  was 
condemned  and  executed.  She  persisted  in  the  denial  of  the 
murder  to  the  death,  but  confessed  to  have  Hved  in  adultery 
with  divers.  She  charged  two  specially,,  the  said  Garde,  the 
mayor,  and  one  Edward  Johnson,  who  confessed  it  openly  at 
the  time  of  her  execution ;  but  the  mayor  denied  it,  and  it  gave 
some  hkehhood  that  he  was  not  guilty,  because  he  had  carried 
himself  very  zealously  and  impartially  in  discovery  of  the  mur- 
der. But  there  might  be  skill  in  that ;  and  he  was  but  a  carnal 
man,  and  had  no  wife  in  the  country,  and  some  witnesses  came 
in  against  him  of  his  acknowledgment  to  the  woman,  etc. 

^  That  the  body  of  a  murdered  man  bleeds  afresh  in  presence  of  the  murderer 
is  an  inveterate  superstition  of  the  Teutonic  race.  In  the  Nibelungen  Lied,  the 
body  of  Siegfried  bleeds  afresh  in  the  presence  of  Hagen;  the  belief  still  persists 
in  the  ruder  communities  of  the  United  States. 


12.  (February)  17.]  Mr.  Allerton  coming  from  New  Haven 
in  a  ketch,  with  his  wife  and  divers  other  persons,  were  taken 
in  a  great  storm  at  northeast  with  much  snow,  and  cast  away 
at  Scituate,  but  the  persons  all  saved. 

12.  (February)  16.]  The  winter  was  very  mild  hitherto,  and 
no  snow  lay,  so  as  ploughs  might  go  most  part  of  the  winter,  but 
now  there  fell  so  great  a  snow  in  several  days,  as  the  ways  were 
unpassable  for  three  weeks,  so  as  the  court  of  assistants  held  not 
(the  magistrates  and  juries  not  coming  to  Boston  (1)  4  (March) 
being  the  usual  day  for  that  court).  And  withal  the  weather 
was  cold,  and  the  frost  as  fierce  as  is  at  any  time  of  the  winter ; 
and  the  snow  was  not  off  the  ground  till  the  end  of  the  first 

1645.]  2.  (April)  6.]  Two  great  fires  happened  this  week, 
one  at  Salem;  Mr.  Downing  having  built  a  new  house  at  his 
farm,  he  being  gone  to  England,  and  his  wife  and  family  gone 
to  the  church  meeting  upon  the  Lord's  day,  the  chimney  took 
fire,  and  burnt  down  the  house,  and  bedding,  apparel,  and 
household  to  the  value  of  200  poimds.  The  other  was  at  Rox- 
bury  this  day.  John  Johnson,  the  surveyor  general  of  the  am- 
munition, a  very  industrious  and  faithful  man  in  his  place,  hav- 
ing built  a  fair  house  in  the  midst  of  the  town,  with  divers 
bams  and  other  out  houses,  it  fell  on  fire  in  the  day  time,  (no 
man  knowing  by  what  occasion,)  and  there  being  in  it  seven- 
teen barrels  of  the  country's  powder  and  many  arms,  all  was 
suddenly  burnt  and  blown  up,  to  the  value  of  4  or  500  pounds, 
wherein  a  special  providence  of  God  appeared,  for  he  being 
from  home,  the  people  came  together  to  help,  and  many  were 
in  the  house,  no  man  thinking  of  the  powder,  till  one  of  the 
company  put  them  in  mind  of  it,  whereupon  they  all  withdrew, 



and  soon  after  the  powder  took  fire,  and  blew  up  all  about  it, 
and  shook  the  houses  in  Boston  and  Cambridge,  so  as  men 
thought  it  had  been  an  earthquake,  and  carried  great  pieces  of 
timber  a  great  way  off  and  some  rags  and  such  Ught  things  be- 
yond Boston  meeting  house.  There  being  then  a  stiff  gale  at 
south,  it  drove  the  fire  from  the  other  houses  in  the  town,  (for 
this  was  the  most  northerly,)  otherwise  it  had  endangered  the 
greatest  part  of  the  town.  This  loss  of  our  powder  was  the 
more  observable  in  two  respects,  1.  Because  the  court  had  not 
taken  that  care  they  ought  to  pay  for  it,  having  been  owing  for 
divers  years ;  2.  In  that,  at  the  court  before,  they  had  refused 
to  help  our  countrymen  in  Virginia,  who  had  written  to  us  for 
some  for  their  defence  against  the  Indians,  and  also  to  help  our 
brethren  of  Plymouth  in  their  want. 

Mr.  Wheelwright  being  removed  from  Exeter  to  Wells,  the 
people  remaining  fell  at  variance  among  themselves.  Some 
would  gather  a  new  church,  and  call  old  Mr.  Batchellor  from 
Hampton  to  be  their  pastor,  and  for  that  purpose  appointed  a 
day,  and  gave  notice  thereof  to  the  magistrates  and  churches, 
but  the  court,  understanding  of  their  divisions  and  present  un- 
fitness for  so  solemn  and  sacred  a  business,  sent  and  wrote 
to  them  (by  way  of  direction  only)  to  desist  for  that  time,  and 
not  to  proceed  until  upon  satisfaction  given  to  this  court,  or 
the  court  at  Ipswich,  of  their  reconciliation,  they  might  proceed 
with  allowance  of  authority,  according  to  order.  To  this  they 
submitted,  and  did  not  proceed. 

The  question  about  Seacunk,  now  Rehoboth,  being  revived 
this  court,  whether  it  should  belong  to  this  jurisdiction  (upon 
the  submission  of  the  purchasers,  etc.)  or  to  Plymouth  by  right 
of  their  patent,  the  court  (by  order)  referred  it  to  the  judgment 
of  the  commissioners  of  the  union,  who  decreed  it  for  Plymouth, 
with  reservation,  if  better  evidence  should  appear  by  the  next 

Some  malignant  spirits  began  to  stir,  and  declare  themselves 
for  the  king,  etc.,  whereupon  an  order  was  made  to  restrain 

222  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

such  courses,  and  to  prevent  all  such  turbulent  practices,  either 
by  action,  word,  or  writing. 

The  court  ordered  letters  of  thanks  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Richard 
Andrews  of  London,  haberdasher,  for  his  gift  of  500  pounds, 
and  to  the  Lady  Armine  for  her  gift  of  20  pounds  per  annum, 
and  to  the  Lady  Moulson  for  her  gift,  which  was  done  accord- 
ingly by  the  committee  appointed.* 

Upon  advice  from  Mr.  Weld,  remaining  still  at  London,  a 
commission  was  sent  under  the  pubHc  seal  to  Mr.  Pocock  and 
divers  other  our  friends  in  London  to  this  effect,  1.  To  answer 
for  us  upon  all  such  occasions  as  may  be  presented  to  the  par- 
liament or  any  other  court  or  officer,  concerning  us  or  our 
affairs,  but  not  to  engage  us,  without  our  consent,  2.  To  receive 
all  letters  and  other  despatches  of  pubhc  nature  or  concern- 
ment from  us,  3.  To  advise  us  of  all  occurrents  as  may  happen 
touching  our  colony,  4.  To  receive  all  moneys  or  other  things 
due  to  us  from  any  person  in  England,  by  gift  or  otherwise, 
and  to  dispose  of  them  by  direction  under  our  pubhc  seal. 

Mr.  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  coming  from  England  two 
years  since,  brought  with  him  1000  pounds  stock  and  divers 
workmen  to  begin  an  iron  work,  and  had  moved  the  court  for 
some  encouragement  to  be  given  the  undertakers,  and  for  the 
court  to  join  in  carrying  on  the  work,  etc.  The  business  was 
well  approved  by  the  court,  as  a  thing  much  conducing  to  the 
good  of  the  country,  but  we  had  no  stock  in  the  treasury  to 
give  furtherance  to  it,  only  some  two  or  three  private  persons 
joined  in  it,  and  the  court  granted  the  adventurers  near  all  their 
demands,  as  a  monopoly  of  it  for  twenty-one  years,  hberty  to 

*  The  last  two  gifts  were  to  the  college.  Andrews  had  before  shown  himself 
generous.  Lady  Armine,  granddaughter  of  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  was  wife 
of  Sir  William  Armine,  associated  with  Vane  in  the  negotiation  of  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant  with  the  Scots,  and  a  statesman  of  eminence.  Lady  Mowl- 
son  had,  in  1643,  by  a  gift  of  £100,  founded  the  first  scholarship  in  Harvard 
College.  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  London  alderman,  and  widow  of  a  lord 
mayor.  Her  maiden  name  was  Ann  Radcliffe.  Radcliffe  College  has  been 
named  for  her. 


make  use  of  any  six  places  not  already  granted,  and  to  have 
three  miles  square  in  every  place  to  them  and  their  heirs,  and 
freedom  from  public  charges,  trainings,  etc.,  and  this  was  now 
sent  them  over  under  the  pubUc  seal  this  year.* 

The  court,  finding  that  the  over  number  of  deputies  drew 
out  the  courts  into  great  length,  and  put  the  country  to  ex- 
cessive charges,  so  as  some  one  court  hath  expended  more 
[than]  200  pounds,  etc.,  did  think  fit  to  have  fewer  deputies, 
and  so  to  have  only  five  or  six  out  of  each  shire;  and  be- 
cause the  deputies  were  still  unsatisfied  with  the  magistrates' 
negative  vote,  the  magistrates  consented  to  lay  it  down,  so  as 
the  deputies  might  not  exceed  them  in  number,  and  those  to  be 
the  prime  men  of  the  country,  to  be  chosen  by  the  whole  shires ; 
but  they  agreed  first  to  know  the  mind  of  the  country.  But 
upon  trial,  the  greater  number  of  towns  refused  it,  so  it  was 
left  for  this  time. 

At  this  court  in  the  third  month  Passaconaway,  the  chief 
sachem  of  Merimack,  and  his  sons  came  and  submitted  them- 
selves and  their  people  and  lands  under  our  jurisdiction,  as 
Pumham  and  others  had  done  before. 

Mr.  Shepherd,  the  pastor  of  the  church  in  Cambridge,  being 
at  Connecticut  when  the  commissioners  met  there  for  the 
United  Colonies,  moved  them  for  some  contribution  of  help 
towards  the  maintenance  of  poor  scholars  in  the  college,  where- 
upon the  commissioners  ordered  that  it  should  be  commended 
to  the  deputies  of  the  general  courts  and  the  elders  within  the 
several  colonies  to  raise  (by  way  of  voluntary  contribution) 
one  peck  of  com  or  twelve  pence  money,  or  other  commodity, 
of  every  family,  which  those  of  Connecticut  presently  performed. 

5.  (July)  3.]  By  order  of  the  general  court,  upon  advice 
with  the  elders,  a  general  fast  was  kept.    The  occasions  were, 

*  These  mining  operations  proved  successful,  ore  in  considerable  amounts 
being  obtained.  The  enterprise  receives  much  notice  in  the  public  records. 
Boston  Town  Records,  Second  Report  of  the  Record  Commissioners  (1877),  I.  77, 
91,  92,  127;  Records  of  Massachusetts,  II.  61  (March  7,  1643/4). 

224  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

the  miseries  of  England,  and  our  own  differences  in  the  general 
court,  and  also  for  the  great  drought.  In  this  latter  the  Lord 
prevented  our  prayers  in  sending  us  rain  soon  after,  and  before 
the  day  of  humihation  came. 

Divers  free  schools  were  erected,  as  at  Roxbury  (for  main- 
tenance whereof  every  inhabitant  bound  some  house  or  land  for 
a  yearly  allowance  forever)  and  at  Boston  (where  they  made 
an  order  to  allow  forever  50  pounds  to  the  master  and  an  house, 
and  30  pounds  to  an  usher,  who  should  also  teach  to  read  and 
write  and  cipher,  and  Indians'  children  were  to  be  taught  freely, 
and  the  charge  to  be  by  yearly  contribution,  either  by  voluntary 
allowance,  or  by  rate  of  such  as  refused,  etc.,  and  this  order 
was  confirmed  by  the  general  court  [blank]).  Other  towns  did 
the  like,  providing  maintenance  by  several  means.^ 

By  agreement  of  the  commissioners,  and  the  motions  of  the 
elders  in  their  several  churches,  every  family  in  each  colony 
gave  one  peck  of  com  or  twelve  pence  to  the  college  at  Cam- 

1.  (March)  25.]  Another  strange  accident  happened  by 
fire  about  this  time.  One  Mr.  Peck  and  three  others  of  Hing- 
ham,  being  about  with  others  to  remove  to  Seaconk,  (which 
was  concluded  by  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  to 
belong  to  Plymouth,)  riding  thither,  they  sheltered  themselves 
and  their  horses  in  an  Indian  wigwam,  which  by  some  occasion 
took  fire,  and  (although  they  were  all  four  in  it,  and  labored 
to  their  utmost,  etc.)  burnt  three  of  their  horses  to  death,  and 
all  their  goods  to  the  value  of  50  pounds. 

Also  some  children  were  killed,  and  others  sore  scorched 
with  wearing  cloaths  of  cotton,  which  was  very  apt  to  take 
fire,  and  hard  to  be  quenched;  so  as  one  man  of  Watertown 

*  This  passage  is  of  interest  as  referring  to  the  origin  in  New  England  of  the 
common  school,  which  may  be  traced  farther  back  than  the  present  date.  In 
the  Boston  Town  Records,  p.  5  (April  13,  1635),  Philemon  Porraont  is  mentioned 
as  "intreated"  to  undertake  a  school,  and  next  year  comes  a  list  of  subscribers, 
headed  by  Henry  Vane,  the  governor.  For  reference  to  the  sources  of  the  common 
school  system,  see  Winsor,  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  I.  123. 


being  so  cloathed,  and  taking  fire  by  endeavoring  to  save  his 
house  being  on  fire,  was  forced  to  run  into  a  well  to  save  his  life. 

2.  (April)  13.]  Mr.  Hopkins,  the  governor  of  Hartford  upon 
Connecticut,  came  to  Boston,  and  brought  his  wife  with  him,  (a 
godly  young  woman,  and  of  special  parts,)  who  was  fallen  into 
a  sad  infirmity,  the  loss  of  her  understanding  and  reason, 
which  had  been  growing  upon  her  divers  years,  by  occasion  of 
her  giving  herself  wholly  to  reading  and  writing,  and  had  writ- 
ten many  books.  Her  husband,  being  very  loving  and  tender 
of  her,  was  loath  to  grieve  her;  but  he  saw  his  error,  when  it 
was  too  late.  For  if  she  had  attended  her  household  affairs, 
and  such  things  as  belong  to  women,  and  not  gone  out  of  her 
way  and  caUing  to  meddle  in  such  things  as  are  proper  for  men, 
whose  minds  are  stronger,  etc.,  she  had  kept  her  wits,  and 
might  have  improved  them  usefully  and  honorably  in  the  place 
God  had  set  her.  He  brought  her  to  Boston,  and  left  her  with 
her  brother,  one  Mr.  Yale,  a  merchant,  to  try  what  means 
might  be  had  here  for  her.    But  no  help  could  be  had.* 

The  governor  and  assistants  met  at  Boston,  to  consider 
what  might  lawfully  be  done  for  saving  La  Tour  and  his  fort 
out  of  the  hands  of  D'Aulnay,  who  was  now  before  it  with  all 
his  strength  both  of  men  and  vessels.  So  soon  as  we  were  met, 
word  was  brought  us,  that  a  vessel  sent  by  some  merchants  to 
carry  provisions  to  La  Tour  was  fallen  into  the  hands  of  D'Aul- 
nay,  who  had  made  prize  of  her,  and  turned  the  men  upon  an 
island,  and  kept  them  there  ten  days,  and  then  gave  them  an 
old  shallop  (not  above  two  tons)  and  some  provisions  to  bring 
them  home,  but  denied  them  their  clothes,  etc.  (which  at  first 
he  had  promised  them)  and  any  gun  or  compass,  whereby 
it  was  justly  conceived  that  he  intended  they  should  perish, 
either  at  sea,  or  by  the  Indians  (who  were  at  hand,  and  chased 
them  next  day,  etc.).  Upon  this  news  we  presently  despatched 
away  a  vessel  to  D'Aulnay  with  letters,  wherein  we  expostu- 
lated with  him  about  this  act  of  his,  complaining  of  it  as  a 

'  Mrs.  Hopkins  was  aunt  of  Elihu  Yale,  founder  of  Yale  University. 

226  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

breach  of  the  articles  of  our  peace,  and  required  the  vessel  and 
goods  to  be  restored,  or  satisfaction  for  them.  We  gave 
answer  also  to  some  charges  he  laid  upon  us  in  a  letter  lately 
written  to  our  governor,  carried  on  in  very  high  language,  as 
if  we  had  hired  the  ships,  which  carried  home  the  lady  La  Tour, 
and  had  broken  our  articles  by  a  bare  sufferance  of  it,  etc., 
which  caused  us  to  answer  him  accordingly,  that  he  might  see 
we  took  notice  of  his  proud  terms,  and  were  not  afraid  of  him. 
And  whereas  he  oft  threatened  us  with  the  king  of  France  his 
power,  etc.,  we  answered  that  we  did  acknowledge  him  to  be 
a  mighty  prince,  but  we  conceived  withal  he  would  continue 
to  be  just,  and  would  not  break  out  against  us,  without  hearing 
our  answer,  or  if  he  should,  yet  New  England  had  a  God,  who 
was  able  to  save  us,  and  did  not  use  to  forsake  his  servants,  etc. 
So  soon  as  he  had  set  our  men  upon  an  island,  in  a  deep  snow, 
without  fire,  and  only  a  sorry  wigwam  for  their  shelter,  he  car- 
ried his  ship  up  close  to  La  Tour's  fort  (supposing  they  would 
have  yielded  it  up  to  him,  for  the  friars  and  other  their  con- 
federates whom  the  lady  presently  upon  her  arrival  had  sent 
away,  had  persuaded  him  that  he  might  easily  gain  the  place. 
La  Tour  being  come  into  the  Bay,  and  not  above  fifty  men  left 
in  it,  and  httle  powder,  and  that  decayed  also ;)  but  after  they 
had  moored  their  ship,  and  began  to  let  fly  at  the  fort  with  their 
ordnance,  they  within  behaved  themselves  so  well  with  their 
ordnance,  that  they  tare  his  ship  so  as  he  was  forced  to  warp 
her  on  shore  behind  a  point  of  land,  to  save  her  from  sinking, 
(for  the  wind  coming  easterly,  they  could  not  bring  her  forth,) 
and  they  killed  (as  one  of  his  own  men  reported)  twenty  of 
his  men,  and  wounded  thirteen  more. 

The  governor  and  assistants  had  used  for  ten  or  eleven 
years  at  least  to  appoint  one  to  preach  on  the  day  of  election, 
but  about  three  or  four  years  since  the  deputies  challenged  it 
as  their  right,  and  accordingly  had  twice  made  the  choice,  (the 
magistrates  still  professing  it  to  be  a  mere  intrusion,  etc.,)  and 
now  at  the  last  general  court  in  October  they  had  given  order 


to  call  Mr.  Norton  to  that  service,  (never  acquainting  the  magis- 
trates therewith,)  and  about  some  two  months  before  the  time, 
the  governor  and  divers  other  of  the  magistrates  (not  knowing 
any  thing  of  what  the  deputies  had  done)  agreed  upon  Mr. 
Norris  of  Salem,  and  gave  him  notice  of  it.  But  at  this 
meeting  of  the  magistrates  it  grew  a  question,  whether  of 
these  two  should  be  employed,  seeing  both  had  been  invited, 
and  both  were  prepared.  At  last  it  was  put  to  vote,  and  that 
determined  it  upon  Mr.  Norton.  The  reason  was,  the  unwilUng- 
ness  of  the  magistrates  to  have  any  fresh  occasion  of  contesta- 
tion with  the  deputies.  But  some  judged  it  afaiUng  (especially 
in  one  or  two  who  had  already  joined  in  calHng  Mr.  Norris) 
and  a  betraying,  or  at  least  weakening  the  power  of  the  magis- 
trates, and  a  countenancing  of  an  unjust  usurpation.  For 
the  deputies  could  do  no  such  act,  as  an  act  of  court,  without 
the  concurrence  of  the  magistrates ;  and  out  of  court  they  had 
no  power  at  "all,  (but  only  for  regulating  their  own  body,) 
and  it  was  resolved  and  voted  at  last  court,  (according  to  the 
elders'  advice,)  that  all  occurrents  out  of  court  belong  to  the 
magistrates  to  take  care  of,  being  the  standing  council  of  the 

One  of  our  ships,  which  went  to  the  Canaries  with  pipestaves 
in  the  beginning  of  November  last,  returned  now,  and  brought 
wine,  and  sugar,  and  salt,  and  some  tobacco,  which  she  had  at 
Barbadoes,  in  exchange  for  Africoes,  which  she  carried  from 
the  Isle  of  Maio.*  She  brought  us  news,  that  a  ship  of  ours  of 
about  260  tons,  set  out  from  Cambridge  before  winter,  was  set 
upon,  near  the  Canaries,  by  an  Irish  man-of-war,^  which  had 
seventy  men  and  twenty  pieces  of  ordnance,  whereas  ours  had 
but  fourteen  pieces  and  not  above  thirty  men,  and  the  Irishman 
grappled  with  our  ship,  and  boarded  her,  and  fought  with  her, 

^  A  man  of  Winthrop's  generation  took  such  slave  trading  as  is  here  referred 
to,  as  the  ordinary  course  of  business.  The  Isla  de  Maio  was  one  of  the  Cape 
Verde  Islands. 

^  The  harbors  of  Ireland,  especially  Old  Kinsale,  became  in  the  Civil  War 
refuges  for  the  King's  ships  which  are  described  as  Irish. 

228  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

side  by  side,  near  a  whole  day,  but  falling  off,  a  shot  of  ours 
had  taken  off  their  steerage,  so  as  they  could  not  bring  their 
ship  to  ours  again,  but  we  received  a  shot  under  water,  which 
had  near  sunk  our  ship,  but  the  Lord  preserved  her  and  our 
men,  so  as  we  had  but  two  slain  in  all  that  time  and  some  four 
wounded ;  but  the  damage  of  the  ship  and  her  merchandise  was 
between  2  and  300  pounds. 

We  had  tidings  also  of  another  of  our  ships  of  the  like  force, 
set  out  from  Boston,  which  the  Earl  of  Marlborough  had  lain 
in  wait  for  at  the  Madeiras  a  good  time,  and  with  a  ship  of 
great  force,  but  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  send  him  away  the  very 
day  before  our  ship  arrived  there. 

The  wars  in  England  kept  servants  from  coming  to  us,  so  as 
those  we  had  could  not  be  hired,  when  their  times  were  out, 
but  upon  unreasonable  terms,  and  we  found  it  very  difficult  to 
pay  their  wages  to  their  content,  (for  money  was  very  scarce). 
I  may  upon  this  occasion  report  a  passage  between  one  of 
Rowley  and  his  servant.  The  master,  being  forced  to  sell  a  pair 
of  his  oxen  to  pay  his  servant  his  wages,  told  his  servant  he 
could  keep  him  no  longer,  not  knowing  how  to  pay  him  the  next 
year.  The  servant  answered,  he  would  serve  him  for  more  of 
his  cattle.  But  how  shall  I  do  (saith  the  master)  when  all 
my  cattle  are  gone?  The  servant  replied,  you  shall  then  serve 
me,  and  so  you  may  have  your  cattle  again.* 

A  village  was  erected  near  Ljnm,  and  called  Reading; 
another  village  erected  between  Salem  and  Gloucester,  and 
called  Manchester. 

Among  other  benefactors  to  this  colony,  one  Union  Butcher, 
a  clothier,  near  Cranbrook  in  Kent,  did  (for  divers  years  to- 
gether, in  a  private  way)  send  over  a  good  quantity  of  cloth, 
to  be  disposed  of  to  some  godly  poor  people. 

The  government  of  Plymouth  sent  one  of  their  magistrates, 

*  This  passage,  perhaps,  approached  the  humorous  more  nearly  than  anything 
else  in  the  Journal.  Winthrop,  staid  and  aristocratic,  writes  in  the  margin  op- 
posite, "insolent." 


Mr.  Brown,  to  Aquiday  Island  to  forbid  Mr.  Williams,  etc.,  to 
exercise  any  of  their  pretended  authority  upon  the  Island, 
claiming  it  to  be  within  their  jurisdiction.* 

Our  court  also  sent  to  forbid  them  to  exercise  any  authority 
within  that  part  of  our  jurisdiction  at  Patuxent  and  Mishaomet ; 
and  although  they  had  boasted  to  do  great  matters  there  by 
virtue  of  their  charter,  yet  they  dared  not  to  attempt  anything. 

3.  (May)  14.]  The  court  of  elections  was  held  at  Boston. 
Mr.  Thomas  Dudley  was  chosen  governor,  Mr.  Winthrop,  depu- 
ty governor  again,  and  Mr.  Endecott,  serjeant  major  general. 
Mr.  Israel  Stoughton,  having  been  in  England  the  year  before, 
and  now  gone  again  about  his  private  occasions,  was  by  vote 
left  out,  and  Herbert  Pelham,  Esquire,  chosen  an  assistant. 

This  court  fell  out  a  troublesome  business,  which  took 
up  much  time.  The  town  of  Hingham,  having  one  Ernes 
their  lieutenant  seven  or  eight  years,  had  lately  chosen  him  to 
be  their  captain,  and  had  presented  him  to  the  standing  council 
for  allowance ;  but  before  it  was  accomplished,  the  greater  part 
of  the  town  took  some  hght  occasion  of  offence  against  him, 
and  chose  one  Allen  to  be  their  captain,  and  presented  him  to 
the  magistrates  (in  the  time  of  the  last  general  court)  to  be 
allowed.  But  the  magistrates,  considering  the  injury  that 
would  hereby  accrue  to  Emes,  (who  had  been  their  chief  com- 
mander so  many  years,  and  had  deserved  well  in  his  place,  and 
that  Allen  had  no  other  skill,  but  what  he  learned  from  Emes,) 
refused  to  allow  of  Allen,  but  willed  both  sides  to  return  home, 
and  every  officer  to  keep  his  place,  until  the  court  should  take 
further  order.  Upon  their  return  home,  the  messengers,  who 
came  for  Allen,  called  a  private  meeting  of  those  of  their  own 
party,  and  told  them  truly,  what  answer  they  received  from 
the  magistrates,  and  soon  after  they  appointed  a  training  day, 
(without  their  lieutenant's  knowledge,)  and  being  assembled, 

'  Savage's  note  may  be  quoted.  "  I  rejoice  in  the  defeat  of  this  futile  claim 
by  Plymouth,  and  equally  rejoice  in  the  ill  success  of  the  attempt  by  our  own 
people  mentioned  in  the  next  paragraph." 

230  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

the  lieutenant  hearing  of  it  came  to  them,  and  would  have  ex- 
ercised them,  as  he  was  wont  to  do,  but  those  of  the  other  party 
refused  to  follow  him,  except  he  would  show  them  some  order 
for  it.  He  told  them  of  the  magistrates'  order  about  it;  the 
others  rephed,  that  authority  had  advised  him  to  go  home  and 
lay  down  his  place  honorably.  Another  asked,  what  the  magis- 
trates had  to  do  with  them?  Another,  that  it  was  but  three  or 
four  of  the  magistrates,  and  if  they  had  been  all  there,  it  had 
been  nothing,  for  Mr.  Allen  had  brought  more  for  them  from 
the  deputies,  than  the  heutenant  had  from  the  magistrates. 
Another  of  them  professeth  he  will  die  at  the  sword's  point,  if 
he  might  not  have  the  choice  of  his  own  officers.  Another 
(viz.  the  clerk  of  the  band)  stands  up  above  the  people  and 
requires  them  to  vote,  whether  they  would  bear  them  out 
in  what  was  past  and  what  was  to  come.  This  being  assented 
unto,  and  the  tumult  continuing,  one  of  the  officers  (he  who 
had  told  them  that  authority  had  advised  the  heutenant  to 
go  home  and  lay  down  his  place)  required  Allen  to  take  the 
captain's  place;  but  he  not  then  accepting  it,  they  put  it  to 
the  vote,  whether  he  should  be  their  captain.  The  vote  passing 
for  it,  he  then  told  the  company,  it  was  now  past  question,  and 
thereupon  Allen  accepted  it,  and  exercised  the  company  two  or 
three  days,  only  about  a  third  part  of  them  followed  the  lieu- 
tenant. He,  having  denied  in  the  open  field,  that  authority 
had  advised  him  to  lay  down  his  place,  and  putting  (in  some 
sort)  the  he  upon  those  who  had  so  reported,  was  the  next 
Lord's  day  called  to  answer  it  before  the  church,  and  he  stand- 
ing to  maintain  what  he  had  said,  five  witnesses  were  produced 
to  convince  him.  Some  of  them  affirmed  the  words,  the  others 
explained  their  meaning  to  be,  that  one  magistrate  had  so 
advised  him.  He  denied  both.  Whereupon  the  pastor,  one 
Mr.  Hubbert,*  (brother  to  three  of  the  principal  in  this  sedition,) 

•  Peter  Hobart,  Hubbert,  or  Hubbard,  so  strenuous  in  this  tea-pot  tempest 
in  Hingham  which  became  the  occasion  of  such  a  difference  between  the  magis- 
trates and  the  democracy,  was  a  scholar  of  Magdalene  College,  Cambridge.     He 


was  very  forward  to  have  excommunicated  the  lieutenant 
presently,  but,  upon  some  opposition,  it  was  put  off  to  the 
next  day.  Thereupon  the  lieutenant  and  some  three  or  four 
more  of  the  chief  men  of  the  town  inform  four  of  the  next 
magistrates  of  these  proceedings,  who  forthwith  met  at  Boston 
about  it,  (viz.  the  deputy  governor,  the  serjeant  major  general, 
the  secretary,  and  Mr.  Hibbins).  These,  considering  the  case, 
sent  warrant  to  the  constable  to  attach  some  of  the  principal 
offenders  (viz.  three  of  the  Hubbards  and  two  more)  to  appear 
before  them  at  Boston,  to  find  sureties  for  their  appearance 
at  the  next  court,  etc.  Upon  the  day  they  came  to  Boston, 
but  their  said  brother  the  minister  came  before  them,  and  fell 
to  expostulate  with  the  said  magistrates  about  the  said  cause, 
complaining  against  the  complainants,  as  talebearers,  etc., 
taking  it  very  disdainfully  that  his  brethren  should  be  sent  for 
by  a  constable,  with  other  high  speeches,  which  were  so 
provoking,  as  some  of  the  Tuagistrates  told  him,  that,  were  it 
not  for  respect  to  his  ministry,  they  would  commit  him.  When 
his  brethren  and  the  rest  were  come  in,  the  matters  of  the  in- 
formation were  laid  to  their  charge,  which  they  denied  for  the 
most  part.  So  they  were  bound  over  (each  for  other)  to  the 
next  court  of  assistants.  After  this  five  others  were  sent  for  by 
summons  (these  were  only  for  speaking  untruths  of  the  magis- 
trates in  the  church).  They  came  before  the  deputy  governor, 
when  he  was  alone,  and  demanded  the  cause  of  their  sending 
for,  and  to  know  their  accusers.  The  deputy  told  them  so 
much  of  the  cause  as  he  could  remember,  and  referred  them  to 
the  secretary  for  a  copy,  and  for  their  accusers  he  told  them  they 
knew  both  the  men  and  the  matter,  neither  was  a  judge  bound 
to  let  a  criminal  offender  know  his  accusers  before  the  day  of 
trial,  but  only  in  his  own  discretion,  least  the  accuser  might  be 
taken  off  or  perverted,  etc.    Being  required  to  give  bond  for 

became  minister  of  Hingham  in  1635,  where  he  remained  nearly  forty-five  years. 
Five  sons,  four  of  them  divines,  were  educated  at  Harvard.  Few  New  England 
names  have  spread  more  widely  or  appear  in  more  honorable  connections. 

232  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

their  appearance,  etc.,  they  refused.  The  deputy  labored  to 
let  them  see  their  error,  and  gave  them  time  to  consider  of  it. 
About  fourteen  days  after,  seeing  two  of  them  in  the  court, 
(which  was  kept  by  those  four  magistrates  for  smaller  causes,) 
the  deputy  required  them  again  to  enter  bond  for  their 
appearance,  etc.,  and  upon  their  second  refusal  committed 
them  it  nhat  open  court. 

The  general  court  falling  out  before  the  court  of  assistants, 
the  Hubberts  and  the  two  which  were  committed,  and  others  of 
Hingham,  about  ninety,  (whereof  Mr.  Hubbert  their  minister 
was  the  first,)  presented  a  petition  to  the  general  court,  to  this 
effect,  that  whereas  some  of  them  had  been  bound  over,  and 
others  committed  by  some  of  the  magistrates  for  words  spoken 
concerning  the  power  of  the  general  court,  and  their  hberties, 
and  the  hberties  of  the  church,  etc.,  they  craved  that  the  court 
would  hear  the  cause,  etc.  This  was  first  presented  to  the 
deputies,  who  sent  it  to  the  magistrates,  desiring  their  concur- 
rence with  them,  that  the  cause  might  be  heard,  etc.  The 
magistrates,  marvelling  that  they  would  grant  such  a  petition, 
without  desiring  conference  first  with  themselves,  whom  it  so 
much  concerned,  returned  answer,  that  they  were  willing  the 
cause  should  be  heard,  so  as  the  petitioners  would  name  the 
magistrates  whom  they  intended,  and  the  matters  they  would 
lay  to  their  charge,  etc.  Upon  this  the  deputies  demanded  of 
the  petitioners'  agents  (who  were  then  deputies  of  the  court)  to 
have  satisfaction  in  those  points,  thereupon  they  singled  out 
the  deputy  governor,  and  two  of  the  petitioners  undertook  the 
prosecution.  Then  the  petition  was  returned  again  to  the 
magistrates  for  their  consent,  etc.,  who  being  desirous  that 
the  deputies  might  take  notice,  how  prejudicial  to  authority  and 
the  honor  of  the  court  it  would  be  to  call  a  magistrate  to 
answer  criminally  in  a  cause,  wherein  nothing  of  that  nature 
could  be  laid  to  his  charge,  and  that  without  any  private  ex- 
amination preceding,  did  intimate  so  much  to  the  deputies, 
(though  not  directly,  yet  plainly  enough,)  showing  them  that 


nothing  criminal,  etc.  was  laid  to  his  charge,  and  that  the  things 
objected  were  the  act  of  the  court,  etc.,  yet  if  they  would  needs 
have  a  hearing,  they  would  join  in  it.  And  indeed  it  was 
the  desire  of  the  deputy,  (knowing  well  how  much  himself  and 
the  other  magistrates  did  suffer  in  the  cause,  through  the 
slanderous  reports  wherewith  the  deputies  and  the  country 
about  had  been  possessed,)  that  the  cause  might  receive  a 
public  hearing. 

The  day  appointed  being  come,  the  court  assembled  in  the 
meeting  house  at  Boston.  Divers  of  the  elders  were  present, 
and  a  great  assembly  of  people.  The  deputy  governor,  com- 
ing in  with  the  rest  of  the  magistrates,  placed  himself  beneath 
within  the  bar,  and  so  sate  uncovered.  Some  question  was  in 
the  court  about  his  being  in  that  place  (for  many  both  of  the 
court  and  the  assembly  were  grieved  at  it).  But  the  deputy 
telling  them,  that,  being  criminally  accused,  he  might  not  sit  as 
a  judge  in  that  cause,  and  if  he  were  upon  the  bench,  it  would 
be  a  great  disadvantage  to  him,  for  he  could  not  take  that 
Hberty  to  plead  the  cause,  which  he  ought  to  be  allowed  at 
the  bar,  upon  this  the  court  was  satisfied. 

The  petitioners  having  declared  their  grievances,  etc.,  the 
deputy  craved  leave  to  make  answer,  which  was  to  this  effect, 
viz.,  that  he  accounted  it  no  disgrace,  but  rather  an  honor  put 
upon  him,  to  be  singled  out  from  his  brethren  in  the  defence  of 
a  cause  so  just  (as  he  hoped  to  make  that  appear)  and  of  so 
pubUc  concernment.  And  although  he  might  have  pleaded  to 
the  petition,  and  so  have  demurred  in  law,  upon  three  points, 
1.  In  that  there  is  nothing  laid  to  his  charge,  that  is  either  crim- 
inal or  unjust;  2,  if  he  had  been  mistaken  either  in  the  law  or 
in  the  state  of  the  case,  yet  whether  it  were  such  as  a  judge  is 
to  be  called  in  question  for  as  a  delinquent,  where  it  doth  not 
appear  to  be  wickedness  or  wilfulness;  for  in  England  many 
erroneous  judgments  are  reversed,  and  errors  in  proceedings 
rectified,  and  yet  the  judges  not  called  in  question  about  them; 
3,  in  that  being  thus  singled  out  from  three  other  of  the  magis- 

234  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

trates,  and  to  answer  by  himself  for  some  things,  which  were 
the  act  of  a  court,  he  is  deprived  of  the  just  means  of  his  de- 
fence, for  many  things  may  be  justified  as  done  by  four,  which 
are  not  warrantable  if  done  by  one  alone,  and  the  records  of  a 
court  are  a  full  justification  of  any  act,  while  such  record 
stands  in  force.  But  he  was  wilHng  to  waive  this  plea,  and  to 
make  answer  to  the  particular  charges,  to  the  end  that  the 
truth  of  the  case,  and  of  all  proceedings  thereupon  might  ap- 
pear to  all  men. 

Hereupon  the  court  proceeded  to  examine  the  whole  cause. 
The  deputy  justified  all  the  particulars  laid  to  his  charge,  as 
that  upon  credible  information  of  such  a  mutinous  practice, 
and  open  disturbance  of  the  peace,  and  sHghting  of  authority, 
the  offenders  were  sent  for,  the  principal  by  warrant  to  the  con- 
stable to  bring  them,  and  others  by  summons,  and  that  some 
were  boimd  over  to  the  next  court  of  assistants,  and  others  that 
refused  to  be  bound  were  committed ;  and  all  this  according  to 
the  equity  of  laws  here  established,  and  the  custom  and  laws 
of  England,  and  our  constant  practice  here  these  fifteen  years. 
And  for  some  speeches  he  was  charged  with  as  spoken  to  the 
dehnquents,  when  they  came  before  him  at  his  house,  when 
none  were  present  with  him  but  themselves,  first,  he  appealed 
to  the  judgment  of  the  court,  whether  dehnquents  may  be  re- 
ceived as  competent  witnesses  against  a  magistrate  in  such  a 
case;  then,  for  the  words  themselves,  some  he  justified,  some 
he  explained  so  as  no  advantage  could  be  taken  of  them,  as 
that  he  should  say,  that  the  magistrates  could  try  some  criminal 
causes  without  a  jury,  that  he  knew  no  law  of  God  or  man, 
which  required  a  judge  to  make  known  to  the  party  his  ac- 
cusers (or  rather  witnesses)  before  the  cause  came  to  hearing. 
But  two  of  them  charged  him  to  have  said,  that  it  was  against 
the  law  of  God  and  man  so  to  do,  which  had  been  absurd,  for 
the  deputy  professed  he  knew  no  law  against  it,  only  a  judge 
may  sometimes,  in  discretion,  conceal  their  names,  etc.,  least 
they  should  be  tampered  with,  or  conveyed  out  of  the  way,  etc. 


Two  of  the  magistrates  and  many  of  the  deputies  were  of 
opinion  that  the  magistrates  exercised  too  much  power,  and 
that  the  people's  Uberty  was  thereby  in  danger;  and  other  of 
the  deputies  (being  about  half)  and  all  the  rest  of  the  magis- 
trates were  of  a  different  judgment,  and  that  authority  was 
overmuch  shghted,  which,  if  not  timely  remedied,  would  en- 
danger the  commonwealth,  and  bring  us  to  a  mere  democracy. 
By  occasion  of  this  difference,  there  was  not  so  orderly  carriage 
at  the  hearing,  as  was  meet,  each  side  striving  unseasonably  to 
enforce  the  evidence,  and  declaring  their  judgments  thereupon, 
which  should  have  been  reserved  to  a  more  private  debate,  (as 
after  it  was,)  so  as  the  best  part  of  two  days  was  spent  in  this 
pubHc  agitation  and  examination  of  witnesses,  etc.  This  being 
ended,  a  committee  was  chosen  of  magistrates  and  deputies, 
who  stated  the  case,  as  it  appeared  upon  the  whole  pleading 
and  evidence,  though  it  cost  much  time,  and  with  great  diffi- 
culty did  the  committee  come  to  accord  upon  it. 

The  case  being  stated  and  agreed,  the  magistrates  and  depu- 
ties considered  it  apart,  first  the  deputies,  having  spent  a  whole 
day,  and  not  attaining  to  any  issue,  sent  up  to  the  magistrates 
to  have  their  thoughts  about  it,  who  taking  it  into  considera- 
tion, (the  deputy  always  withdrawing  when  that  matter  came 
into  debate,)  agreed  upon  these  four  points  chiefly;  1.  That 
the  petition  was  false  and  scandalous,  2.  That  those  who  were 
bound  over,  etc.,  and  others  that  were  parties  to  the  disturbance 
at  Hingham,  were  all  offenders,  though  in  different  degrees,  3. 
That  they  and  the  petitioners  were  to  be  censured,  4.  That  the 
deputy  governor  ought  to  be  acquit  and  righted,  etc.  This 
being  sent  down  to  the  deputies,  they  spent  divers  days  about 
it,  and  made  two  or  three  returns  to  the  magistrates,  and  though 
they  found  the  petition  false  and  scandalous,  and  so  voted  it, 
yet  they  would  not  agree  to  any  censure.  The  magistrates, 
on  the  other  side,  were  resolved  for  censure,  and  for  the  deputy's 
full  acquittal.  The  deputies  being  thus  hard  held  to  it,  and 
growing  weary  of  the  court,  for  it  began  (3)  (May)  14,  and  brake 

236  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

not  up  (save  one  week)  till  (5)  (July)  5,  were  content  they 
should  pay  the  charges  of  the  court.  After,  they  were  drawn 
to  consent  to  some  small  fines,  but  in  this  they  would  have 
drawn  in  lieutenant  Emes  to  have  been  fined  deeply,  he  being 
neither  plaintiff  nor  defendant,  but  an  informer  only,  and  had 
made  good  all  the  points  of  his  information,  and  no  offence 
found  in  him,  other  than  that  which  was  after  adjudged  worthy 
admonition  only ;  and  they  would  have  imposed  the  charges  of 
the  court  upon  the  whole  trained  band  at  Hingham,  when  it 
was  apparent,  that  divers  were  innocent,  and  had  no  hand 
in  any  of  these  proceedings.  The  magistrates  not  consenting  to 
so  manifest  injustice,  they  sent  to  the  deputies  to  desire  them 
to  join  with  them  in  calhng  in  the  help  of  the  elders,  (for  they 
were  now  assembled  at  Cambridge  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
Colonies,  and  divers  of  them  were  present  when  the  cause  was 
pubhcly  heard,  and  declared  themselves  much  grieved  to  see 
that  the  deputy  governor  -should  be  called  forth  to  answer  as  a 
dehnquent  in  such  a  case  as  this  was,  and  one  of  them,  in  the 
name  of  the  rest,  had  written  to  him  to  that  effect,  fearing  least 
he  should  apprehend  over  deeply  of  the  injury,  etc.)  but  the 
deputies  would  by  no  means  consent  thereto,  for  they  knew 
that  many  of  the  elders  understood  the  cause,  and  were  more 
careful  to  uphold  the  honor  and  power  of  the  magistrates  than 
themselves  well  hked  of,  and  many  of  them  (at  the  request  of 
the  elder  and  others  of  the  church  of  Hingham  during  this 
court)  had  been  at  Hingham,  to  see  if  they  could  settle  peace 
in  the  church  there,  and  found  the  elder  and  others  the  peti- 
tioners in  great  fault,  etc.  After  this  (upon  motion  of  the  depu- 
ties) it  was  agreed  to  refer  the  cause  to  arbitrators  according 
to  an  order  of  court,  when  the  magistrates  and  deputies  cannot 
agree,  etc.  The  magistrates  named  six  of  the  elders  of  the 
next  towns,  and  left  it  to  them  to  choose  any  three  or  four  of 
them,  and  required  them  to  name  six  others.  The  deputies 
finding  themselves  now  at  the  wall,  and  not  daring  to  trust  the 
elders  with  the  cause,  they  sent  to  desire  that  six  of  themselves 


might  come  and  confer  with  the  magistrates,  which  being 
granted,  they  came,  and  at  last  came  to  this  agreement,  viz., 
the  chief  petitioners  and  the  rest  of  the  offenders  were  severally 
fined,  (all  their  fines  not  amounting  to  50  pounds,)  the  rest  of 
the  petitioners  to  bear  equal  share  to  50  pounds  more  to- 
wards the  charges  of  the  court,  (two  of  the  principal  offenders 
were  the  deputies  of  the  town,  Joshua  Hubbert  and  Bozone 
Allen,  the  first  was  fined  20  pounds,  and  the  other  5  pounds,) 
Heutenant  Emes  to  be  under  admonition,  the  deputy  governor  to 
be  legally  and  publicly  acquit  of  all  that  was  laid  to  his  charge. 
According  to  this  agreement,  (5)  {July)  3,  presently  after 
the  lecture  the  magistrates  and  deputies  took  their  places 
in  the  meeting  house,  and  the  people  being  come  together,  and 
the  deputy  governor  placing  himself  within  the  bar,  as  at  the 
time  of  the  hearing,  etc.,  the  governor  read  the  sentence  of 
the  court,  without  speaking  any  more,  for  the  deputies  had  (by 
importunity)  obtained  a  promise  of  silence  from  the  magis- 
trates. Then  was  the  deputy  governor  desired  by  the  court 
to  go  up  and  take  his  place  again  upon  the  bench,  which  he 
did  accordingly,  and  the  court  being  about  to  arise,  he  desired 
leave  for  a  little  speech,  which  was  to  this  effect. 

I  suppose  something  may  be  expected  from  me,  upon  this  charge 
that  is  befallen  me,  which  moves  me  to  speak  now  to  you;  yet  I  intend 
not  to  intermeddle  in  the  proceedings  of  the  court,  or  with  any  of  the  per- 
sons concerned  therein.  Only  I  bless  God,  that  I  see  an  issue  of  this 
troublesome  business.  I  also  acknowledge  the  justice  of  the  court,  and, 
for  mine  own  part,  I  am  well  satisfied,  I  was  publicly  charged,  and  I  am 
publicly  and  legally  acquitted,  which  is  all  I  did  expect  or  desire.  And 
though  this  be  sufficient  for  my  justification  before  men,  yet  not  so  before 
the  God,  who  hath  seen  so  much  amiss  in  my  dispensations  (and  even 
in  this  affair)  as  calls  me  to  be  humble.  For  to  be  publicly  and  criminally 
charged  in  this  court,  is  matter  of  humiliation,  (and  I  desire  to  make  a 
right  use  of  it,)  notwithstanding  I  be  thus  acquitted.  If  her  father  had 
spit  in  her  face,  (saith  the  Lord  concerning  Miriam,)  should  she  not  have 
been  ashamed  seven  days?  Shame  had  lien  upon  her,  whatever  the  oc- 
casion had  been.     I  am  unwilling  to  stay  you  from  your  urgent  affairs, 

238  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

yet  give  me  leave  (upon  this  special  occasion)  to  speak  a  little  more  to  this 
assembly.  It  may  be  of  some  good  use,  to  inform  and  rectify  the  judg- 
ments of  some  of  the  people,  and  may  prevent  such  distempers  as  have 
arisen  amongst  us.  The  great  questions  that  have  troubled  the  country, 
are  about  the  authority  of  the  magistrates  and  the  liberty  of  the  people. 
It  is  yourselves  who  have  called  us  to  this  office,  and  being  called  by  you, 
we  have  our  authority  from  God,  in  way  of  an  ordinance,  such  as  hath  the 
image  of  God  eminently  stamped  upon  it,  the  contempt  and  violation 
whereof  hath  been  vindicated  with  examples  of  divine  vengeance.  I 
entreat  you  to  consider,  that  when  you  choose  magistrates,  you  take  them 
from  among  yourselves,  men  subject  to  like  passions  as  you  are.  There- 
fore when  you  see  infirmities  in  us,  you  should  reflect  upon  your  own, 
and  that  would  make  you  bear  the  more  with  us,  and  not  be  severe  cen- 
surers  of  the  failings  of  your  magistrates,  when  you  have  continual  ex- 
perience of  the  like  infirmities  in  yourselves  and  others.  We  account  him 
a  good  servant,  who  breaks  not  his  covenant.  The  covenant  between 
you  and  us  is  the  oath  you  have  taken  of  us,  which  is  to  this  purpose, 
that  we  shall  govern  you  and  judge  your  causes  by  the  rules  of  God's 
laws  and  our  own,  according  to  our  best  skill.  When  you  agree  with  a 
workman  to  build  you  a  ship  or  house,  etc.,  he  undertakes  as  well  for  his 
skill  as  for  his  faithfulness,  for  it  is  his  profession,  and  you  pay  him  for 
both.  But  when  you  call  one  to  be  a  magistrate,  he  doth  not  profess 
nor  undertake  to  have  sufficient  skill  for  that  office,  nor  can  you  furnish 
him  with  gifts,  etc.,  therefore  you  must  run  the  hazard  of  his  skill  and 
ability.  But  if  he  fail  in  faithfulness,  which  by  his  oath  he  is  bound 
unto,  that  he  must  answer  for.  If  it  fall  out  that  the  case  be  clear  to  com- 
mon apprehension,  and  the  rule  clear  also,  if  he  transgress  here,  the 
error  is  not  in  the  skill,  but  in  the  evil  of  the  will:  it  must  be  required  of 
him.  But  if  the  case  be  doubtful,  or  the  rule  doubtful,  to  men  of  such 
understanding  and  parts  as  your  magistrates  are,  if  your  magistrates 
should  err  here,  yourselves  must  bear  it. 

For  the  other  point  concerning  liberty,  I  observe  a  great  mistake  in 
the  country  about  that.  There  is  a  twofold  liberty,  natural  (I  mean  as  our 
nature  is  now  corrupt)  and  civil  or  federal.  The  first  is  common  to  man 
with  beasts  and  other  creatures.  By  this,  man,  as  he  stands  in  relation 
to  man  simply,  hath  liberty  to  do  what  he  lists;  it  is  a  liberty  to  evil  as 
well  as  to  good.  This  liberty  is  incompatible  and  inconsistent  with 
authority,  and  cannot  endure  the  least  restraint  of  the  most  just  authority. 
The  exercise  and  maintaining  of  this  liberty  makes  men  grow  more  evil, 
and  in  time  to  be  worse  than  brute  beasts:  omnes  sum  us  licentia  dete- 
riores.  This  is  that  great  enemy  of  truth  and  peace,  that  wild  beast,  which 


all  the  ordinances  of  God  are  bent  against,  to  restrain  and  subdue  it. 
The  other  kind  of  liberty  I  call  civil  or  federal,  it  may  also  be  termed 
moral,  in  reference  to  the  covenant  between  God  and  man,  in  the  moral 
law,  and  the  politic  covenants  and  constitutions,  amongst  men  themselves. 
This  liberty  is  the  proper  end  and  object  of  authority,  and  cannot  subsist 
without  it;  and  it  is  a  liberty  to  that  only  which  is  good,  just,  and  honest. 
This  liberty  you  are  to  stand  for,  with  the  hazard  (not  only  of  your  goods, 
but)  of  your  lives,  if  need  be.  Whatsoever  crosseth  this,  is  not  authority, 
but  a  distemper  thereof.  This  liberty  is  maintained  and  exercised  in  a 
way  of  subjection  to  authority;  it  is  of  the  same  kind  of  liberty  wherewith 
Christ  hath  made  us  free.  The  woman's  own  choice  makes  such  a  man 
her  husband ;  yet  being  so  chosen,  he  is  her  lord,  and  she  is  to  be  subject 
to  him,  yet  in  a  way  of  liberty,  not  of  bondage;  and  a  true  wife  accounts 
her  subjection  her  honor  and  freedom,  and  would  not  think  her  condition 
safe  and  free,  but  in  her  subjection  to  her  husband's  authority.  Such  is 
the  liberty  of  the  church  under  the  authority  of  Christ,  her  king  and  hus- 
band; his  yoke  is  so  easy  and  sweet  to  her  as  a  bride's  ornaments;  and  if 
through  frowardness  or  wantonness,  etc.,  she  shake  it  off,  at  any  time, 
she  is  at  no  rest  in  her  spirit,  until  she  take  it  up  again ;  and  whether  her 
lord  smiles  upon  her,  and  embraceth  her  in  his  arms,  or  whether  he  frowns, 
or  rebukes,  or  smites  her,  she  apprehends  the  sweetness  of  his  love  in  all, 
and  is  refreshed,  supported,  and  instructed  by  every  such  dispensation  of 
his  authority  over  her.  On  the  other  side,  ye  know  who  they  are  that 
complain  of  this  yoke  and  say,  let  us  break  their  bands,  etc.,  we  will  not 
have  this  man  to  rule  over  us.  Even  so,  brethren,  it  will  be  between  you 
and  your  magistrates.  If  you  stand  for  your  natural  corrupt  liberties,  and 
will  do  what  is  good  in  your  own  eyes,  you  will  not  endure  the  least  weight 
of  authority,  but  will  murmur,  and  oppose,  and  be  always  striving  to 
shake  off  that  yoke;  but  if  you  will  be  satisfied  to  enjoy  such  civil  and 
lawful  liberties,  such  as  Christ  allows  you,  then  will  you  quietly  and 
cheerfully  submit  unto  that  authority  which  is  set  over  you,  in  all  the  ad- 
ministrations of  it,  for  your  good.  Wherein,  if  we  fail  at  any  time,  we 
hope  we  shall  be  willing  (by  God's  assistance)  to  hearken  to  good  advice 
from  any  of  you,  or  in  any  other  way  of  God;  so  shall  your  liberties  be 
preserved,  in  upholding  the  honor  and  power  of  authority  amongst  you.^ 

The  deputy  governor  having  ended  his  speech,  the  court 
arose,  and  the  magistrates  and  deputies  retired  to  attend  their 

^  Winthrop's  speech  is  fairminded  and  good  tempered,  though  his  soul  was 
outraged  at  the  democratic  demands. 


other  affairs.  Many  things  were  observable  in  the  agitation 
and  proceedings  about  this  case.  It  may  be  of  use  to  leave  a 
memorial  of  some  of  the  most  material,  that  om'  posterity  and 
others  may  behold  the  workings  of  Satan  to  ruin  the  colonies 
and  churches  of  Christ  in  New  England,  and  into  what  distem- 
pers a  wise  and  godly  people  may  fall  in  times  of  temptation; 
and  when  such  have  entertained  some  false  and  plausible 
principles,  what  deformed  superstructures  they  will  raise 
thereupon,  and  with  what  unreasonable  obstinacy  they  will 
maintain  them. 

Some  of  the  deputies  had  seriously  conceived,  that  the 
magistrates  affected  an  arbitrary  government,  and  that  they 
had  (or  sought  to  have)  an  unlimited  power  to  do  what  they 
pleased  without  control,  and  that,  for  this  end,  they  did  strive 
so  much  to  keep  their  negative  power  in  the  general  court. 
This  caused  them  to  interpret  all  the  magistrates'  actions  and 
speeches  (not  complying  exactly  with  their  own  principles)  as 
tending  that  way,  by  which  occasions  their  fears  and  jealousies 
increased  daily.  For  prevention  whereof  they  judged  it  not  im- 
lawful  to  use  even  extrema  remedia,  as  if  salus  populi  had  been 
now  the  transcendent  rule  to  walk  by,  and  that  magistracy 
must  be  no  other,  in  effect,  than  a  ministerial  office,  and  all 
authority,  both  legislative,  consultative,  and  judicial,  must 
be  exercised  by  the  people  in  their  body  representative. 
Hereupon  they  labored,  equis  et  velis,  to  take  away  the  negative 
vote.  Faihng  of  that,  they  pleaded  that  the  magistrates  had 
no  power  out  of  the  general  court,  but  what  must  be  derived 
from  the  general  court ;  and  so  they  would  have  put  upon  them 
commissions,  for  what  was  to  be  done  in  the  vacancy  of  the 
general  court,  and  some  of  themselves  to  be  joined  with  the 
magistrates,  and  some  of  the  magistrates  left  out.  This  not 
being  yielded  unto,  recourse  was  had  to  the  elders  for  advice, 
and  the  case  stated,  with  incredible  wariness;  but  the  elders 
casting  the  cause  against  them,  (as  is  before  declared,)  they  yet 
beUeved,  (or  at  least  would  that  others  should,)  that  the  elders' 


advice  was  as  much  for  them  in  their  sense  as  for  the  magis- 
trates, (and  if  it  were,  they  had  no  cause  to  shun  the  advice  of 
the  elders,  as  they  have  seemed  to  do  ever  since).  This  project 
not  prevaihng,  the  next  is,  for  such  a  body  of  laws,  with  pre- 
script penalties  in  all  cases,  as  nothing  might  be  left  to  the 
discretion  of  the  magistrates,  (while  in  the  mean  time  there  is 
no  fear  of  any  danger  in  reserving  a  hberty  for  their  own  discre- 
tion in  every  case,)  many  laws  are  agreed  upon,  some  are  not 
assented  unto  by  the  magistrates  not  finding  them  just.  Then 
is  it  given  out,  that  the  magistrates  would  have  no  laws,  etc. 
This  gave  occasion  to  the  deputy  governor  to  write  that 
treatise  about  arbitrary  government,  which  he  first  tendered  to 
the  deputies  in  a  model,  and  finding  it  approved  by  some,  and 
silence  in  others,  he  drew  it  up  more  at  large,  and  having  ad- 
vised with  most  of  the  magistrates  and  elders  about  it,  he  in- 
tended to  have  presented  it  orderly  to  the  court.  But  to  pre- 
vent that,  the  first  day  of  the  court,  the  deputies  had  gotten  a 
copy,  which  was  presently  read  amongst  them  as  a  dangerous 
hbel  of  some  unknown  author,  and  a  committee  was  presently 
appointed  to  examine  it,  many  false  and  dangerous  things  were 
collected  out  of  it,  all  agreed  and  voted  by  them,  and  sent  up  to 
the  magistrates  for  their  assent,  not  seeming  all  this  time  to 
take  any  notice  of  the  author,  nor  once  moving  to  have  his 
answer  about  it,  for  they  feared  that  his  place  in  the  council 
would  have  excused  him  from  censure,  as  well  as  the  hke  had 
done  Mr.  Saltonstall  for  his  book  against  the  standing  council 
not  long  before.  But  if  they  could  have  prevailed  to  have  had 
the  book  censured,  this  would  have  weakened  his  reputation 
with  the  people;  and  so  if  one  of  their  opposite  had  been  re- 
moved, it  would  somewhat  have  facilitated  their  way  to  what 
they  intended ;  but  this  not  succeeding  as  they  expected,  they 
kept  it  in  deposito  till  some  fitter  season.  In  this  time  divers 
occasions  falling  out,  wherein  the  magistrates  had  to  do  in  the 
vacancy  of  the  general  court,  as  the  French  business,  the 
seizure  of  the  Bristol  ship  by  Captain  Stagg,  and  of  the  Dart- 

242  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

mouth  ship  by  ourselves,  as  is  before  related,  and  other  affairs, 
they  would  still  declare  their  judgments  contrary  to  the  magis- 
trates' practice;  and  if  the  event  did  not  answer  the  counsel, 
(though  it  had  been  interrupted  by  themselves  or  others,)  there 
needed  no  other  ground  to  condemn  the  counsel;  all  which 
tended  still  to  weaken  the  authority  of  the  magistrates,  and 
their  reputation  with  the  people. 

Then  fell  out  the  Hingham  case,  which  they  eagerly  laid 
hold  on,  and  pursued  to  the  utmost,  for  they  doubted  not  but 
they  could  now  make  it  appear,  either  that  the  magistrates 
had  abused  their  authority,  or  else  that  their  authority  was  too 
great  to  consist  with  the  people's  liberty,  and  therefore  ought  to 
be  reduced  within  narrower  bounds.  In  pursuit  whereof  it  may 
be  observed, 

1.  That  a  cause,  orderly  referred  to  a  trial,  at  a  court  of  as- 
sistants, should  be  taken  into  the  general  court,  before  it  had 
received  a  due  proceeding  in  the  proper  court ;  the  hke  having 
never  been  done  before,  nor  any  law  or  order  directing  thereto, 
but  rather  the  contrary. 

2.  That  a  scandalous  petition  against  some  of  the  magis- 
trates should  be  received  by  the  deputies,  and  the  magistrates 
often  pressed  to  consent  to  a  judicial  hearing,  and  to  give  way 
that  the  deputy  governor  should  be  called  to  answer  thereupon, 
as  a  delinquent,  before  any  examination  were  first  privately 
had,  about  the  justice  of  the  cause. 

3.  That  the  testimony,  in  writing,  of  the  three  chief  est 
officers  of  the  commonwealth  (in  a  case  properly  committed  to 
their  trust)  should  be  rejected,  by  a  considerable  part  of  the 
court,  as  a  thing  of  no  credit. 

4.  That  the  same  part  of  the  court  should  vote  manifest 
contradictions,  and  require  assent  to  both. 

5.  That  being  clearly  convinced,  that  the  petition  was  false 
and  scandalous,  and  so  voted,  they  should  yet  professedly  refuse 
to  assent  to  any  due  censure. 

6.  That  they  should  receive  the  testimony  of  two  of  those 


whom  themselves  judged  deUnquents  and  false  accusers,  and 
thereupon  judge  him,  the  deputy  governor,  an  offender  in 
words,  against  his  own  protestation,  and  other  testimony  con- 
curring, and  that  in  a  matter  of  no  moment,  and  against  com- 
mon reason,  to  be  either  spoken  by  him,  or  beheved  by  others, 
in  such  sense  as  they  were  charged  upon  him. 

7.  That  a  mutinous  and  seditious  practice,  carried  on  with 
an  high  hand,  to  the  open  contempt  of  authority,  attempting 
to  make  division  in  the  town,  and  a  dangerous  rent  in  the 
highest  court  of  the  jurisdiction,  should  (by  such  a  considerable 
part  of  the  same  court,  looked  at  by  others  as  the  choice  of  the 
country  for  piety,  prudence,  and  justice)  be  accounted  as 
worthy  of  no  censure,  and  in  the  conclusion  not  valued  at  so 
high  a  rate,  as  some  offences  have  been  of  private  concernment 
arising  of  common  infirmity. 

8.  That  this  practice  should  hold  forth  an  apprehension, 
that  liberty  and  authority  are  incompatible,  in  some  degrees; 
so  as  no  other  way  can  be  found  to  preserve  the  one,  but  by 
abasing  and  abating  the  honor  and  power  of  the  other. 

9.  That  being  entrusted  with  the  care  and  means  of  the 
country's  prosperity,  we  should  waste  our  time  and  their  es- 
tates and  our  own  (for  the  charges  of  this  court  came  to  300 
pounds)  in  such  agitations  as  tend  only  to  the  discountenanc- 
ing and  interrupting  the  ordinary  means  of  our  welfare. 

10.  That  while  we  sympathize  with  our  native  country  in 
their  calamities,  and  confess  our  own  compHance  with  them  in 
the  provocations  of  God's  wrath,  (as  in  many  days  of  humiha- 
tion,  and  one  even  in  the  time  of  this  court,)  we  should  be  hast- 
ing by  all  our  skill  and  power  to  bring  the  like  miseries  upon 

11.  That  Bozon  Allen,  one  of  the  deputies  of  Hingham,  and 
a  delinquent  in  that  common  cause,  should  be  pubhcly  convict 
of  divers  false  and  reproachful  speeches  published  by  him  con- 
cerning the  deputy  governor,  and  the  book  he  wrote  about 
arbitrary  government,  as  that  it  was  worse  than  Gorton's  let- 

244  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1645 

ters,  that  it  should  be  burnt  under  the  gallows,  that  if  some 
other  of  the  magistrates  had  written  it,  it  would  have  cost  him 
his  ears,  if  not  his  head,  and  other  like  speeches,  and  no  cen- 
sure set  upon  him  for  this,  only  he  was  fined  5  pounds  among 
others,  for  their  offences  in  general. 

12.  It  is  observable,  that  the  deputies,  being  so  divided,  (for 
of  thirty-three  there  was  only  the  odd  man  who  carried  it  in 
most  of  their  votes,)  remembered  at  length  a  law  they  had 
agreed  to  in  such  cases,  viz.,  that  in  causes  of  judicature  they 
would  not  proceed  without  taking  an  oath,  etc.,  whereupon  the 
most  of  them  took  it  among  themselves,  (quaere,  quo  jure?) 
but  five  of  them  came  to  the  magistrates,  who  administered 
the  oath  to  them. 

We  had  intelHgence  from  Pascataquack  of  a  French  ship 
of  200  tons,  full  of  men,  which  hovered  up  and  down,  and 
would  not  take  harbor,  though  a  pilot  had  been  offered  them 
by  a  fisher's  boat  of  Isle  of  Shoals ;  whereupon  all  concluded  it 
was  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  lying  in  wait  for  La  Tour,  and  the 
wind  continuing  easterly,  we  had  intelHgence  from  Plymouth, 
that  she  was  imbayed  near  Sandwich  among  the  Shoals.  The 
court  consulted  what  was  to  be  done.  Some  advised  to  take 
no  notice  of  her,  lest,  if  we  should  send  out  to  her,  we  should 
be  necessitated  (in  common  courtesy)  to  invite  him  to  Boston, 
and  so  put  ourselves  to  a  needless  charge  and  interruption  in 
our  business;  for  being  but  one  ship,  there  was  no  fear  of  any 
danger,  etc.  But  the  major  part  prevailed  to  send  out  two 
shallops  and  the  letter  which  we  had  ready  to  send  to  him; 
but  before  the  shallops  could  get  out,  she  was  gone,  and  it  was 
found  after  to  be  a  fishing  ship,  which  had  lost  her  way,  by 
contrary  winds,  etc. 

I  should  have  mentioned  in  the  Hingham  case,  what  care 
and  pains  many  of  the  elders  had  taken  to  reconcile  the  differ- 
ences which  were  grown  in  that  church.  Mr.  Hubbert,  the  pas- 
tor there,  being  of  a  Presbyterial  spirit,  did  manage  all  affairs 
without  the  church's  advice,  which  divers  of  the  congregation 


not  liking  of,  they  were  divided  in  two  parts.  Lieutenant 
Emes,  etc.,  having  complained  to  the  magistrates,  as  is  before 
expressed,  Mr.  Hubbert,  etc.,  would  have  cast  him  out  of  the 
church,  pretending  that  he  had  told  a  he,  whereupon  they  pro- 
cured the  elders  to  write  to  the  church,  and  so  did  some  of  the 
magistrates  also,  whereupon  they  stayed  proceeding  against 
the  lieutenant  for  a  day  or  two.  But  he  and  some  twelve  more 
of  them,  perceiving  he  was  resolved  to  proceed,  and  finding  no 
way  of  reconciliation,  they  withdrew  from  the  chm-ch,  and 
openly  declared  it  in  the  congregation.  This  course  the  elders 
did  not  approve  of.  But  being  present  in  the  court,  when 
their  petition  against  the  deputy  governor  was  heard,  Mr. 
Hubbert,  perceiving  the  cause  was  like  to  go  against  him 
and  his  party,  desired  the  elders  to  go  to  Hingham  to  mediate 
a  reconciliation  (which  he  would  never  hearken  to  before,  being 
earnestly  sought  by  the  other  party,  and  offered  by  the  elders) 
in  the  interim  of  the  court's  adjournment  for  one  week.  They 
readily  accepted  the  motion,  and  went  to  Hingham,  and  spent 
two  or  three  days  there,  and  found  the  pastor  and  his  party  in 
great  fault,  but  could  not  bring  him  to  any  acknowledgment. 
In  their  retm-n  by  water,  they  were  kept  twenty-four  hours  in 
the  boat,  and  were  in  great  danger  by  occasion  of  a  tempest 
which  arose  in  the  night ;  but  the  Lord  preserved  them. 

This  year  the  Trial  of  Boston  arrived  from  London,  and 
brought  many  useful  commodities  from  thence  and  from  Hol- 
land. She  had  been  preserved  in  divers  most  desperate  dan- 
gers, having  been  on  ground  upon  the  sands  by  Flushing,  and 
again  by  Dover,  and  in  great  tempests ;  but  the  Lord  delivered 
him  beyond  expectation.  Here  arrived  about  ten  ships  more, 
(one  of  our  own  called  the  Eiideavor  of  Cambridge,)  which 
brought  store  of  linen,  woollen,  shoes,  stockings,  and  other  use- 
ful commodities,  so  as  we  had  plenty  of  all  things,  and  divers 
of  the  ships  took  pay  in  wheat,  rye,  peas,  etc.,  so  as  there  went 
out  of  the  country  this  year  about  20,000  bushels  of  com. 
Yet  it  was  feared  no  ships  would  have  come  to  us,  because  we 

246  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

had  suffered  the  Bristol  and  Dartmouth  ships  to  be  taken  m 
our  harbor. 

The  parhament  also  had  made  an  ordinance  to  free  all  goods 
from  custom,  which  came  to  New  England,  which  caused  the 
magistrates  to  dispense  with  an  order,  made  the  last  general 
court,  for  all  ships  to  pay  sixpence  the  ton,  which  we  freed  all 
parliament  ships  from ;  and  good  reason,  for  by  that  order  we 
might  have  gotten  20  or  30  pounds  this  year,  and  by  the  ordi- 
nance of  parliament  we  saved  3  or  400  pounds. 

When  one  of  the  ships  came  near  Cape  Ann,  20  (6)  (August 
20)  45,  an  hour  and  a  half  before  night,  there  appeared  to  all 
the  company  a  sun  near  the  horizon,  more  bright  than  the  true 
sun,  (which  was  seen  above  it,)  which  continued  near  an  hour, 
there  being  a  small  cloud  between  the  true  sun  and  that.  This 
was  affirmed  by  divers  persons  of  credit,  who  were  of  this 
country  and  then  in  the  ship.  But  it  was  not  seen  by  any 
upon  the  shore.    Captain  Wall  was  master  of  the  ship. 

The  merchants  of  Boston  sent  a  pinnace  the  last  winter  to 
trade  in  Delaware  Bay.  She  traded  upon  Maryland  side,  and 
had  gotten  a  good  parcel  of  beaver;  at  last  the  Indians  came 
aboard,  and  while  the  Enghsh  (who  were  about  five  and  a  boy) 
were  trading  with  some  of  them,  others  drew  out  hatchets 
from  under  their  coats,  and  killed  the  master  and  three  others, 
and  took  the  other  and  the  boy,  and  carried  them  on  shore,  and 
rifled  the  pinnace  of  all  her  goods  and  sails,  etc.  Soon  after, 
other  Indians  came  upon  these  and  slew  the  sachem,  and  took 
away  all  their  goods  they  had  stolen.  There  was  one  Redman 
suspected  to  have  betrayed  their  pinnace,  for  he  being  linkister,^ 
(because  he  could  speak  the  language,)  and  being  put  out  of 
that  employment  for  his  evil  carriage,  did  bear  ill  will  to  the 
master,  and  the  Indians  spared  him,  and  gave  him  a  good 
part  of  the  spoil,  and  he  lived  amongst  them  five  or  six 
weeks,  till  the  Swedish  governor  procured  other  Indians  to 
go  fetch  him  and  the  boy  to  his  fort,  from  whence  they  were 

*  Linkister,  linguister,  interpreter. 


brought  to  Boston,  and  the  said  Redman  was  tried  for  his 
life,  and  being  found  guilty  by  the  grand  jury,  was  deferred 
his  farther  trial  in  expectation  of  more  evidence  to  come  from 

The  governor,  Mr.  Endecott,  having  received  a  letter  from 
Monsieur  D'Aulnay  in  the  spring,  wherein  he  shghted  us  very 
much,  and  charged  us  with  breach  of  covenant  in  entertaining 
La  Tour,  in  sending  home  his  lady,  etc.,  we  returned  a  sharp 
answer  to  him  by  Mr.  Allen,  declaring  our  innocency,  in  that 
we  sent  not  the  lady  home,  but  she  hired  three  London  ships, 
etc.,  as  is  before  related,  page  208.  When  he  had  received  this 
letter,  he  was  in  a  great  rage,  and  told  Mr.  Allen  that  he  would 
return  no  answer;  nor  would  he  permit  him  to  come  within  his 
fort,  but  lodged  him  in  his  gunner's  house  without  the  gate,  and 
himself  came  daily,  and  dined  and  supped  with  him,  but  at  last 
he  wrote  to  our  governor  in  very  high  language,  requiring 
satisfaction  for  burning  his  mill,  etc.,  and  threatening  revenge, 
etc.  So  the  matter  rested  till  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners 
in  the  seventh  month  next,  and  then  their  agreement  to  the 
peace  was  sent  to  him  by  a  special  messenger.  Captain  Robert 
Bridges,  as  is  hereafter  declared. 

We  understood  for  certain  afterward  that  Monsieur  La 
Tour's  fort  was  taken  by  assault  and  scalado,*  that  Monsieur 
D'Auhiay  lost  in  the  attempt  twelve  men,  and  had  many 
wounded,  and  that  he  had  put  to  death  all  the  men  (both 
French  and  English)  and  had  taken  the  lady,  who  died  within 
three  weeks  after,  and  her  httle  child  and  her  gentlewoman 
were  sent  into  France.  La  Tour  valued  his  jewels,  plate, 
household,  ordnance,  and  other  moveables,  at  10,000  pounds. 
The  more  was  his  folly  to  leave  so  much  substance  in  so  great 
danger,  when  he  might  have  brought  the  most  of  it  to  Boston, 
whereby  he  might  have  discharged  his  engagements  of  more 
than  2500  pounds  to  Major  Edward  Gibbons,  (who  by  this 
loss  was  now  quite  undone,)  and  might  have  had  somewhat 

*  Escalade. 

248  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1645 

to  have  maintained  himself  and  his  men;  for  want  whereof 
his  servants  were  forced  to  go  out  of  the  country,  some  to  the 
Dutch,  and  others  to  France,  and  he  himself  to  lie  at  other 
men's  charge.  But  in  the  spring  he  went  to  Newfoundland, 
and  there  was  courteously  entertained  by  Sir  David  Kirk,  the 
governor,  who  promised  him  assistance,  etc.  But  he  returned 
to  Boston  again  by  the  vessel  which  carried  him,  and  all  the 
next  winter  was  entertained  by  Mr.  Samuel  Maverick  at  Nottles 

Some  of  our  merchants  of  Boston  and  Charlestown  sent 
forth  a  ship  and  other  vessels  to  Newfoundland  upon  a  fishing 
voyage.  They  went  not  to  Ferryland,  (where  they  might 
have  been  in  safety,)  but  to  the  Bay  of  Bulls,  and  when  they 
had  near  made  their  voyage,  Captain  Fimes's  ships  (being 
of  the  king's  party)  came  and  took  their  ship  and  most  of  their 
fish ;  so  the  men  returned  safe,  but  lost  their  voyage.  Firnes 
was  hereby  five  ships  strong,  and  so  went  to  the  Terceras, 
and  there  fought  with  two  ships  of  London  and  a  Scotch  ship, 
who  sunk  two  of  Firnes's  ships,  and  made  him  fly  with  the  rest. 

Captain  Thomas  Hawkins,  a  shipwright  of  London,  who  had 
lived  here  divers  years,  had  built  at  Boston  a  ship  of  400 
tons  and  upward,  and  had  set  her  out  with  much  strength 
of  ordnance,  and  ornament  of  carving,  painting,  etc.,  and  called 
her  the  Seafort,  and  the  last  23  (9)  (November  23)  he  set  sail 
from  Boston,  accompanied  with  another  ship  of  London,  Mr. 
Kerman,  master,  laden  with  bolts,  tobacco,  etc.  for  Malago. 
When  they  came  near  the  coast  of  Spain,  in  the  evening,  some 
of  the  company  supposed  they  saw  land,  yet  they  sailed  on  all 
the  night,  with  a  fair  gale,  and  towards  the  morning  they  saw  a 
light  or  two,  which  they  conceiving  to  have  been  in  some  ships, 
either  Turks  or  others,  they  prepared  their  ships  and  stood  on 
towards  them.     But  some  three  hours  before  day  [blank] 

^  La  Tour  later  had  better  fortune.  D'Aulnay  dying  in  1650,  La  Tour, 
then  a  widower,  married  the  widow  of  d'Aulnay.  Hutchinson,  History  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  I.  127,  note. 


(10  ber.)  (December)  both  ships  struck  aground,  and  presently 
brake.  Nineteen  were  drowned,  whereof  Mr.  Kerman  was  one, 
and  one  Mr.  Thomas  Coytmore  of  Charlestown  (a  right  godly 
man,  and  an  expert  seaman)  was  another,  and  Mr.  Pratt  and 
his  wife.  This  man  was  above  sixty  years  old,  an  experienced 
surgeon,  who  had  Hved  in  New  England  many  years,  and  was 
of  the  first  church  at  Cambridge  in  Mr.  Hooker's  time,  and  had 
good  practice,  and  wanted  nothing.  But  he  had  been  long 
discontented,  because  his  employment  was  not  so  profitable 
to  himself  as  he  desired,  and  it  is  hke  he  feared  lest  he  should 
fall  into  want  in  his  old  age,  and  therefore  he  would  needs  go 
back  into  England,  (for  surgeons  were  then  in  great  request 
there  by  occasion  of  the  wars,)  but  God  took  him  away  child- 
less. The  rest  of  the  company  (both  women  and  children,  who 
went  passengers  that  way  into  England,  choosing  to  go  in  that 
ship,  because  of  her  strength  and  conveniency,  rather  than  in 
another  ship,  which  went  right  for  England,  and  arrived  safe 
there)  were  all  saved,  upon  pieces  of  the  ships,  and  by  the  help 
of  a  rope  which  one  of  the  seamen  swam  on  shore  with ;  and 
although  the  ships  at  first  grounded  two  or  three  miles  from 
the  shore,  yet  (through  the  Lord's  great  mercy)  they  were 
heaved  by  the  seas  near  to  the  dry  land  before  they  fell  in 
pieces.  This  was  five  miles  from  Calcs.*  In  the  morning  the 
poor  people  of  the  island  came  down,  and  pillaged  all  they 
could  come  by,  yea  they  took  away  some  pieces  of  plate, 
which  the  passengers  had  saved.  But  when  they  came  to  the 
city,  (naked  and  barefoot  as  they  went  frighted  out  of  their 
cabins,)  the  Spaniards  used  them  kindly,  especially  the  women, 
and  clothed  them,  and  took  them  into  their  houses.  There 
was  an  English  ship  then  in  the  roads,  whereof  one  Mr. 
Mariot  was  master:  he  entertained  as  many  as  his  ship 
could  stow,  and  clothed  many  of  them  with  his  own  clothes, 
(the  Lord  reward  him).  The  governor  of  the  island  gave 
Captain  Hawkins  500  pounds  for  the  wreck  of  his  ship. 

*  Cadiz. 

250  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

The  same  Captain  Hawkins  going  for  London,  found  much 
favor  with  his  creditors  and  others  his  friends  there,  so  as  the 
next  year  they  employed  him  to  Malago,  to  meet  a  New  Eng- 
land ship  called  [blank,]  built  at  Cambridge,  and  freight  for 
Malago  with  pipe  staves,  fish,  and  other  commodities,  which  he 
was  to  freight  thence  with  wine,  etc.,  for  London,  but  as  she 
was  on  her  voyage,  (Captain  Hawkins  being  in  her,  and  twelve 
other  ships  in  company)  being  come  out  of  the  Streight's 
mouth,*  they  were  taken  with  such  a  violent  tempest  at  south, 
as  they  were  (five  of  them,  whereof  Captain  Hawkins's  ship  was 
one)  cast  upon  the  same  place  at  Cales,  where  his  ship  was 
wrecked  the  year  before,  and  there  all  their  ships  were  cast 
away,  but  all  the  men  in  Captain  Hawkins's  ship  were  saved, 
and  most  of  the  rest.    This  was  2  (12)  45.^ 

The  scarcity  of  good  ministers  in  England,  and  want  of  em- 
ployment for  our  new  graduates  here,  occasioned  some  of  them 
to  look  abroad.  Three  honest  young  men,  good  scholars,  and 
very  hopeful,  viz.  a  younger  son  of  Mr.  Higginson,  to  England, 
and  so  to  Holland,  and  after  to  the  East  Indies,  a  younger  son 
of  Mr.  Buckley,  a  Batchellor  of  Arts  to  England,  and  Mr. 
George  Downing,^  son  of  Mr.  Emanuel  Downing  of  Salem, 
Batchellor  of  Arts  also,  about  twenty  years  of  age,  went  in  a 
ship  to  the  West  Indies  to  instruct  the  seamen.  He  went  by 
Newfoundland,  and  so  to  Christophers,  and  Barbados,  and 

*  Strait  of  Gibraltar.  ^  February  2,  1645/6. 

^  Of  these  hopeful  youths,  George  Downing  later  figured  prominently  upon 
the  old-world  stage.  Quick,  adroit,  and  indefatigable,  he  passed  rapidly  to  the 
post  of  scoutmaster-general,  serving  the  Commonwealth  as  chief  of  the  intelligence 
department,  and  later  as  an  instrument  of  Cromwell,  in  high  diplomatic  position. 
As  unprincipled  as  able,  he  became  the  tool  of  Charles  II.  at  the  Restoration,  and 
is  charged  with  having  given  over  to  execution  three  regicides,  his  old  asso- 
ciates, one  of  them  the  commander  under  whom  he  had  served,  the  Colonel 
Okey  mentioned  above.  As  envoy  to  the  Netherlands,  he  had  much  to  do  with 
bringing  about  the  Second  Dutch  War  and  the  acquisition  of  New  Netherland. 
His  defective  character  was  recognized  by  his  contemporaries.  Pepys,  who  had 
a  place  under  him,  calls  him  "a  perfidious  rogue."  {Diary,  March  12,  1662.) 
He  was  Winthrop's  nephew,  the  first  son  of  Harvard  to  attain  high  distinction. 
For  Downing's  methods  see  Pepys,  Diary,  December  27, 1668. 


Nevis,  and  being  requested  to  preach  in  all  these  places,  he 
gave  such  content,  as  he  had  large  offers  made  to  stay  with 
them.  But  he  continued  in  the  ship  to  England,  and  being  a 
very  able  scholar,  and  of  a  ready  wit  and  fluent  utterance,  he 
was  soon  taken  notice  of,  and  called  to  be  a  preacher  in  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax  his  army,  to  Colonel  Okye  his  regiment. 

The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  Charlestown,  Cambridge,  Rox- 
bury,  and  Dorchester,  conceiving  that  the  fortification  at  Castle 
Island  (which  by  a  late  order  of  court  was  deserted)  would  be 
of  great  use  for  their  defence  against  a  foreign  enemy,  agreed 
among  themselves  (with  leave  of  the  court)  to  repair  and  for- 
tify the  same ;  and  accordingly  they  chose  a  committee  out  of 
the  several  towns  to  raise  means,  and  to  get  the  work  done. 
Whereupon  the  old  earthwork  was  slighted,  and  a  new  work 
of  pine  trees,  [blank]  foot  square,  fourteen  foot  high,  and 
[blank]  foot  thick,  was  reared,  with  four  bulwarks,  which  cost 
in  all  [blank].  But  finding  the  charge  of  the  work  and  the 
maintenance  of  a  garrison  to  be  over  heavy  for  them,  they 
petitioned  the  general  court  in  [blank]  to  afford  assistance, 
which  with  much  difficulty  was  at  length  obtained  to  this 

In  the  beginning  of  the  winter  a  Portugal  ship  lying  at  Na- 
tascot,  (now  called  Hull,)  the  seamen  stole  divers  goats  off  the 
islands  there.  Complaint  thereof  being  made  to  the  governor 
and  council,  they  gave  warrant  to  one  Mr.  Smith,  who  then  lay 
with  his  ship  in  the  same  place,  to  require  the  Portugal  to  give 
satisfaction,  or  else  to  bring  his  ship  up  to  Boston.  Mr.  Smith 
(who  was  a  member  of  the  church  of  Boston)  sent  one  Thomas 
Keyser  his  mate  with  his  long  boat  well  manned,  to  require 
satisfaction,  who  coming  to  the  Portugal  did  not  reason  the 
case  with  him,  nor  give  liim  any  time  to  consider,  but  presently 
boarded  him,  and  took  possession  of  his  ship,  and  brought  her 
up,  and  his  men  fell  to  rifling  his  ship,  as  if  she  had  been  a 
prize.  The  Portugal  being  brought  to  the  magistrates,  and  the 
theft  proved,  he  was  ordered  to  make  double  restitution,  (as 

252  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

our  manner  was,)  and  the  seamen  were  made  to  restore  what 
they  had  taken  out  of  the  ship.  So  the  Portugal  departed  well 

The  said  Mr.  James  Smith  with  his  mate  Keyser  were  bound 
to  Guinea  to  trade  for  negroes.  But  when  they  arrived  there, 
they  met  some  Londoners,  with  whom  they  consorted,  and  the 
Londoners  having  been  formerly  injured  by  the  natives  (or 
at  least  pretending  the  same,)  they  invited  them  aboard  one 
of  their  ships  upon  the  Lord's  day,  and  such  as  came  they 
kept  prisoners,  then  they  landed  men,  and  a  murderer,  and 
assaulted  one  of  their  towns  and  killed  many  of  the  people, 
but  the  country  coming  down,  they  were  forced  to  retire 
without  any  booty,  divers  of  their  men  being  wounded  with 
the  negroes'  arrows,  and  one  killed.  Mr.  Smith,  having 
taken  in  wine  at  Madeiras,  sailed  to  Barbados  to  put  off  his 
wine.  But  being  engaged  there,  and  his  wife  being  there  also 
unprovided  of  maintenance,  and  his  ship  and  cargo  bound  over 
to  the  said  Keyser  his  mate  and  others  of  Boston  who  set  out 
the  ship,  Keyser  refused  to  let  any  of  the  wines  go  on  shore, 
except  he  might  have  security  for  the  proceeds  to  be  returned 
on  ship  board.  So  the  ship  lay  a  week  in  the  roads,  and  then 
Keyser  fearing  that  the  master  would  use  some  means  by  other 
ships  which  rode  there  to  deprive  him  of  the  cargo,  told  him 
plainly  that  if  he  would  not  come  aboard,  and  return  to  Boston, 
(which  was  the  last  port  they  were  bound  to,)  he  would  carry 
away  the  ship,  and  leave  him  behind,  which  accordingly  he 
did ;  and  arriving  at  Boston  about  midsummer,  he  repaired  to 
the  magistrates  and  told  them  how  he  was  come  away,  and 
tendered  the  cargo  to  them,  who  finding  that  it  was  engaged  to 
himself  and  others,  and  that  there  would  be  great  loss  in  the 
wines  if  they  were  not  presently  disposed,  dehvered  them  to 
the  merchants  and  himself,  taking  bond  of  them  to  be  responsi- 
ble to  Mr.  Smith,  etc.  A  short  time  after,  Mr.  Smith  came, 
and  brought  his  action  against  Keyser  and  the  other  mariners 
for  bringing  away  the  ship,  and  by  a  jury  of  seamen  and 


merchants  recovered  three  or  four  times  the  value  of  what  he 
was  damnified,  and  the  mate  Keyser  to  lose  not  only  his  wages, 
but  he  and  the  rest  of  the  merchants  to  lose  the  proceed  or 
interest  agreed  for  their  stock  and  adventure,  which  was  forty 
per  cent,  and  all  the  mariners  to  lose  their  wages.  But  divers 
of  the  magistrates  being  unsatisfied  with  this  verdict,  (per- 
ceiving that  the  jury  in  their  displeasure  against  Keyser,  etc., 
did  not  only  regard  Smith's  satisfaction  for  his  damages,  but 
also  the  punishment  of  Keyser,  etc.)  the  defendants  at  the  next 
court  brought  a  review,  and  then  another  jury  abated  much  of 
the  former  damages ;  whereupon  the  plaintiff  Smith  preferred 
a  petition  to  the  next  general  court. 

For  the  matter  of  the  negroes,  whereof  two  were  brought 
home  in  the  ship,  and  near  one  hundred  slain  by  the  confession 
of  some  of  the  mariners,  the  magistrates  took  order  to  have 
these  two  set  at  liberty,  and  to  be  sent  home;  but  for  the 
slaughter  committed,  they  were  in  great  doubt  what  to  do 
in  it,  seeing  it  was  in  another  country,  and  the  Londoners 
pretended  a  just  revenge.  So  they  called  the  elders;  and 
desired  their  advice.' 

Mr.  Israel  Stoughton,  one  of  the  magistrates,  having  been  in 
England  about  merchandize,  and  returned  with  good  ad- 
vantage, went  for  England  again  the  last  winter,  with  divers 
other  of  our  best  military  men,  and  entered  into  the  parlia- 
ment's service.  Mr.  Stoughton  was  made  Heutenant  colonel 
to  colonel  Rainsborow,  Mr.  Nehemiah  Bourne,  a  ship  carpenter, 
was  major  of  his  regiment,  and  Mr.  John  Leverett,  son  of  one 
of  the  elders  of  the  church  of  Boston,  a  captain  of  a  foot  com- 
pany, and  one  William  Hudson,  ensign  of  the  same  company, 
Lioll,  surgeon  of  the  Earl  of  Manchester's  life  guard.  These  did 
good  service,  and  were  well  approved,  but  Mr.  Stoughton 
falling  sick  and  dying  at  Lincoln,  the  rest  all  returned  to  their 

*  This  compunction  of  the  Massachusetts  magistrates  seems  rather  in  advance 
of  the  time.  The  colony  records  for  the  date  show  their  sentiment  to  have  been 
sustained  by  the  community. 

254  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

wives  and  families.  But  three  of  them  went  to  England  again 
about  the  end  of  this  year,  but  came  back  again  and  settled 
themselves  here,  all  save  the  surgeon.* 

The  Narragansetts  having  begun  war  upon  Uncus,  the  Mon- 
heagan  sachem,  notwithstanding  their  covenant  to  the  contrary 
and  divers  messages  sent  to  them  from  the  commissioners  to 
require  them  to  forbear,  until  a  meeting  might  be  had,  and  the 
cause  heard,  it  was  thought  fit  by  the  general  court  in  the 
third  month,  that  though  the  next  meeting  was  in  course  to  be 
at  New  Haven  in  the  beginning  of  September,  yet  in  regard  of 
the  danger  Uncus  was  in,  and  our  engagement  to  save  him 
harmless  from  any  damage  from  Miantonomo  his  death,  as 
also  in  regard  of  the  distressed  condition  of  Monsieur  La  Tour, 
(who  earnestly  petitioned  the  court  for  relief,  etc.)  the  commis- 
sioners should  be  written  to  to  meet  at  Boston  in  the  28  of  the 
fifth  month,  which  was  done  accordingly.  The  names  of  the 
commissioners  and  all  their  proceedings  are  at  large  set  down 
in  the  books  of  their  records,  whereof  every  colony  hath  one. 

At  this  general  court,  which  continued  from  14  (3),  to  5  (5),^ 
the  military  officers  prevailed  with  much  importunity  to  have 
the  whole  power  of  those  affairs  committed  to  them;  which 
was  thought  by  divers  of  the  court  to  be  very  unfit,  and  not 
so  safe  in  times  of  peace ;  but  a  great  part  of  the  coiu-t  being 
military  officers,  and  others  not  willing  to  contend  any  further 
about  it,  the  order  passed,  the  inconvenience  whereof  appeared 
soon  after,  and  will  more  in  future  time. 

The  taking  of  the  Bristol  ship  in  our  harbor  by  Captain 

*  Of  Stoughton,  mention  has  already  been  made.  John  Leverett,  returning 
from  his  English  experiences,  became  a  citizen  of  the  first  consequence,  serving 
as  deputy,  speaker,  assistant,  sergeant-major-general  and  governor.  He  occu- 
pied the  supreme  office  five  years,  from  1673,  during  which  period  came  the  terrible 
Philip's  War.  That  was  a  crisis  which  required  the  heart  and  head  of  an  Ironside, 
and  Leverett  met  the  situation. 

^  May  14  to  July  5.  The  Records  of  Massachusetts,  II.  112,  for  this  court, 
contain  an  order  for  a  rate  of  £610.15.  It  was  assessed  in  the  following  propor- 
tions: Boston,  £100;  Ipswich,  £61.10;  Charlestown,  £55;  Salem,  £45;  Cam- 
bridge, £45;  Dorchester,  £43.17.6;  Watertown,  £41.5;  Roxbury,  £37.10; 
Lynn,  £25,  etc. 


Stagg  occasioned  much  debate  in  the  court.  The  deputies 
drew  up  a  bill  to  give  protection  to  all  ships  in  our  harbor, 
coming  as  friends.  The  magistrates  forseeing  that  this  might 
put  us  upon  a  necessity  of  fight  with  some  parliament  ships, 
(which  we  were  very  unwilHng  to  be  engaged  in,)  and  so 
might  weaken  that  interest  we  had  in  the  parliament,  they 
refused  the  bill;  and  so  divers  bills  passed  from  one  to  the 
other,  before  they  could  agree.  At  length  (few  of  the  magis- 
trates being  then  in  the  court)  a  bill  passed  to  that  effect,  but 
not  so  full  as  was  desired.  But  to  strengthen  the  same,  and  to 
secure  all  ships  which  should  come  as  friends  into  our  harbor, 
commission  was  given  to  major  Gibbons  for  Boston,  and  major 
Sedgwick*  for  Charlestown  to  keep  the  peace  in  the  said  towns, 
and  not  to  permit  any  ships  to  fight  in  the  harbor  without 
license  from  authority. 

14.  5.  {July  14.)]  A  new  watch  house  set  up  on  the  fort  hill 
at  Boston  was  smote  with  lightning,  and  the  boards  and  timber 
at  one  end  of  it  torn  in  pieces,  and  many  of  the  shingles  of  the 
covering  torn  off. 

25.]  Monsieur  La  Tour  having  stayed  here  all  the  winter 
and  thus  far  of  the  summer,  and  having  petitioned  the  court 
for  aid  against  Monsieur  D'Aulnay,  and  finding  no  hope  to 
obtain  help  that  way,  took  shipping  in  one  of  our  vessels  which 
went  on  fishing  to  Newfoundland,  hoping  by  means  of  Sir 
David  Kirk,  governor  there,  and  some  friends  he  might  pro- 
cure in  England  to  obtain  aid  from  thence,  intending  for  that 
end  to  go  from  thence  to  England.  Sir  David  entertained  him 
courteously,  and  promised  to  do  much  for  him ;  but  no  means 
of  help  appearing  to  answer  his  ends,  he  returned  hither  before 
winter.  Sir  David  giving  him  passage  in  a  vessel  of  his  which 
came  hither. 

*  Robert  Sedgwick,  having  spent  his  younger  manhood  in  Massachusetts,  in 
honorable  positions,  at  length  went  to  England  into  the  ranks  of  Cromwell.  He 
was  in  the  force  sent  by  the  Protector  to  the  West  Indies,  and  died  there  in  1656, 
a  major-general. 

256  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

Captain  Bayley  being  returned  into  England,  and  informing 
Alderman  Barkly  of  the  proceedings  here  against  him  and  Mr. 
Barkly  his  brother  in  the  business  of  the  Lady  La  Tom*,  withal 
he  carried  a  certificate  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court  under 
the  hands  of  divers  persons  of  good  credit  here,  who  although 
they  reported  truth  for  the  most  part,  yet  not  the  whole 
truth,  (being  somewhat  prejudiced  in  the  case;  they  were 
called  in  question  about  it  after,  for  the  offence  was  great, 
and  they  had  been  censured  for  it,  if  proof  could  have  been 
had  for  a  legal  conviction,)  whereby  the  alderman  was  so  in- 
censed as  he  attached  a  ship  of  ours  being  then  arrived  at 
London ;  but  being  persuaded  to  release  the  ship,  he  attached 
two  of  New  England,  viz.,  Mr.  Stephen  Winthrop,  who  was 
recorder  of  the  court  when  the  cause  was  tried,  and  Captain 
Joseph  Weld,  who  was  one  of  the  jury,  so  as  they  were  forced 
to  find  sureties  in  a  bond  of  4000  pounds  to  answer  him  in  the 
court  of  admiralty.  But  it  pleased  God  to  stir  them  up  such 
friends,  viz..  Sir  Henry  Vane,  (who  had  sometime  Hved  at  Bos- 
ton, and  though  he  might  have  taken  occasion  against  us  for 
some  dishonor  which  he  apprehended  to  have  been  unjustly  put 
upon  him  here,  yet  both  now  and  at  other  times  he  showed 
himself  a  true  friend  to  New  England,  and  a  man  of  a  noble 
and  generous  mind,  etc.)^  and  some  othere  by  Mr.  Peter's  means, 
so  as  (although  he  spared  for  no  costs)  yet  he  was  forced  to 
give  over  his  suit  in  the  admiralty,  and  then  procured  out  of 
Chancery  a  ne  exeat  regno  against  them.  But  the  cause  being 
heard  there,  and  they  discharged,  he  petitioned  the  lords  of  the 
parliament  (pretending  great  injuries,  which  he  was  not  able  to 
prove)  for  letters  of  reprisal.  After  he  had  tried  all  means  in 
vain,  he  was  brought  at  length  to  sit  down  and  lose  his  charges, 
and  they  theirs. 

*  An  entry  pleasant  to  read,  giving  proof  of  the  magnanimity  of  Vane,  who 
could  do  a  service  to  a  colony  which  had  slighted  him  and  cast  out  his  friends, — 
and  also  of  Winthrop,  who  could  forget  many  occasions  of  offence  to  commend 
an  old  opponent. 


1.  (March)  5.]  Many  books  coming  out  of  England,  some  in 
defence  of  anabaptism  and  other  errors,  and  for  liberty  of  con- 
science as  a  shelter  for  their  toleration,  etc.,  others  in  main- 
tenance of  the  Presbyterial  government  (agreed  upon  by  the 
assembly  of  divines  in  England)  against  the  congregational 
way,  which  was  practised  here,  the  elders  of  the  churches 
through  all  the  United  Colonies  agreed  upon  a  meeting  at 
Cambridge  this  day,  where  they  conferred  their  councils  and 
examined  the  writings  which  some  of  them  had  prepared  in 
answer  to  the  said  books,  which  being  agreed  and  perfected 
were  sent  over  into  England  to  be  printed.  The  several  an- 
swers were  these ;  Mr.  Hooker  in  answer  to  Mr.  Rutterf ord  the 
Scotch  minister  about  Presbyterial  government,  (which  being 
sent  in  the  New  Haven  ship  was  lost).  While  Mr.  Hooker 
hved,  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  let  another  copy  go  over, 
but  after  his  death,  a  copy  was  sent,  and  returned  in  print  (3)  48.^ 

A  sad  business  fell  out  this  year  in  Boston.  One  of  the 
brethren  of  the  church  there,  being  in  England  in  the  parhament 
service  about  two  years,  had  committed  the  care  of  his  family 
and  business  to  another  of  the  same  church,  (a  young  man  of 
good  esteem  for  piety  and  sincerity,  but  his  wife  was  in  Eng- 
land,) who  in  time  grew  over  familiar  with  his  master's  wife, 
(a  yoimg  woman  no  member  of  the  church,)  so  as  she  would 
be  with  him  oft  in  his  chamber,  etc.,  and  one  night  two  of  the 
servants,  being  up,  perceived  him  to  go  up  into  their  dame's 
chamber,  which  coming  to  the  magistrates'  knowledge,  they 
were  both  sent  for  and  examined,  (but  it  was  not  discovered 
till  about  a  quarter  of  a  year  after,  her  husband  being  then 
come  home,)  and  confessed  not  only  that  he  was  in  the  cham- 
ber with  her  in  such  a  suspicious  manner,  but  also  that  he  was 
in  bed  with  her,  but  both  denied  any  carnal  knowledge;  and 
being  tried  by  a  jury  upon  their  Hves  by  our  law,  which  makes 

*  May,  1648.  This  was  Hooker's  famous  Survey  of  the  Summe  of  Church 
Discipline  (London,  1648),  the  preface  of  which  may  be  seen  in  Old  South  Leaflets, 
No.  55. 

258  ^  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

adultery  death,  the  jury  acquitted  them  of  the  adultery,  but 
found  them  guilty  of  adulterous  behavior.  This  was  much 
against  the  minds  of  many,  both  of  the  magistrates  and  elders, 
who  judged  them  worthy  of  death;  but  the  jury  attending 
what  was  spoken  by  others  of  the  magistrates,  1.  that  seeing 
the  main  evidence  against  them  was  their  own  confession  of 
being  in  bed  together,  their  whole  confession  must  be  taken, 
and  not  a  part  of  it ;  2.  the  law  requires  two  witnesses,  but  here 
was  no  witness  at  all,  for  although  circumstances  may  amount 
to  a  testimony  against  the  person,  where  the  fact  is  evident,  yet 
it  is  otherwise  where  no  fact  is  apparent;  3.  all  that  the  evi- 
dence could  evince  was  but  suspicion  of  adultery,  but  neither 
God's  law  nor  ours  doth  make  suspicion  of  adultery  (though 
never  so  strong)  to  be  death;  whereupon  the  case  seeming 
doubtful  to  the  jury,  they  judged  it  safest  in  case  of  life  to  find 
as  they  did.  So  the  court  adjudged  them  to  stand  upon  the 
ladder  at  the  place  of  execution  with  halters  about  their  necks 
one  hour,  and  then  to  be  whipped,  or  each  of  them  to  pay  20 
pounds.  The  husband  (although  he  condenmed  his  wife's 
immodest  behavior,  yet)  was  so  confident  of  her  innocency 
in  point  of  adultery,  as  he  would  have  paid  20  pounds  rather 
than  she  should  have  been  whipped;  but  their  estate  being 
but  mean,  she  chose  rather  to  submit  to  the  rest  of  her  punish- 
ment than  that  her  husband  should  suffer  so  much  for  her 
folly.  So  he  received  her  again,  and  they  lived  lovingly 
together.  All  that  she  had  to  say  for  herself  upon  her  trial  was 
the  same  which  she  had  revealed  to  her  husband  as  soon  as  he 
came  home,  before  the  matter  had  been  discovered,  viz.  that  he 
did  indeed  come  into  bed  to  her,  which  so  soon  as  she  per- 
ceived, she  used  the  best  arguments  she  could  to  dissuade  him 
from  so  foul  a  sin,  so  as  he  lay  still,  and  did  not  touch  her,  but 
went  away  again  as  he  came ;  and  the  reason  why  she  did  not 
cry  out,  was  because  he  had  been  very  faithful  and  helpful  to 
her  in  her  husband's  absence,  which  made  her  very  imwilling  to 
bring  him  to  punishment  or  disgrace. 


This  punishment  of  standing  upon  the  gallows  was  not  so 
well  approved  by  some  of  the  magistrates ;  because  the  law  of 
God  appoints  in  case  of  whipping,  that  they  should  not  exceed 
forty  stripes,  and  the  reason  given  is,  lest  thy  brother  should 
seem  despised  in  thine  eyes,  and  why  this  reason  should  not 
hold  in  all  cases  and  punishments  not  capital  doth  not  appear. 

29.  8.  (Odobe)'  29.)] '  The  wind  E.  N.  E.  with  rain,  so  great  a 
tempest  as  it  drave  three  ships  upon  the  shore,  and  did  very 
much  harm  besides  in  bilging  boats,  and  breaking  down  wharfs ; 
and  the  night  after  for  the  space  of  two  hours  the  tempest  arose 
again  at  S.  with  more  wind  and  rain  than  before.  In  which 
tempest  one  of  our  vessels  coming  from  Bermuda  had  two  men 
fetched  overboard  with  the  sea,  and  the  vessel  was  in  great 
danger  of  being  foundered. 

At  the  general  court  held  at  Boston  the  first  of  this  month, 
there  was  a  petition  preferred  by  divers  merchants  and  others 
about  two  laws,  the  one  forbidding  the  entertaining  of  any 
strangers  above  three  weeks,  except  such  as  should  be  allowed 
by  two  magistrates,  etc.,  (this  was  made  in  Mrs.  Hutchinson's 
time ;)  the  other  for  banishing  anabaptists,  made  the  last  year. 
The  petitioners  complained  to  the  court  of  the  offence  taken 
thereat  by  many  godly  in  England,  and  that  some  churches 
there  did  thereupon  profess  to  deny  to  hold  communion  with 
such  of  our  churches  as  should  resort  thither.  Whereupon  they 
entreated  the  court  that  they  would  please  to  take  the  said  laws 
into  further  consideration,  and  to  provide  as  far  as  they  might 
for  the  indemnity  of  such  of  ours  as  were  to  go  into  England. 
Many  of  the  court  well  inclined  for  these  and  other  considera- 
tions to  have  had  the  execution  of  those  laws  to  have  been 
suspended  for  a  season.  But  many  of  the  elders,  hearing  of 
it,  went  first  to  the  deputies  and  after  to  the  magistrates,  and 
laying  before  them  what  advantage  it  would  give  to  the  ana- 
baptists, (who  began  to  increase  very  fast  through  the  country 

1  Here,  and  in  several  subsequent  places,  the  numeral  for  the  month  is  placed 
last,  contrary  to  the  practice  followed  by  the  writer  up  to  this  point. 

260  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1645 

here,  and  much  more  in  England,  where  they  had  gathered 
divers  churches  and  taught  openly,  and  had  published  a  con- 
fession'of  their  faith,)  entreated  that  the  law  might  continue 
still  in  force,  and  the  execution  of  it  not  suspended,  though 
they  disliked  not  that  all  lenity  and  patience  should  be  used  for 
convincing  and  reclaiming  such  erroneous  persons.  Whereupon 
the  court  refused  to  make  any  farther  order  about  the  petition. 
See  60  a  counter  petition.* 

There  came  hither  to  Boston  at  the  same  time  out  of  Eng- 
land one  Captain  Partridge,  who  had  served  the  parliament, 
but  in  the  ship  he  broached  and  zealously  maintained  divers 
points  of  antinomianism  and  familism,  for  which  he  was  called 
before  the  magistrates  and  charged  with  the  said  opinions,  to 
which  he  refused  to  give  any  answer.  But  before  he  departed, 
he  was  wilUng  to  confer  with  Mr.  Cotton,  which  accordingly  he 
did,  and  Mr.  Cotton  reported  to  the  magistrates,  that  he  found 
him  corrupt  in  his  judgment,  but  ignorant  of  those  points  which 
he  had  maintained,  so  as  he  perceived  he  had  been  but  lately 
taken  with  them,  and  that  upon  argument  he  was  come  off 
from  some  of  the  worst  of  them,  and  he  had  good  hope  to 
reclaim  him  wholly;  but  some  of  the  magistrates  requiring  a 
present  renouncing  of  all  under  his  hand,  he  the  said  captain 
was  not  willing  to  that  before  he  were  clearly  convinced  of  his 
error  in  them.  It  was  moved  by  some  of  the  magistrates,  in 
regard  he  had  made  so  hopeful  a  beginning,  and  that  winter 
was  now  at  hand,  and  it  would  be  very  hard  to  expose  his  wife 
and  family  to  such  hardships,  etc.,  to  permit  him  to  stay  here 
till  the  spring,  but  the  major  part  (by  one  or  two)  voting  the 
contrary,  he  was  forced  to  depart,  and  so  went  to  Rhode  Island. 
This  strictness  was  offensive  to  many,  though  approved  of  by 
others.  But  sure  the  rule  of  hospitahty  to  strangers,  and  of 
seeking  to  pluck  out  of  the  fire  such  as  there  may  be  hope  of 
to  be  reduced  out  of  error  and  the  snare  of  the  devil,  do  seem 
to  require  more  moderation  and  indulgence  of  human  in- 

*  See  post,  p.  271. 


firmity  where  there  appears  not  obstinacy  against  the  clear 

This  year  about  twenty  f amihes  (most  of  them  of  the  church 
of  Braintree)  petitioned  the  comii  for  allowance  to  begin  a 
plantation  at  the  place  where  Gorton  and  his  company  had 
erected  three  or  four  small  houses  upon  the  land  of  Pumham, 
the  Indian  sachem  by  Narragansett,  who  had  submitted  him- 
self and  country  to  this  jurisdiction.  The  court  readily  granted 
their  petition,  promising  all  encouragement,  etc.,  (for  it  was 
of  great  concernment  to  all  the  Enghsh  in  these  parts,  that  a 
strong  plantation  should  be  there  as  a  bulwark,  etc.  against 
the  Narragansetts).  But  Mr.  John  Browne,  one  of  the  magis- 
trates of  Plymouth,  and  then  one  of  their  commissioners  for 
the  United  Colonies,  dwelling  at  Rehoboth,  and  intending 
to  drive  a  trade  with  the  Indians  in  those  parts,  meeting  with 
some  of  ours  when  they  went  to  view  the  place  and  to  take  the 
bounds  of  it,  forbade  them  in  the  name  of  the  government  of 
Plymouth  to  proceed  in  the  said  plantation,  telling  them  that  it 
belonged  to  Plymouth,  and  that  it  should  be  restored  to  the 
right  owners,  (meaning  Gorton  and  his  company).  WTiereupon 
the  planters  (not  willing  to  run  any  hazard  of  contention  for 
place  in  a  country  where  there  was  room  enough)  gave  over 
their  purpose,  and  disposed  themselves  otherwise;  some  re- 
moved more  southward,  and  others  staid  where  they  were. 
This  practice  of  Mr.  Browne  being  complained  of  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Dudley,  he  informed  the  magis- 
trates of  Plymouth  thereof  by  letter,  who  returned  answer,  that 
Mr.  Browne  had  no  order  from  their  court  to  forbid  the  pro- 
ceedings, etc.,  for  they  should  have  been  glad  to  have  had  the 
place  planted  by  us,  though  the  right  of  it  were  (as  they  con- 
ceived) in  themselves,  and  for  that  end  referred  themselves  to 
an  order  of  the  commissioners,  wherein  Uberty  is  given  to  the 
Massachusetts  to  take  course  with  Gorton  and  the  lands  they 
had  possessed,  etc.,  and  therein  is  a  proviso,  that  it  should  not 
prejudice  the  right  of  Plymouth,  etc.    But  they  took  not  the 

262.  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1645 

rest  of  the  order,  wherein  it  follows,  that  all  such  lands  of 
English  or  Indians,  as  had  submitted  themselves  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts,  should  not  be  comprised  in  that 
proviso.  Now  this  land  where  the  plantation  should  have 
been  erected  was  part  of  Pumham's  land.  And  our  general 
court  wrote  to  the  governor  and  council  of  Plymouth  to  the 
same  effect,  with  desire  to  have  their  further  answer  about  the 
same,  and  for  satisfaction  about  Mr.  Browne's  carriage  herein. 
The  governor  and  three  magistrates  returned  answer,  that  Mr. 
Browne  had  commission  in  general  to  forbid  any  to  plant  upon 
their  jurisdiction  within  the  Narragansett  river  without  their 
leave,  which,  if  any  of  ours  would  seek,  they  might  have.  But 
the  case  being  after  put  to  the  commissioners  for  explanation  of 
their  said  order,  they  resolved  for  the  Massachusetts. 

8.  (October.)]  A  church  was  gathered  at  Haverhill  upon  the 
north  side  of  Merrimack,  and  Mr.  John  Ward  chosen  and  or- 
dained pastor.  About  the  same  time  a  church  was  also  gath- 
ered at  Andover  upon  the  south  side  of  Merrimack,  and  Mr. 
Woodbridge  ordained  pastor.^ 

5.  9.  (November  5.)]  A  church  was  gathered  at  Reading,  and 
Mr.  Greene  ordained  pastor.  He  was  a  very  godly  man,  and 
died  (8)  (October)  48. 

The  village  at  Jeffry's  creek  was  named  Manchester,  and  the 
people  there  (not  being  yet  in  church  state)  had  procured  Mr. 
Smith  (sometimes  pastor  of  the  church  of  Plymouth)  to  preach 
to  them. 

At  the  last  general  court  it  was  ordered,  that  divers  farmers 
belonging  to  Ipswich  and  Salem  (but  so  far  distant  from  either 
town  as  they  could  not  duly  repair  to  the  public  ordinances 
there)  should  erect  a  village  and  have  liberty  to  gather  a  church. 
This  was  much  opposed  by  those  of  the  town  of  Ipswich,  plead- 

*  John  Woodbridge  was  a  son-in-law  of  Governor  Dudley.  After  a  term 
at  Andover,  he  returned  to  England,  becoming  there  minister  at  Andover  in 
Wiltshire.  Driven  thence  in  1662,  in  the  general  expulsion  of  the  non-conformists, 
he  came  back  to  America. 


ing  their  interest  in  the  land,  etc.  But  it  was  answered,  that, 
when  the  land  was  granted  to  the  town,  it  was  not  intended  only 
for  the  benefit  of  the  near  inhabitants,  or  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  officers  of  that  one  church  only,  but  of  all  the  inhabitants 
and  of  any  other  church  which  should  be  there  gathered ;  and 
a  principal  motive  which  led  the  court  to  grant  them  and 
other  towns  such  vast  bounds  was,  that  (when  the  towns 
should  be  increased  by  their  children  and  servants  growing  up, 
etc.)  they  might  have  place  to  erect  villages,  where  they  might 
be  planted,  and  so  the  land  improved  to  the  more  common 

15.  10.  {December  15.)]  There  appeared  about  noon,  upon 
the  north  side  of  the  sun,  a  great  part  of  a  circle  Hke  a  rainbow, 
with  the  horns  reversed,  and  upon  each  side  of  the  sun,  east  and 
west,  a  bright  light.  And  about  a  month  after  were  seen  three 
suns,  about  the  sun-setting ;  and  about  a  month  after  that  two 
suns  at  sim-rising,  the  one  continued  close  to  the  horizon,  while 
the  other  (which  was  the  true  sun)  arose  about  half  an  hour. 
This  was  the  earUest  and  sharpest  winter  we  had  since  we  ar- 
rived in  the  country,  and  it  was  as  vehement  cold  to  the  south- 
ward as  here.  Divers  of  our  ships  were  put  from  their  anchors 
with  the  ice  and  driven  on  shore  25  (10)  (December  25),  and  one 
ketch  carried  out  to  sea,  and  wrecked  upon  Lo veil's  Island. 
At  New  Haven  a  ship  bound  for  England  was  forced  to  be  cut 
out  of  the  ice  three  miles.  And  in  Virginia  the  ships  were 
frozen  up  six  weeks. 


At  Ipswich  there  was  a  calf  brought  forth  with  one  head, 
and  three  mouths,  three  noses,  and  six  eyes.  What  these  prodi- 
gies portended  the  Lord  only  knows,  which  in  his  due  time  he 
will  manifest. 

There  was  beside  so  sudden  a  thaw  in  the  spring,  (the  snow 
l3ang  very  deep,)  and  much  rain  withal,  that  it  bare  down  the 
bridge  at  Hartford  upon  Connecticut,  and  brake  down  divers 
mills  to  the  southward  about  New  Haven,  and  did  much  other 

This  winter  also  the  Swedes'  fort  upon  Delaware  river  and 
all  the  buildings  in  it  were  burnt  down,  and  all  their  powder 
and  goods  blown  up.  It  happened  in  the  night,  through  the 
negligence  of  a  servant  who  fell  on  sleep  leaving  a  candle  burn- 
ing. Some  houses  at  Hartford,  and  a  bam  with  corn,  were 
burnt  also ;  and  two  houses  at  Hingham  in  the  Massachusetts. 

1646.  26.  (1.)  (March  26.)]  The  governor  and  council  met 
at  Boston  to  take  order  about  a  rescue  which  they  were  in- 
formed of  to  have  been  committed  at  Hingham  upon  the  mar- 
shal, when  he  went  to  levy  the  fines  imposed  upon  Mr.  Hubberd 
their  pastor  and  many  others  who  joined  with  him  in  the 
petition  against  the  magistrates,  etc.,  and  having  taken  the  in- 
formation of  the  marshal  and  others,  they  sent  out  summons 
for  their  appearance  at  another  day,  at  which  time  Mr.  Hub- 
berd came  not,  nor  sent  any  excuse,  though  it  was  proved  that 
he  was  at  home,  and  that  the  summons  was  left  at  his  house. 
Whereupon  he  was  sent  for  by  attachment  directed  to  the 
constable,  who  brought  him  at  the  day  of  the  return.  And 
being  then  charged  with  joining  in  the  said  rescue  by  animat- 



ing  the  offenders,  and  discouraging  the  officer,  questioning  the 
authority  of  his  warrant  because  it  was  not  in  the  king's  name, 
and  standing  upon  his  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  England,  and 
exemption  from  such  laws  as  were  not  agreeable  to  the  laws  of 
England,  saying  to  the  marshal  that  he  could  never  know 
wherefore  he  was  fined,  except  it  were  for  petitioning,  and  if 
they  were  so  waspish  that  they  might  not  be  petitioned,  he 
knew  not  what  to  say  to  it,  etc.  All  the  answer  he  would  give 
was,  that  if  he  had  broken  any  wholesome  law  not  repugnant 
to  the  laws  of  England,  he  was  ready  to  submit  to  censure. 
So  he  was  bound  over  to  the  next  court  of  assistants. 

The  court  being  at  Boston,  Mr.  Hubberd  appeared,  and  the 
marshal's  information  and  other  concurrent  testimony  being 
read  to  him,  and  his  answer  demanded,  he  desired  to  know  in 
what  state  he  stood,  and  what  offence  he  should  be  charged 
with,  or  what  wholesome  law  of  the  land,  not  repugnant  to  the 
law  of  England,  he  had  broken.  The  court  told  him,  that  the 
matters  he  was  charged  with  amounted  to  a  seditious  practice 
and  derogation  and  contempt  of  authority.  He  still  pressed  to 
know  what  law,  etc.  He  was  told  that  the  oath  which  he  had 
taken  was  a  law  to  him;  and  beside  the  law  of  God  which  we 
were  to  judge  by  in  case  of  a  defect  of  an  express  law.  He 
said  that  the  law  of  God  admitted  various  interpretations,  etc. 
Then  he  desired  to  see  his  accusers.  Upon  that  the  marshal 
was  called,  who  justified  his  information.  Then  he  desired  to 
be  tried  by  a  jury,  and  to  have  the  witnesses  produced  viva 
voce.  The  secretary  told  him  that  two  were  present,  and  the 
third  was  sworn  to  his  examination,  (but  in  that  he  was  mis- 
taken, for  he  had  not  been  sworn,)  but  to  satisfy  him,  he  was 
sent  for  and  sworn  in  court.  The  matters  testified  against  him 
were  his  speeches  to  the  marshal  before  thirty  persons,  against 
our  authority  and  government,  etc.  1.  That  we  were  but  as  a 
corporation  in  England;  2.  That  by  our  patent  (as  he  under- 
stood it)  we  could  not  put  any  man  to  death,  nor  do  divers 
other  things  which  we  did;   3.  That  he  knew  not  wherefore 

266  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

the  general  court  had  fined  them,  except  it  were  for  petition- 
ing, and  if  they  were  so  waspish  (or  captious)  as  they  might 
not  be  petitioned,  etc.,  and  other  speeches  tending  to  disparage 
our  authority  and  proceedings.  Accordingly  a  bill  was  drawn 
up,  etc.,  and  the  jury  found  that  he  seemed  to  be  ill  affected 
to  this  government,  and  that  his  speeches  tended  to  sedition 
and  contempt  of  authority.  Whereupon  the  whole  court 
(except  Mr.  Belhngham,  who  judged  him  to  deserve  no  censure, 
and  desired  in  open  court  to  have  his  dissent  recorded)  ad- 
judged him  to  pay  20  pounds  fine,  and  to  be  bound  to  his 
good  behavior,  till  the  next  court  of  assistants,  and  then  farther 
if  the  court  should  see  cause.  At  this  sentence  his  spirit  rose, 
and  he  would  know  what  the  good  behavior  was,  and  desired 
the  names  of  the  jury,  and  a  copy  of  all  the  proceedings,  which 
was  granted  him,  and  so  he  was  dismissed  at  present. 

The  contention  continuing  between  Mr.  Cleves,  deputy  pres- 
ident of  Ligonia*  for  Mr.  Rigby,  and  Mr.  Jocelin  and  other 
commissioners  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  they  both  wrote  letters 
to  the  governor  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts,  complaining 
of  injuries  from  each  other,  and  Mr.  Cleves  desiring  aid  for 
his  defence  against  open  force  threatened  by  the  other  part; 
the  governor  and  magistrates  returned  answer  to  them  several- 
ly, to  this  effect,  to  persuade  them  both  to  continue  in  peace, 
and  to  forbear  all  violent  courses  until  some  London  ships 
should  arrive  here,  by  which  it  was  expected  that  order  would 
come  from  the  commissioners  for  the  colonies,  etc.,  to  settle 
their  differences.  These  letters  prevailed  so  far  with  them,  as 
they  agreed  to  refer  the  cause  to  the  determination  of  the  court 
of  assistants  at  Boston,  which  was  to  be  held  3  (4)  (June  3), 
next.  For  Mr.  Rigby  came  Mr.  Cleves  and  Mr.  Tucker;  for  the 
province  of  Maine  came  Mr.  Jocelin  and  Mr.  Roberts.  The 
court  appointed  them  a  day  for  hearing  their  cause,  and  caused 
a  special  jury  to  be  empannelled.  Mr.  Cleves  was  plaintiff, 
and  dehvered  in  a  declaration  in  writing.  The  defendants 
*  This  was  the  Plough  Patent,  often  referred  to. 


(though  they  had  a  copy  thereof  before)  pleaded  to  it  by  word 
only.  Some  of  the  magistrates  advised  not  to  intermeddle  in 
it,  seeing  it  was  not  within  our  jurisdiction,  and  that  the  agents 
had  no  commission  to  bind  the  interest  of  the  gentlemen  in 
England.  Others  (and  the  most)  thought  fit  to  give  them  a 
trial,  both  for  that  it  was  a  usual  practice  in  Europe  for  two 
states  being  at  odds  to  make  a  third  judge  between  them,  and 
though  the  principal  parties  could  not  be  bound  by  any  sentence 
of  this  court,  (for  having  no  jurisdiction,  we  had  no  coercion, 
and  therefore  whatever  we  should  conclude  was  but  advice,) 
yet  it  might  settle  peace  for  the  present,  etc.  Upon  a  full  hear- 
ing, both  parties  failed  in  their  proof.  The  plaintiff  could  not 
prove  the  place  in  question  to  be  within  his  patent,  nor  could 
derive  a  good  title  of  the  patent  itself  to  Mr.  Rigby,  (there 
being  six  or  eight  patentees,  and  the  assignment  only  from  two 
of  them).  Also  the  defendant  had  no  patent  of  the  province, 
but  only  a  copy  thereof  attested  by  witnesses,  which  was  not 
pleadable  in  law.  ^Vhich  so  perplexed  the  jury,  as  they  could 
find  for  neither,  but  gave  in  a  non  liquet.  And  because  the 
parties  would  have  it  tried  by  a  jury,  the  magistrates  forbore  to 
deal  any  further  in  it.  Only  they  pereuaded  the  parties  to  live 
in  peace,  etc.,  till  the  matter  might  be  determined  by  authority 
out  of  England. 

This  spring  was  more  early  and  seasonable  than  many  be- 
fore it,  yet  many  were  taken  with  a  malignant  fever,  whereof 
some  died  in  five  or  six  days,  but  if  they  escaped  the  eighth  they 
recovered ;  and  divers  of  the  churches  sought  the  Lord  by  public 
humiliation,  and  the  Lord  was  entreated,  so  as  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  third  month  it  ceased.  It  swept  away  some  precious 
ones  amongst  us,  especially  one  Mr.  John  OHver,  a  gracious 
young  man,  not  full  thirty  years  of  age,  an  expert  soldier,  an 
excellent  surveyor  of  land,  and  one  who,  for  the  sweetness  of 
his  disposition  and  usefulness  through  a  pubhc  spirit,  was 
generally  beloved,  and  greatly  lamented.  For  some  few  years 
past  he  had  given  up  himself  to  the  ministry  of  the  gospel,  and 

268  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

was  become  very  hopeful  that  way,  (being  a  good  scholar  and  of 
able  gifts  otherwise,  and  had  exercised  pubHcly  for  two  years). 

There  fell  out  also  a  loathsome  disease  at  Boston,  which 
raised  a  scandal  upon  the  town  and  country,  though  without 
just  cause.  One  of  the  town  [blank]  having  gone  cooper  in  a 
ship  into  [blank],  at  his  return  his  wife  was  infected  with  lues 
venerea,  which  appeared  thus:  being  delivered  of  a  child, 
and  nothing  then  appearing,  but  the  midwife,  a  skilful  woman, 
finding  her  body  as  sound  as  any  other,  after  her  dehvery, 
she  had  a  sore  breast,  whereupon  divers  neighbors  resorting  to 
her,  some  of  them  drew  her  breast,  and  others  suffered  their 
children  to  draw  her,  and  others  let  her  child  suck  them,  (no 
such  disease  being  suspected  by  any,)  by  occasion  whereof 
about  sixteen  persons,  men,  women,  and  children,  were 
infected,  whereby  it  came  at  length  to  be  discovered  by  such 
in  the  town  as  had  skill  in  physic  and  surgery,  but  there  was 
not  any  in  the  country  who  had  been  practised  in  that  cure. 
But  (see  the  good  providence  of  God)  at  that  very  season  there 
came  by  accident  a  young  surgeon  out  of  the  West  Indies,  who 
had  had  experience  of  the  right  way  of  the  cure  of  that  disease. 
He  took  them  in  hand,  and  through  the  Lord's  blessing  recov- 
ered them  all  [blank]  in  a  short  time.  And  it  was  observed 
that  although  many  did  eat  and  drink  and  lodge  in  bed  with 
those  who  were  infected  and  had  sores,  etc.,  yet  none  took  it  of 
them,  but  by  copulation  or  sucking.  It  was  very  doubtful  how 
this  disease  came  at  first.  The  magistrates  examined  the  hus- 
band and  wife,  but  could  find  no  dishonesty  in  either,  nor 
any  probable  occasion  how  they  should  take  it  by  any  other, 
(and  the  husband  was  found  to  be  free  of  it).  So  as  it  was 
concluded  by  some,  that  the  woman  was  infected  by  the  mix- 
ture of  so  many  spirits  of  men  and  women  as  drew  her  breast, 
(for  thence  it  began).  But  this  is  a  question  to  be  decided  by 

6.  3.  {May  6.)]  The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston.  Mr. 
Norcis  of  Salem  preached.    Mr.  Winthrop  was  chosen  governor, 


Mr.  Dudley,  (the  last  governor,)  deputy  governor,  Mr.  Ende- 
cott,  Serjeant  major  general,  and  he  and  Mr.  Pelham,  com- 
missioners for  the  United  Colonies.  The  magistrates  and 
deputies  had  formerly  chosen  the  commissioners,  but  the  free- 
men, looking  at  them  as  general  officers,  would  now  choose  them 
themselves,  and  the  rather  because  some  of  the  deputies  had 
formerly  been  chosen  to  that  office,  which  gave  offence  to  our 
confederates  and  to  many  among  ourselves.  This  court  lasted 
near  three  weeks,  and  was  carried  on  with  much  peace  and 
good  correspondency ;  and  when  the  business  was  near  ended, 
the  magistrates  and  deputies  met,  and  concluded  what  re- 
mained, and  so  departed  in  much  love.  The  several  com- 
mittees for  laws  made  return  of  their  commissions,  and  brought 
in  many  laws  which  were. read  over,  and  some  of  them  scanned, 
but  finding  much  difficulty  in  digesting  and  agreeing  them,  and 
the  court  having  much  other  business,  another  committee  was 
chosen  out  of  several  parts  of  the  jurisdiction  in  the  vacancy  of 
the  court,  which  was  adjourned  to  7  (8,)  (October  7),  to  extract 
out  of  the  whole  such  as  should  be  thought  fit  to  be  established, 
and  so  to  reduce  them  into  one  volume,  to  agree  with  such  as 
were  already  in  force,  etc. 

The  last  year  the  court  had  imposed  ten  shillings  upon 
every  butt  of  sack,  etc.,  to  be  landed  in  our  jurisdiction,  and 
this  spring  there  came  in  four  ships  with  sack,  and  landed 
about  800  butts,  but  the  merchants  being  much  offended  at  the 
impost,  (having  no  intelligence  of  it  before,  for  indeed  there  had 
not  been  a  due  course  taken  to  give  notice  thereof  to  foreign 
parts,)  after  much  debate,  etc.,  the  court  remitted  the  one  half 
thereof  for  the  present.    See  after,  four  leaves. 

Captain  Bridges  was  sent  by  the  commissioners  the  last  year 
to  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  with  the  articles  of  peace  ratified  by 
them,  and  with  order  to  demand  his  confirmation  of  them 
under  his  hand,  wherein  also  was  expressed  our  readiness  that 
all  injuries,  etc.,  of  either  part  might  be  heard  and  composed  in 
due  time  and  place,  and  the  peace  to  be  kept  at  the  same  time, 

270  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

so  as  he  would  subscribe  the  same.  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  enter- 
tained our  messenger  with  all  state  and  courtesy  that  he  possi- 
bly could ;  but  refused  to  subscribe  the  articles,  until  differences 
were  composed,  and  accordingly  wrote  back,  that  he  perceived 
our  drift  was  to  gain  time,  etc.,  whereas  if  our  messenger  had 
been  furnished  with  power  to  have  treated  with  him,  and  con- 
clude about  the  differences,  he  doubted  not  but  all  had  been 
agreed ;  for  we  should  find,  that  it  was  more  his  honor  which 
he  stood  upon,  than  his  benefit,  therefore  he  would  sit  still  till 
the  spring,  expecting  our  answer  herein,  and  would  attempt 
nothing  against  us  until  he  heard  from  us. 

The  general  court,  taking  this  answer  into  consideration, 
(and  there  not  being  opportunity  for  the  commissioners  to 
meet  in  season,  only  they  had  been  certified  by  letters  of 
Monsieur  D'Auhiay's  propositions,  etc.,  and  consented  to  a 
course  for  hearing,  etc.,)  agreed  to  send  the  deputy  governor, 
Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Hawthorne,  and  Major  Denison,*  with  full 
power  to  treat  and  determine,  etc.,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  him  to 
that  end,  (assenting  to  his  desire  for  the  place,  viz.  Penobscot 
which  they  call  Pentagoet)  and  referring  the  time  also  to  him, 
so  it  were  in  September.  Some  thought  it  would  be  dishonor- 
able for  us  to  go  to  him,  and  therefore  would  have  had  the 
place  to  have  been  Pemaquid.  But  others  were  of  a  different 
judgment,  1.  for  that  he  was  lieutenant  general  to  a  great 
prince;  2.  being  a  man  of  a  generous  disposition,  and  valuing 
his  reputation  above  his  profit,  it  was  considered,  that  it  would 
be  much  to  our  advantage  to  treat  with  him  in  his  own  house. 
This  being  agreed,  a  private  committee  was  chosen  to  draw  up 
instructions,  which  were  not  to  be  imparted  to  the  court,  in 
regard  of  secresy,  (for  we  had  found  that  D'Aulnay  had  intelli- 
gence of  all  our  proceedings,)  and  the  same  committee  had 
orders  to  provide  all  things  for  the  commissioners'  voyage,  and 

*  Daniel  Dennison  attained  later  to  great  distinctions,  serving  many  years 
as  assistant  and  sergeant-major-general  commanding  the  troops.  He  died  in 


to  draw  up  their  commission,  etc.,  and  it  was  ordered,  that  if 
the  deputy  governor  (in  regard  of  his  age,  being  above  70) 
should  not  be  fit  for  the  voyage,  then  Mr.  Bradstreet  should 
supply  his  place. 

One  Mr.  William  Vassall,  sometimes  one  of  the  assistants  of 
the  Massachusetts,  but  now  of  Scituate  in  Plymouth  juris- 
diction, a  man  of  a  busy  and  factious  spirit,  and  always  op- 
posite to  the  civil  governments  of  this  country  and  the  way 
of  our  churches,  had  practised  with  such  as  were  not  members 
of  our  churches  to  take  some  coiu'se,  first  by  petitioning  the 
courts  of  the  Massachusetts  and  of  Plymouth,  and  (if  that  suc- 
ceeded not)  then  to  the  parliament  of  England,  that  the  distinc- 
tions which  were  maintained  here,  both  in  civil  and  church 
estate,  might  be  taken  away,  and  that  we  might  be  wholly 
governed  by  the  laws  of  England;  and  accordingly  a  petition 
was  drawn  up  to  the  parliament,  pretending  that  they  being 
freeborn  subjects  of  England,  were  denied  the  Uberty  of  sub- 
jects, both  in  church  and  commonwealth,  themselves  and  their 
children  debarred  from  the  seals  of  the  covenant,  except  they 
would  submit  to  such  a  way  of  entrance  and  church  covenant, 
as  their  consciences  could  not  admit,  and  take  such  a  civil  oath 
as  would  not  stand  with  their  oath  of  allegiance,  or  else  they 
must  be  deprived  of  all  power  and  interest  in  civil  affairs,  and 
were  subjected  to  an  arbitrary  government  and  extrajudicial 
proceedings,  etc.  And  now  at  this  court  at  Boston  a  peti- 
tion to  the  same  effect,  much  enlarged,  was  delivered  in 
to  the  deputies  under  the  hands  of  Doctor  Childe,  Mr.  Thomas 
Fowle,  Mr.  Samuel  Maverick,  Mr.  Thomas  Burton,  Mr.  John 
Smith,  Mr.  David  Yale,  and  Mr.  John  Dand,  in  the  name  of 
themselves  and  many  others  in  the  coimtry,  whereto  they 
pressed  to  have  present  answer.  But  the  court  being  then 
near  at  an  end,  and  the  matter  being  very  weighty,  they  re- 
ferred the  further  consideration  thereof  to  the  next  session. 
And  whereas  a  law  was  drawn  up,  and  ready  to  pass,  for 
allowing  non-freemen  equal  power  with  the  freemen  in  all  town 

272  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

affairs,  and  to  some  freemen  of  such  estate,  etc.,  their  votes  in 
election  of  magistrates,  it  was  thought  fit  to  defer  this  also  to 
the  next  session/ 

4.  (June.)]  The  Narragansetts  having  broken  their  cove- 
nants with  us  in  three  days  of  payment,  so  as  there  was  now 
due  to  us  above  1300  fathom  of  wampom,  they  now  sent  us  to 
Boston  to  the  value  of  100  fathom,  (the  most  in  old  kettles,)  ex- 
cusing themselves  by  their  poverty  and  by  the  Nianticks  and 
others  failing  to  contribute  their  parts.  But  the  commissioners 
(who  were  then  two  of  them  at  Boston)  refused  to  accept  so 
small  a  sum,  and  rebuking  them  sharply  for  breaking  their 
covenants  both  in  their  payments  [and]  other  acts,  told  them 
that  if  they  were  forced  to  fetch  the  rest,  they  could  as  well 
fetch  this.  So  they  sold  their  kettles  to  a  brazier  in  Boston, 
and  left  the  pay  in  his  hands  for  us,  if  we  would  accept  it, 
when  they  should  bring  the  rest. 

One  Captain  Cromwell  (about  ten  years  since  a  common 
seaman  in  the  Massachusetts)  had  been  out  with  Captain 
Jackson  in  a  man  of  war  by  commission  from  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick divers  years,  and  having  a  commission  of  deputation  from 
his  said  captain,  had  taken  four  or  five  Spanish  vessels,  and  in 
some  of  them  great  riches,  and  being  bound  hither  with  three 
ships,  and  about  eighty  men,  (they  were  frigates  of  cedar  wood 
of  about  sixty  and  eighty  tons,)  by  a  strong  northwest  wind 
they  were  forced  into  Plymouth,  (divine  providence  so  directing 
for  the  comfort  and  help  of  that  town,  which  was  now  almost 
deserted,)  where  they  continued  about  fourteen  days  or  more, 
and  spent  hberally  and  gave  freely  to  many  of  the  poorer  sort.^ 
It  fell  out,  while  they  were  there,  that  a  desperate  drunken 
fellow,  one  Voysye,  (who  had  been  in  continual  quarrels  all  the 
voyage,)  on  being  reproved  by  his  captain,  offered  to  draw  his 

*  An  effort  for  freedom,  brave  and  well-justified.  The  theocracy  gave  abun- 
dant occasion  for  such  a  petition.  Several  of  the  men  who  presented  it  we  know 
to  have  been  most  respectable. 

^  The  episode  is  narrated  by  Bradford,  on  almost  the  last  page  of  his  history. 


rapier  at  him,  whereupon  the  captain  took  it  from  him,  and 
giving  him  some  blows  with  it,  as  it  was  in  the  scabbard,  he 
threw  it  away;  Voysye  gate  it  again,  and  came  up  to  his 
captain,  who  taking  it  from  him  again,  and  throwing  it  away, 
when  he  could  not  make  him  to  leave  his  weapon,  nor  forbear 
his  insolent  behavior,  he  gave  him  a  blow  on  the  forehead  with 
the  hilt  of  it,  which  made  a  small  wound,  which  the  captain 
would  presently  to  have  been  searched  and  dressed,  but  Voysye 
refused,  and  the  next  day  went  into  the  field  to  fight  with 
another  of  his  fellows,  but  their  weapons  being  taken  from 
them,  no  hurt  was  done;  and  the  next  day  after,  his  wound 
putrifying  immediately,  he  died.  It  was  then  the  general  court 
at  Plymouth,  and  a  jury  being  empannelled,  they  found 
that  he  died  of  the  wound  received  from  the  captain,  where- 
upon the  captain  was  sent  for  on  shore.  He  offered  to  put 
himself  upon  trial,  so  as  he  might  not  be  imprisoned,  and 
that  he  might  be  tried  by  a  council  of  war,  both  which  were 
granted  him,  and  one  of  Plymouth,  one  of  their  chief  men,  but 
no  magistrate,  undertook  for  him,  body  for  body,  and  some  of 
the  magistrates  and  other  military  officers  were  chosen  a  coun- 
cil of  war,  who,  upon  the  evidence,  and  sight  of  his  commission, 
by  which  he  had  power  of  martial  law,  etc.,  acquitted  him. 
The  trained  band  accompanied  the  body  to  the  gi-ave,  and  the 
captain  gave  every  one  of  them  an  eln  of  black  taffeta  for  a 
mourning  robe.  After  this  he  came  10  (4,)  {June  10)  with  his 
three  ships  to  Boston,  and  presented  the  governor  with  a 
sedan,  which  (as  he  said)  was  sent  by  the  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico to  his  sister.  It  was  a  very  fair  one,  and  could  not  be 
less  worth  than  50  pounds.  He  and  all  his  men  had  much 
money,  and  great  store  of  plate  and  jewels  of  great  value; 
yet  he  took  up  his  lodging  in  a  poor  thatched  house,  and 
when  he  was  offered  the  best  in  the  town,  his  answer  was, 
that  in  his  mean  estate  that  poor  man  entertained  him, 
when  others  would  not,  and  therefore  he  would  not  leave 
him  now,  when  he  might  do  him  good.    He  was  ripped  out 

274  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

of  his  mother's  belly,  and  never  sucked,  nor  saw  father  nor 
mother,  nor  they  him. 

At  the  last  general  court  a  bill  was  presented  by  some  of  the 
elders  for  a  synod  to  be  held  in  the  end  of  the  summer.  The 
magistrates  passed  it,  but  the  deputies  sending  some  of  them- 
selves to  confer  with  the  magistrates  about  it,  their  objections 
were  these,  first,  because  therein  civil  authority  did  require  the 
churches  to  send  their  messengers  to  it,  and  divers  among  them 
were  not  satisfied  of  any  such  power  given  by  Christ  to  the  civil 
magistrate  over  the  churches  in  such  cases ;  secondly,  whereas 
the  main  end  of  the  synod  was  propounded  to  be,  an  agreement 
upon  one  uniform  practice  in  all  the  churches,  the  same  to  be 
commended  to  the  general  court,  etc.,  this  seemed  to  give 
power  either  to  the  synod  or  the  court  to  compel  the  churches 
to  practise  what  should  so  be  established.  To  these  it  was 
answered,  1.  that  the  civil  magistrate  had  power  upon  just 
occasion  to  require  the  churches  to  send  their  messengers 
to  advise  in  such  ecclesiastical  matters,  either  of  doctrine  or 
discipline,  as  the  magistrate  was  bound  by  God  to  maintain 
the  churches  in  purity  and  truth  in  (which  was  assented  unto ;) 
2.  that  the  end  of  the  synod  was  not  to  proceed  by  way  of 
power,  but  only  of  counsel  from  the  word  of  God,  and  the 
court  was  at  liberty  either  to  establish  or  disannul  such  agree- 
ment of  the  synod,  as  they  should  see  cause,  which  could  put  no 
more  power  into  the  court's  hands  than  it  had  by  the  word 
of  God  and  our  own  Laws  and  Liberties  established  in  that 
case.  Whereupon  it  was  ordered,  that  howsoever  the  civil 
magistrate  had  authority  to  call  a  synod  when  they  saw  it 
needful,  yet  in  tender  respect  of  such  as  were  not  yet  fully 
satisfied  in  that  point,  the  ensuing  synod  should  be  convened 
by  way  of  motion  only  to  the  churches,  and  not  by  any  words 
of  command.^  .... 

A  petition  was  presented  to  the  court  imder  many  hands  for 
the  continuance  of  the  two  laws  against  anabaptists  and  other 

1  The  careful  avoidance  of  the  Presbyterian  way  will  be  noticed  here. 


heretics,  which  was  done  in  reference  to  a  petition  presented 
at  the  former  court  concerning  the  same  laws/ 

A  plantation  was  this  year  begun  at  Pequod  river  by  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  junr.,  Mr.  Thomas  Peter,  a  minister,  (brother 
to  Mr.  Peter  of  Salem,)  and  this  court  power  was  given  to 
them  two  for  ordering  and  governing  the  plantation  till  further 
order,  etc.,  although  it  was  uncertain  whether  it  would  fall 
within  our  jurisdiction  or  not,  because  they  of  Connecticut 
challenged  it  by  virtue  of  a  patent  from  the  king,  which  was 
never  showed  us,  so  it  was  done  de  bene  esse,  quousque,  etc., 
for  it  mattered  not  much  to  which  jurisdiction  it  did  belong, 
seeing  the  confederation  made  all  as  one ;  but  it  was  of  great 
concernment  to  have  it  planted,  to  be  a  curb  to  the  Indians, 

Monsieur  La  Tour  being  retmned  from  Newfoundland  in  a 
pinnace  of  Sir  David  Kirk,  was  (by  some  merchants  of  Boston) 
set  forth  in  the  same  pinnace  to  the  eastward  with  trading 
commodities  to  the  value  of  400  pounds.  When  he  came  at 
Cape  Sable,  (which  was  in  the  heart  of  winter,)  he  conspired 
with  the  master  (being  a  stranger)  and  his  own  Frenchmen, 
being  five,  to  go  away  with  the  vessel,  and  so  forced  out  the 
other  five  Enghsh,  (himself  shooting  one  of  them  in  the  face 
with  a  pistol,)  who,  through  special  providence,  having  wan- 
dered up  and  down  fifteen  days,  found  some  Indians  who  gave 
them  a  shallop,  and  victuals,  and  an  Indian  pilot.  So  they 
arrived  safe  at  Boston  in  the  third  month.  Whereby  it  ap- 
peared (as  the  scripture  saith)  that  there  is  no  confidence  in  an 
unfaithful  or  carnal  man.  Though  tied  with  many  strong 
bonds  of  courtesy,  etc.,  he  turned  pirate,  etc. 

Mr.  Lamberton,  Mr.  Grigson,  and  divers  other  godly  per- 
sons, men  and  women,  went  from  New  Haven  in  the  eleventh 
month  last  (Janiuiry)  in  a  ship  of  80  tons,  laden  with  wheat  for 

*  A  petition  of  a  nature  contrary  to  that  mentioned  a  few  pages  back,  and 
one  which  had  more  favor  with  the  court.  The  Records  of  Massachusetts,  II.  141, 
record  a  sharp  rebuff  to  the  liberals  from  the  General  Court. 

276  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

London ;  but  the  ship  was  never  heard  of  after.  The  loss  was 
very  great,  to  the  value  of  some  1000  pounds ;  but  the  loss  of 
the  persons  was  very  deplorable. 

Monsieur  D'Aulnay,  having  received  our  letter,  returned  an- 
swer, that  he  saw  now  that  we  seriously  desired  peace,  which 
he  (for  his  part)  did  also,  and  that  he  accounted  himself  so 
highly  honored,  that  we  would  send  such  principal  men  of  ours 
home  to  liim,  etc.,  that  he  desired  this  favor  of  us,  that  he  might 
spare  us  that  labor,  for  which  purpose  he  would  send  two 
or  three  of  his  to  us  to  Boston  about  the  end  of  August,  to 
treat  and  determine,  etc.  Upon  receipt  of  this  letter,  the 
governor  thought  it  expedient  to  call  the  general  court  (if  it 
were  but  for  one  day)  to  have  considered  of  commissioners  to 
treat  with  his  here,  for  he  conceived  that  those  who  were  invited 
to  treat  at  Penobscot  had  not  power  to  treat  at  home,  and  be- 
sides the  court  had  declared  their  mind  not  to  have  chosen  all 
these  three,  if  they  had  been  to  have  treated  at  home.  But 
some  other  of  the  magistrates  differing,  he  deferred  it,  and  the 
harvest  coming  on,  it  was  thought  better  to  let  it  alone. 

One  Smith  of  Watertown  had  a  son  about  five  years  old, 
who  fell  into  the  river  near  the  mill  gate,  and  was  carried 
by  the  stream  under  the  wheel,  and  taken  up  on  the  other 
side,  without  any  harm.  One  of  the  boards  of  the  wheel 
was  fallen  off,  and  it  seems  (by  special  providence)  he  was 
carried  through  under  that  gap,  for  otherwise  if  an  eel  pass 
through,  it  is  cut  asunder.  The  miller  perceived  his  wheel  to 
check  on  the  sudden,  which  made  him  look  out,  and  so  he 
found  the  child  sitting  up  to  the  waist  in  the  shallow  water 
beneath  the  mill. 

5.  (July.)]  Three  of  our  elders,  viz.,  Mr.  Mather,  Mr.  Allen 
and  Mr.  Eliot,  took  with  them  an  interpreter,  and  went  to  the 
place  where  Cutshamekin,  the  Indian  sachem  [blank]. 

A  daughter  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  was  carried  away  by  the 
Indians  near  the  Dutch,  when  her  mother  and  others  were 
killed  by  them ;  and  upon  the  peace  concluded  between  the 


Dutch  and  the  same  Indians,  she  was  returned  to  the  Dutch 
governor,  who  restored  her  to  her  friends  here.  She  was  about 
eight  years  old,  when  she  was  taken,  and  continued  with  them 
about  four  years,  and  she  had  forgot  her  own  language,  and  all 
her  friends,  and  was  loath  to  have  come  from  the  Indians/ 

Great  harm  was  done  in  corn  (especially  wheat  and  barley) 
in  this  month  by  a  caterpillar,  like  a  black  worm  about  an  inch 
and  a  half  long.  They  eat  up  first  the  blades  of  the  stalk,  then 
they  eat  up  the  tassels,  whereupon  the  ear  withered.  It  was 
believed  by  divers  good  observers,  that  they  fell  in  a  great 
thunder  shower,  for  divers  yards  and  other  bare  places,  where 
not  one  of  them  was  to  be  seen  an  hour  before,  were  presently 
after  the  shower  almost  covered  with  them,  besides  grass 
places  where  they  were  not  so  easily  discerned.  They  did  the 
most  harm  in  the  southern  parts,  as  Rhode  Island,  etc.,  and  in 
the  eastern  parts  in  their  Indian  corn.  In  divers  places  the 
churches  kept  a  day  of  humiliation,  and  presently  after  the 
caterpillars  vanished  away.^ 

The  court  had  made  an  order  in  (8)  (October)  last,  for  ten 
shillings  to  be  paid  upon  every  butt  of  Spanish  wine  landed,  etc., 
and  now  this  spring  arrived  divers  Enghsh  ships,  which  brought 
about  800  butts ;  but  having  lost  much  by  leakage,  and  coming 
to  a  bad  market,  they  were  very  unwilling  to  pay  the  impost, 
and  refused  to  give  in  an  invoice  of  such  wines  as  they  had 
landed,  whereupon  they  were  forfeited  by  the  order.  But  upon 
their  petition  the  general  court  remitted  the  forfeitm-e  and  half 
the  impost,  (in  regard  the  order  was  made  so  lately  as  they  could 
not  have  notice  of  it  in  those  parts  from  whence  the  wines 
came,)  but  this  notwithstanding,  they  would  not  submit  to  the 
order,  so  as  the  auditor  who  had  the  charge  of  receiving  the 
said  impost  was  forced  to  break  open  the  cellar  doors  where 
their  wines  lay,  and  took  out  of  the  best  wines  for  the  impost, 

*  She  became  reconciled,  married  in  1651  John  Cole,  and  left  descendants. 

'  To  one  who  examines  the  manuscript,  the  success  of  the  transcription  here 

will  seem  remarkable.     No  page  better  illustrates  Savage's  painstaking  accuracy. 

278  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

which  by  the  order  he  might  do.  But  this  also  they  took  as  a 
great  injury,  because  their  best  wines  being  gone,  the  sale  of 
the  rest  was  much  hindered,  and  they  threatened  to  get  recom- 
pense some  other  way. 

The  merchants  of  New  Haven  had  purchased  some  land  of 
the  Indians  about  thirty  miles  to  the  northwest  of  them  upon 
Pautucket  river,  and  had  set  up  a  trading  house.*  The  Dutch 
governor  made  a  protest  against  it,  and  sent  it  to  Mr.  Eaton, 
claiming  the  place  to  be  theirs,  and  within  ten  Dutch  miles  of 
Fort  Orange.  Mr.  Eaton  answered  the  protest,  acknowledging 
no  right  in  the  Dutch,  but  alleging  their  purchase  and  offering 
to  refer  the  cause,  etc.  The  Dutch  governor  by  letter  com- 
plained of  it  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  also  of  Mr. 
Whiting  for  saying  that  the  English  were  fools  in  suffering 
the  Dutch  in  the  centre,  etc.  The  governor  of  Massachusetts 
informed  Mr.  Eaton  hereof,  (the  commissioners  being  then  to 
meet  at  New  Haven,)  and  tendered  it  to  their  consideration, 
if  it  would  not  be  expedient  to  call  Mr.  Whiting  (then  a  magis- 
trate at  Hartford)  to  give  account  of  these  speeches,  seeing  the 
Dutch  would  expect  satisfaction,  etc. 

Wlien  the  time  of  the  synod  drew  near,  it  was  propounded 
to  the  churches.  The  order  was  sent  to  the  churches  within 
this  jurisdiction;  and  to  the  churches  in  other  jurisdictions  a 
letter  was  sent  withal. 

All  the  churches  in  this  jurisdiction  sent  their  messengers, 
except  Boston,  Salem,  Hingham,  Concord  [blank].  Concord 
would  have  sent,  if  their  elder  had  been  able  to  come,  or  if 
they  had  had  any  other  whom  they  had  judged  fit,  etc.  Bos- 
ton and  Salem  took  offence  at  the  order  of  court,  1.  Because 
by  a  grant  in  the  Liberties  the  elders  had  liberty  to  assemble 
without  the  compliance  of  the  civil  authority,  2.  It  was 
reported,  that  this  motion  came  originally  from  some  of  the 
elders,  and  not  from  the  com-t,  3.  In  the  order  was  expressed, 
that  what  the  major  part  of  the  assembly  should  agree  upon 

^  Probably  at  the  junction  of  the  Naugatuck  with  the  Housatonic. 


should  be  presented  to  the  court,  that  they  might  give  such 
allowance  to  it  as  should  be  meet,  hence  was  inferred  that  this 
synod  was  appointed  by  the  elders,  to  the  intent  to  make  ecclesi- 
astical laws  to  bind  the  churches,  and  to  have  the  sanction  of 
the  civil  authority  put  upon  them,  whereby  men  should  be 
forced  under  penalty  to  submit  to  them,  whereupon  they  con- 
cluded that  they  should  betray  the  liberty  of  the  churches,  if 
they  should  consent  to  such  a  synod.  The  principal  men  who 
raised  these  objections  were  some  of  Boston,  who  came  lately 
from  England,  where  such  a  vast  liberty  was  allowed,  and 
sought  for  by  all  that  went  under  the  name  of  Independents, 
not  only  the  anabaptists,  antinomians,  famihsts,  seekers,  etc., 
but  even  the  most  godly  and  orthodox,  as  Mr.  Goodwin,  Mr. 
Nye,  Mr.  Burrows,  etc.,  who  in  the  assembly  there  had  stood 
in  opposition  to  the  presbytery,  and  also  the  greater  part  of  the 
house  of  commons,  who  by  their  commissioners  had  sent  order 
to  all  English  plantations  in  the  West  Indies  and  Summers 
Islands,  that  all  men  should  enjoy  their  Hberty  of  conscience, 
and  had  by  letters  intimated  the  same  to  us.  To  these  did 
some  others  of  the  church  of  Boston  adhere,  but  not  above 
thirty  or  forty  in  all.* 

1.  To  the  particular  objections,  it  was  thus  answered, 
viz.,  to  the  first,  that  that  liberty  was  granted  only  for  a 
help  in  case  of  extremity,  if,  in  time  to  come,  the  civil  authority 
should  either  grow  opposite  to  the  churches,  or  neglect  the 
care  of  them,  and  not  with  any  intent  to  practise  the  same, 
while  the  civil  authority  were  nursing  fathers  to  the  churches. 
For  the  second,  that  it  was  not  for  the  churches  to  inquire, 
what  or  who  gave  the  court  occasion  to  call  the  synod,  but  if 
they  thought  fit  to  desire  the  chm-ches  to  afford  them  help  of 
council  in  any  matters  which  concerned  religion  and  conscience, 
it  was  the  churches'  duty  to  yield  it  to  them;  for  so  far  as  it 
concerns  their  command  or  request  it  is  an  ordinance  of  man, 

1  The  tolerant  spirit  of  their  brethren  in  England,  the  Independents,  was 
becoming  a  trial  to  the  New  Englanders. 

280  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

which  we  are  to  submit  unto  for  the  Lord's  sake,  without  troub- 
ling ourselves  with  the  occasion  or  success.  Ex  malis  moribus 
bonae  leges:  the  laws  are  not  the  worse  by  being  occasioned 
by  evil  men  and  evil  manners.  3.  Where  the  order  speaks  of 
the  major  part  of  the  assembly,  it  speaks  in  its  own  language, 
and  according  to  the  court's  practice,  where  the  act  of  the 
major  part  is  the  act  of  the  court ;  but  it  never  intended  thereby 
to  restrain  or  direct  the  synod  in  the  manner  of  their  proceed- 
ing, nor  to  hinder  them  but  that  they  might  first  acquaint  the 
churches  with  their  conclusions,  and  have  their  assent  to  them 
before  they  did  present  them  to  the  court,  for  that  is  their  care ; 
the  court's  care  was  only  to  provide  for  their  own  cognizance. 
And  for  that  inference  which  is  drawn  from  that  clause,  that 
the  court  might  give  them  such  allowance  as  should  be  meet, 
it  is  without  rule,  and  against  the  rule  of  charity,  to  infer  from 
thence  any  such  sanction  of  the  court  as  is  supposed.  For  if 
they  say  only  they  will  give  them  such  allowance  as  is  meet,  it 
cannot  be  inferred,  that  they  will  put  any  such  sanction  or 
stamp  of  authority  upon  them,  as  should  be  unmeet. 

Two  Lord's  days  the  agitation  was  in  Boston,  and  no  con- 
clusion made,  by  reason  of  the  opposite  party.  So  the  elders 
sate  down  much  grieved  in  spirit,  yet  told  the  congregation, 
that  they  thought  it  their  duty  to  go  notwithstanding,  not  as 
sent  by  the  church,  but  as  specially  called  by  the  order  of 

The  assembly  or  synod  being  met  at  Cambridge,  1  (7) 
(September  1),  they  wrote  letters  to  the  elders  and  brethren  of 
the  church  of  Boston,  inviting  them  and  pressing  them  also  by 
arguments  to  send  their  elders  and  other  messengers.  Upon 
this,  the  ruling  elders,  being  at  home,  assembled  so  many  of  the 
church,  as  they  could  upon  the  sudden,  but  the  greater  part 
being  from  home,  and  divers  of  those  who  were  met  still  oppos- 
ing, nothing  could  be  done. 

The  next  day  was  Boston  lecture,  to  which  most  of  the 
synod  repaired,  and  Mr.  Norton,  teacher  of  the  church  of  Ips- 


wich,  being  procured  to  supply  the  place,  took  his  text  suitable 
to  the  occasion,  viz.,  of  Moses  and  Aaron  meeting  in  the 
mount  and  kissing  each  other,  where  he  laid  down  the  nature 
and  power  of  the  synod,  as  only  consultative,  decisive,  and 
declarative,  not  coactive,  etc.  He  showed  also  the  power  of 
the  civil  magistrate  in  calling  such  assemblies,  and  the  duty  of 
the  churches  in  yielding  obedience  to  the  same.  He  showed 
also  the  great  offence  and  scandal  which  would  be  given  in 
refusing,  etc.  The  next  Lord's  day  the  matter  was  moved 
again,  in  three  propositions;  1.  Whether  the  church  would 
hold  communion  with  the  other  churches,  etc.,  and  desired 
them  to  express  it  by  holding  up  their  hands,  which  most 
of  the  church  did,  but  some  of  the  opposite  party  resisted  and 
gave  this  reason,  that  though  they  did  assent  to  the  proposition, 
yet  they  could  not  vote  it,  because  they  knew  not  what  would 
be  inferred  upon  it ;  upon  this  the  second  proposition  was  men- 
tioned, viz.,  whether  they  would  exercise  this  commimion  in 
sending  messengers  to  the  synod,  and  if  not,  then  the  third 
proposition  was,  whether  the  church  would  then  go  themselves. 

Exception  was  taken  at  this  way  of  doing  a  church  act  by 
the  major  part,  which  had  not  been  our  practice  in  former  times. 
To  this  it  w^as  answered,  that  in  some  cases  (as  the  choice  of 
officers,  etc.)  it  is  needful  to  have  every  man's  consent  but  in 
other  cases,  as  admission  of  a  member,  etc.,  it  was  sufficient, 
if  the  major  part  assented;  and  for  this  practice  of  proceeding 
by  erection  of  hands  that  in  [2]  Cor.  [viii.  19]  was  alleged, 
where  the  Greek  word  %€tpo[Tow?^et9]  signifies  the  same.  And  in 
the  present  case,  it  was  necessary,  because  the  order  of  court, 
and  the  letters  of  the  synod  to  us,  required  (both  in  duty 
and  civility)  that  the  church  should  return  answer,  which  the 
minor  part  could  not  do,  therefore  the  major  part  (of  necessity) 

Then  it  was  moved  by  some,  that  the  third  proposition  might 
rather  be  intended  and  the  church  agree  to  go  to  the  synod, 
rather  than  to  send.    To  this  it  was  answered,  1.  That  it 

282  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

would  not  be  convenient  nor  of  good  report,  to  go  in  a  singu- 
lar way;  2.  It  would  savor  of  disorder  and  tumult ;  3.  It  might 
produce  an  impossibility,  for  if  one  man's  conscience  should 
bind  him  to  attend,  so  might  another  man's,  and  then  as  well 
might  every  man's,  and  if  all  (or  but  the  major  part  of  our 
church)  should  go  thither,  it  were  almost  impossible  any  busi- 
ness could  proceed  in  due  order.  In  the  end  it  was  agreed  by 
vote  of  the  major  part,  that  the  elders  and  three  of  the  brethren 
should  be  sent  as  messengers,  etc. 

The  sjmod  brake  up  and  was  adjourned  to  8  (4)  (June  8), 
having  continued  but  about  fourteen  days,  in  regard  of  winter 
drawing  on,  and  few  of  the  elders  of  other  colonies  were  present. 

Gorton  and  two  others  of  his  company,  viz.,  John  Greene 
and  Randall  Holden,  going  into  England,  complained  to  the 
commissioners  for  Plantations,  etc.,  against  us,  etc.,  who  gave 
order,  that  some  of  ours  then  in  England  should  be  summoned 
to  answer  their  petition ;  whereupon  some  appeared,  but  they 
having  no  instructions  about  the  case,  and  the  writings  sent 
over  to  Mr.  Welde  the  year  before  being  either  lost  or  forgotten, 
so  as  a  full  answer  could  not  be  given  in  the  particular,  and  the 
petitioners  being  favored  by  some  of  the  commissioners,  partly 
for  private  respects,  and  partly  for  their  adhering  to  some  of 
their  corrupt  tenets,  and  generally  out  of  their  dislike  of  us  for 
our  late  law  for  banishing  anabaptists,  they  seemed  to  be 
much  offended  with  us  for  our  rigorous  proceeding  (as  they 
called  it)  against  them,  and  thereupon  (without  sending  to  us 
to  hear  our  answer,  etc.)  they  gave  them  this  order  following: — 

By  the  governor  in  chief  Lord  high  admiral  and-  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  parliament  for  the  English  plantations 
in  America. 

Whereas  we  have  thought  fit  to  give  an  order  for  Mr.  Samuel 
Gorton,  Mr.  Randall  Holden,  Mr.  John  Greene,  and  others, 
late  inhabitants  of  a  tract  of  land  called  the  Narragansett  Bay, 
near  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,  to  return  with 
freedom  to  the  said  tract  of  land,  and  there  to  inhabit  and 


abide  without  interruption,  these  are  therefore  to  pray  and 
require  you,  and  all  others  whom  this  may  concern,  to  permit 
and  suffer  the  said  Samuel  Gorton,  etc.,  with  their  company, 
goods  and  necessaries  carried  with  them  out  of  England,  to 
land  at  any  port  in  New  England,  where  the  ship  wherein 
they  do  embark  themselves  shall  arrive,  and  from  thence  to 
pass,  without  any  of  your  lets  or  molestations,  through  any 
part  of  the  continent  of  America,  within  your  jurisdiction,  to 
the  said  tract  of  land  called  Narragansett  Bay,  or  any  part 
thereof,  they  carrying  themselves  without  offence,  and  paying 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  and  their  contract, 
for  all  things  they  shall  make  use  of  in  their  way,  for  victuals, 
carriage,  or  other  accommodation.  Hereof  you  may  not 
fail ;  and  this  shall  be  your  warrant.  Dated  at  Westminster 
this  15  of  May. 
To  the   governor   and    assistants   of  Nottingham, 

the  English  plantation  in  the  Massachu-  Fra.  Dacre, 

setts  Bay  in  New  England,  and  to  all  Fer.  Rigby, 

other  governors  and    other  inhabitants  CoR.  Holland, 

of  New  England,  and  all  others  whom  Sam.  Vassall, 

this  may  concern.  Geo.  Fenwick, 

Fran.  Allein, 
Wm.  Purefoy, 
Geo.  Snelling.* 

13.  (7.)  (September  13.)]  Randall  Holden  arrived  here  in  a 
London  ship,  Captain  Wall  master,  and  sent  this  order  to  the 
governor  to  desire  leave  to  land,  etc.  Accordingly  the  gov- 
ernor answered,  that  he  could  not  give  him  leave  of  himself, 
nor  dispense  with  an  order  of  the  general  court ;  but  the  council 
were  to  meet  within  two  or  three  days,  and  he  would  impart 
it  imto  them,  etc.,  and  in  the  mean  time  he  would  not  seek 
after  him,  etc. 

The  council  being  met,  they  were  of  different  judgments  in 
the  case,  so  as  they  agreed  to  take  the  advice  of  such  of  the 
elders  as  were  then  met  at  the  lecture  at  Boston  (being  about 

'  The  rift  opening  here  between  the  Congregationalists  of  England  and  Amer- 
ica was  indeed  serious.  It  is  indicated  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript  that  the 
document  bore  the  seal  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  as  governor  and  admiral. 


ten).  The  elders  also  differed,  some  were  very  earnest  for  his 
commitment  till  the  general  court,  etc.  But  the  greater  part, 
both  of  magistrates  and  elders,  thought  it  better  to  give  so  much 
respect  to  the  protection  which  the  parliament  had  given  him, 
(and  whereupon  he  adventured  his  life,  etc.,)  as  to  suffer  him 
to  pass  quietly  away,  and  when  the  general  court  should  be 
assembled,  (which  would  be  within  a  month,)  then  to  consider 
further  about  their  repossessing  the  land  they  claimed. 

20.  (7.)  {September  20.)]  Being  the  Lord's  day,  and  the 
people  ready  to  go  to  the  assembly  after  dinner,  Monsieur 
Marie  and  Monsieur  Louis,  with  Monsieur  D'Auhiay  his  secre- 
tary, arrived  at  Boston  in  a  small  pinnace,  and  major  Gibbons 
sent  two  of  his  chief  officers  to  meet  them  at  the  water  side, 
who  conducted  them  to  their  lodgings  sine  strepitu.  The  public 
worship  being  ended,  the  governor  repaired  home,  and  sent 
major  Gibbons,  with  other  gentlemen,  with  a  guard  of  mus- 
keteers to  attend  them  to  the  governor's  house,  who,  meeting 
them  without  his  door,  carried  them  into  his  house,  where  they 
were  entertained  with  wine  and  sweetmeats,  and  after  a  while 
he  accompanied  them  to  their  lodgings  (being  the  house  of 
major  Gibbons,  where  they  were  entertained  that  night).  The 
next  morning  they  repaired  to  the  governor,  and  delivered  him 
their  commission,  which  was  in  form  of  a  letter  directed  to  the 
governor  and  magistrates.  It  was  open,  but  had  a  seal  only 
let  into  the  paper  with  a  label.  Their  diet  was  provided  at  the 
ordinary,  where  the  magistrates  use  to  diet  in  court  times; 
and  the  governor  accompanied  them  always  at  meals.  Their 
manner  was  to  repair  to  the  governor's  house  every  morning 
about  eight  of  the  clock,  who  accompanied  them  to  the  place 
of  meeting ;  and  at  night  either  himself  or  some  of  the  commis- 
sioners accompanied  them  to  their  lodging.  It  was  the  third 
day  at  noon  before  our  commissioners  could  come  together. 
When  they  were  met,  they  propounded  great  injuries  and 
damages,  sustained  by  Captain  Hawkins  and  our  men,  in 
assistance  of  La  Tour,  and  would  have  engaged  our  govern- 


ment  therein.  We  denied  that  we  had  any  hand,  either  by 
commission  or  permission,  in  that  action.  We  only  gave  way 
to  La  Tour  to  hire  assistance  to  conduct  his  ship  home,  accord- 
ing to  the  request  made  to  us  in  the  commission  of  the  vice 
admiral  of  France.  And  for  that  which  was  done  by  our  men 
beyond  our  commission,  we  showed  Monsieur  D'Aulnay's  letter 
to  our  governor,  by  Captain  Bayley,  wherein  he  writes,  that 
the  king  of  France  had  laid  all  the  blame  upon  the  vice  admiral, 
and  commanded  him  not  to  break  with  us,  upon  that  occasion. 
We  also  alleged  the  peace  formerl}'-  concluded  without  any 
reservation  of  those  things.  They  replied,  that  howsoever  the 
king  of  France  had  remitted  his  own  interest,  yet  he  had  not 
nor  intended  to  deprive  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  of  his  private  satis- 
faction. Here  they  did  stick  two  days.  Their  commissioners 
alleged  damages  to  the  value  of  8000  pounds,  but  did  not  stand 
upon  the  value.  They  would  have  accepted  of  very  small 
satisfaction,  if  we  would  have  acknowledged  any  guilt  in  our 
government.  In  the  end  they  came  to  this  conclusion:  we 
accepted  their  commissioner's  answer,  in  satisfaction  of  those 
things  we  had  charged  upon  Monsieur  D'Aulnay,  and  they 
accepted  our  answer  for  clearing  our  government  of  what  he 
had  charged  upon  us ;  and  because  we  could  not  free  Captain 
Hawkins  and  the  other  voluntaries  of  what  they  had  done,  we 
were  to  send  a  small  present  to  Monsieur  D'Aulnay  in  satisfac- 
tion of  that,  and  so  all  injuries  and  demands  to  be  remitted, 
and  so  a  final  peace  to  be  concluded.  Accordingly  we  sent 
Monsieur  D'Aulnay  by  his  commissioners  a  very  fair  new 
sedan,  (worth  forty  or  fifty  pounds  where  it  was  made,  but  of 
no  use  to  us,)  sent  by  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  to  a  lady  his  sister, 
and  taken  in  the  West  Indies  by  Captain  Cromwell,  and  by 
him  given  to  our  governor.*  This  the  commissioners  very  well 
accepted ;  and  so  the  agreement  being  signed  in  several  instru- 
ments, by  the  commissioners  of  both  parts,  on  28  day  of  the 
same  month,  they  took  leave  and  departed  to  their  pinnace,  the 

*  See  ante,  p.  273. 

286  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

governor  and  our  commissioners  accompanying  them  to  their 
boat,  attended  with  a  guard  of  musketeers,  and  gave  them 
five  guns  from  Boston,  three  from  Charlestown,  and  five 
from  Castle  Island,  and  we  sent  them  aboard  a  quarter  cask 
of  sack  and  some  mutton.  They  answered  all  our  salutations 
with  such  small  pieces  as  they  had,  and  so  set  sail,  major 
Sedgwick  and  some  other  gentlemen  accompanying  them  as 
far  as  Castle  Island.  The  Lord's  day  they  were  here,  the  gov- 
ernor, acquainting  them  with  our  manner,  that  all  men  either 
come  to  our  public  meetings,  or  keep  themselves  quiet  in  their 
houses,  and  finding  that  the  place  where  they  lodged  would 
not  be  convenient  for  them  that  day,  invited  them  home  to  his 
house,  where  they  continued  private  all  that  day  until  sunset, 
and  made  use  of  such  books,  Latin  and  French,  as  he  had,  and 
the  liberty  of  a  private  walk  in  his  garden,  and  so  gave  no 
offence,  etc.  The  two  first  days  after  their  arrival  their  pinnace 
kept  up  her  flag  in  the  main  top,  which  gave  offence  both  to 
the  Londoners  who  rode  in  the  harbor  and  also  to  our  own 
people,  whereupon  Monsieur  Marie  was  put  in  mind  of  it.  At 
first  he  excused  it  by  a  general  custom  for  the  king's  ships,  both 
French,  English,  and  Dutch,  etc.,  to  use  it  in  all  places;  but 
being  now  under  our  government,  if  we  would  so  command, 
he  would  cause  [it]  to  be  taken  down.  We  desired  him  not  [to] 
put  us  to  that,  but  seeing  he  knew  our  minds  he  would  do  it  of 
himself.    Whereupon  he  gave  order  to  have  it  taken  down. 

There  fell  a  sad  affliction  upon  the  country  this  year,  though 
it  more  particularly  concerned  New  Haven  and  those  parts.  A 
small  ship  of  about  100  tons  set  out  from  New  Haven  in  the 
middle  of  the  eleventh  month  last  (the  harbor  there  being  so 
frozen,  as  they  were  forced  to  hew  her  through  the  ice  near 
three  miles).  She  was  laden  with  pease  and  some  wheat,  all 
in  bulk,  with  about  200  West  India  hides,  and  store  of  beaver, 
and  plate,  so  as  it  was  estimated  in  all  at  5000  pounds.  There 
were  in  her  about  seventy  persons,  whereof  divers  were  of 
very  precious  account,  as  Mr.  Grigson,  one  of  their  magistrates, 


the  wife  of  Mr.  Goodyear,  another  of  their  magistrates,  (a  right 
godly  woman,)  Captain  Turner,  Mr.  Lamberton,  master  of  the 
ship,  and  some  seven  or  eight  others,  members  of  the  church 
there.  The  ship  never  went  voyage  before,  and  was  very 
crank-sided,  so  as  it  was  conceived,  she  was  overset  in  a  great 
tempest,  which  happened  soon  after  she  put  to  sea,  for  she  was 
never  heard  of  after. 

7.  (September.)]  Some  few  famihes  being  gone  to  the  new 
plantation  at  Pequod,*  some  of  them  kept  in  the  Indians'  wig- 
wams there,  while  their  own  houses  were  building.  Some  of 
these  Indians,  accompanied  with  some  English,  went  to  hunt 
deer,  Unkas,  the  Moheagen  sachem,  pretending  they  had  hunted 
in  his  hmits,  came  with  300  men,  and  set  upon  them,  and  beat 
some  of  the  Indians,  and  took  away  some  of  their  goods,  putting 
them  by  force  out  of  their  wigwams,  where  the  English  kept. 
Complaint  being  made  hereof  to  the  commissioners,  (who  were 
then  met  at  New  Haven,)  they  sent  for  Unkas,  and  charged  him 
with  this  outrage,  etc.  He  confessed  he  had  done  very  ill,  and 
said,  he  thought  he  was  mad ;  so  he  promised  to  go  to  the  Eng- 
lish there,  and  acknowledge  his  offence,  and  make  full  satisfac- 
tion, and  for  time  to  come,  would  live  peaceably  with  them,  etc. 

The  merchants  of  New  Haven  had  set  up  a  trading  house 
upon  a  small  river  some  thirty  miles  up  into  the  country,  and 
some  fifty  miles  from  fort  Orange.  The  Dutch  governor 
hearing  thereof,  sent  a  protest  there  against  it,  claiming  the 
place  to  be  in  New  Netherland.  Mr.  Eaton  returned  answer 
by  the  same  messenger. 

A  woman  of  the  church  of  We3Tnouth  being  cast  out  for 
some  distempered  speeches,  by  a  major  party,  (the  ruling  elder 
and  a  minor  party  being  unsatisfied  therein,)  her  husband  com- 
plained to  the  synod,  which  being  then  ready  to  break  up, 
could  do  nothing  in  it,  but  only  acquainted  the  pastor  there- 
with privately.  WTiereupon  complaint  was  made  to  the  elders 
of  the  neighboring  churches,  and  request  made  to  them  to 

*  The  Thames  River. 


come  to  Weymouth  and  to  mediate  a  reconciliation.  The  el- 
ders acquainted  their  churches  with  it.  Some  scrupled  the 
warrantableness  of  the  course,  seeing  the  major  party  of  the 
church  did  not  send  to  the  churches  for  advice.  It  was  an- 
swered, that  it  was  not  to  be  expected,  that  the  major  party 
would  complain  of  their  own  act,  and  if  the  minor  party,  or 
the  party  grieved,  should  not  be  heard,  then  God  should  have 
left  no  means  of  redress  in  such  a  case,  which  could  not  be. 
Some  of  the  churches  approved  their  going ;  the  rest  permitted 
it.  So  they  went,  and  the  church  of  Weymouth,  having  notice 
before  hand,  gave  them  a  meeting,  and  first  demanded,  whether 
they  were  sent  by  their  churches  or  not.  Being  certified,  as 
before,  they  objected  this,  that  except  they  had  been  sent  by 
their  churches,  they  should  never  know  when  they  had  done, 
for  others  might  come  still,  and  require  like  satisfaction,  etc. 
It  was  answered,  the  like  objection  would  lie,  if  the  churches 
had  sent,  for  other  churches  might  yet  have  required,  etc., 
but  they  came  not  in  way  of  authority,  but  only  of  brotherly 
communion,  and  therefore  impose  nothing  upon  them,  but 
only  to  give  their  advice  as  occasion  should  require.  This  and 
some  other  scruples  being  removed,  the  church  consented  to 
have  the  cause  heard,  and  opened  from  the  beginning,  where- 
upon some  failing  was  found  in  both  parties,  the  woman  had 
not  given  so  full  satisfaction  as  she  ought  to  have  done,  and 
the  major  party  of  the  church  had  proceeded  too  hastily  against 
a  considerable  party  of  the  dissenting  brethren,  whereupon  the 
woman  who  had  offended  was  convinced  of  her  failing,  and  be- 
wailed it  with  many  tears,  the  major  party  also  acknowledged 
their  error,  and  gave  the  elders  thanks  for  their  care  and  pains. 
7.  (September.)]  One  Wilham  Waldron,  a  member  of  the 
church  of  Dover  upon  Pascataquack,  (received  into  the  church 
in  the  corrupt  beginning  of  it,)  a  man  given  to  drunkenness 
and  contention,  being  after  cast  out,  and  upon  some  formal 
repentance  received  in  again,  being  also  a  good  clerk,  and  a 
subtle  man,  was  made  their  recorder,  and  also  recorder  of  the 


province  of  Maine  under  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  and  returning 
from  Saco  about  the  end  of  September  alone,  passing  over  a 
small  river  at  Kennebunk,  was  there  drowned,  and  his  body 
not  found  until  near  a  month  after. 

(8.)  (October)  17.]  A  ship  of  300  tons,  built  at  Boston,  was 
this  day  launched. 

(9.)  (November)  4.]  The  general  court  (being  adjourned 
from  (8)  began  again,  and  that  night  was  a  most  dreadful 
tempest  at  northeast  with  wind  and  rain,  in  which  the  lady 
Moodye  her  house  at  Salem,  being  but  one  story  in  height,  and 
a  flat  roof  with  a  brick  chimney  in  the  midst,  had  the  roof  taken 
off  in  two  parts  (with  the  top  of  the  chimney)  and  carried  six 
or  seven  rods  off.  Also  one  Cross  of  Connecticut  had  his  pin- 
nace cast  away  in  Narragansett  Bay,  but  the  men  and  goods 
saved.  Mr.  Haines,  etc.,  taken  in  this  tempest  half  way  from 
Connecticut,  and  by  providence  brought  casually  in  the  night 
to  an  empty  wigwam,  where  they  found  fire  kindled,  and  room 
for  themselves  and  horses,  else  had  perished. 

This  court  the  business  of  Gorton,  etc.,  and  of  the  petition- 
ers. Dr.  Child,  etc.,  were  taken  into  consideration,  and  it  was 
thought  needful  to  send  some  able  man  into  England,  with 
commission  and  instructions,  to  satisfy  the  commissioners  for 
plantations  about  those  complaints ;  and  because  it  was  a  mat- 
ter of  so  great  and  general  concernment,  such  of  the  elders  as 
could  be  had  were  sent  for,  to  have  their  advice  in  the  matter. 
Mr.  Hubbard  of  Hingham  came  with  the  rest,  but  the  court 
being  informed  that  he  had  an  hand  in  a  petition,  which  Mr. 
Vassall  carried  into  England  against  the  country  in  general, 
the  governor  propounded,  that  if  any  elder  present  had  any 
such  hand,  etc.,  he  would  withdraw  himself.  Mr.  Hubbard  sit- 
ting still  a  good  space,  and  no  man  speaking,  one  of  the  depu- 
ties informed  the  court,  that  Mr.  Hubbard  was  the  man  sus- 
pected, whereupon  he  arose,  and  said,  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
any  such  petition.  The  governor  repHed,  that  seeing  he  was 
now  named,  he  must  needs  dehver  his  mind  about  him,  which 

290  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

was,  that  although  they  had  no  proof  present  about  the 
matter  of  the  petition,  and  therefore  his  denial  was  a  sufficient 
clearing,  etc.,  yet  in  regard  he  had  so  much  opposed  authority, 
and  offered  such  contempt  to  it,  as  for  which  he  had  been 
lately  bound  to  his  good  behavior,  he  thought  he  would 
(in  discretion)  withdraw  himself,  etc.,  whereupon  he  went  out. 
Then  the  governor  put  the  court  in  mind  of  a  great  miscar- 
riage, in  that  our  secretest  coimsels  were  presently  known 
abroad,  which  could  not  be  but  by  some  among  ourselves,  and 
desired  them  to  look  at  it  as  a  matter  of  great  unfaithfulness, 
and  that  our  present  consultations  might  be  kept  in  the  breast 
of  the  court,  and  not  be  divulged  abroad,  as  others  had  been. 
Then  it  was  propounded  to  consideration,  in  what  relation 
we  stood  to  the  state  of  England;  whether  our  government  was 
founded  upon  our  charter,  or  not;  if  so,  then  what  subjection 
we  owed  to  that  state.  The  magistrates  delivered  their  minds 
first,  that  the  elders  might  have  the  better  light  for  their  advice. 
All  agreed  that  our  charter  was  the  foundation  of  our  govern- 
ment, and  thereupon  some  thought,  that  we  were  so  subordi- 
nate to  the  parliament,  as  they  might  countermand  our  orders 
and  judgments,  etc.,  and  therefore  advised,  that  we  should  peti- 
tion the  parhament  for  enlargement  of  power,  etc.  Others 
conceived  otherwise,  and  that  though  we  owed  allegiance  and 
subjection  to  them,  as  we  had  always  professed,  and  by  a  copy 
of  a  petition  which  we  presented  to  the  lords  of  the  privy 
council  when  they  sent  for  our  charter  anno  [blank]  then  read 
in  the  court,  did  appear,  yet  by  our  charter  we  had  absolute 
power  of  government;  for  thereby  we  have  power  to  make 
laws,  to  erect  all  sorts  of  magistracy,  to  correct,  punish,  pardon, 
govern,  and  rule  the  people  absolutely,  which  word  implies  two 
things,  1.  a  perfection  of  parts,  so  as  we  are  thereby  furnished 
with  all  parts  of  government,  2.  it  impHes  a  self-sufficiency, 
quoad  subjectam  materiam,and  ergo  should  not  need  the  help 
of  any  superior  power,  either  general  governor,  or,  etc.,  to 
complete  our  government ;  yet  we  did  owe  allegiance  and  sub- 


jection,  1.  because  our  commonwealth  was  founded  upon  the 
power  of  that  state,  and  so  had  been  always  carried  on,  2.  in 
regard  of  the  tenure  of  our  lands,  of  the  manor  of  East  Green- 
wich, 3.  we  depended  upon  them  for  protection,  etc.,  4.  for 
advice  and  counsel,  when  in  great  occasions  we  should  crave 
it,  5.  in  the  continuance  of  naturalization  and  free  liegeance  of 
ourselves  and  our  posterity.  Yet  we  might  be  still  independent 
in  respect  of  government,  as  Normandy,  Gascoyne,  etc.,  were, 
though  they  had  dependence  upon  the  crown  of  France,  and 
the  kings  of  England  did  homage,  etc.,  yet  in  point  of  govern- 
ment they  were  not  dependent  upon  France.  So  hkewise 
Burgundy,  Flanders,  etc.  So  the  Hanse  Towns  in  Germany, 
which  have  dependence  upon  the  empire,  etc.  And  such  as 
are  subject  to  the  imperial  chamber,  in  some  great  and  general 
causes,  they  had  their  deputies  there,  and  so  were  parties  to 
all  orders  there.* 

And  for  that  motion  of  petitioning,  etc.,  it  was  answered, 
1.  that  if  we  receive  a  new  charter,  that  will  be  (ipso  facto)  a 
surrender  of  the  old,  2.  the  parliament  can  grant  none  now, 
but  by  way  of  ordinance,  and  it  may  be  questioned,  whether 
the  king  will  give  his  royal  assent,  considering  how  he  hath 
taken  displeasure  against  us,  3.  if  we  take  a  charter  from  the 
parliament,  we  can  expect  no  other  than  such  as  they  have 
granted  to  us  at  Narragansett,  and  to  others  in  other  places, 
wherein  they  reserve  a  supreme  power  in  all  things. 

The  court  having  delivered  their  opinions,  the  elders  de- 
sired time  of  consideration,  and  the  next  day  they  presented 
their  advice,  which  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Allen,  pastor  of  the 
church  in  Dedham,  in  divers  articles,  which  (upon  request) 
they  delivered  in  writing  as  followeth.  But  first  I  should  have 
mentioned  the  order  of  the  commissioners,  sent  to  us  in  the 

*  These  early  discussions  of  the  proper  relation  of  a  dependency  to  the  mother 
state  are  interesting.  The  ideas  from  which  came  the  American  Revolution  are 
plainly  seen,  and  also  those  from  which  was  evolved  the  present  English  colonial 


behalf  of  Gorton,  which,  together  with  their  petition  and  decla- 
ration, were  sent  over  to  us  by  the  commissioners.  The  order 
was  in  these  words. 

After  our  hearty  commendations,  we  being  specially  entrusted  by 
both  houses  of  parliament  with  ordering  the  affairs  and  government 
of  the  English  plantations  in  America,  have  some  months  since  received 
a  complaint  from  Mr.  Gorton  and  Mr.  Holden,  in  the  name  of  themselves 
and  divers  others  English,  who  have  transported  themselves  into  New 
England,  and  now  are  or  lately  were  inhabitants  of  a  tract  of  land  called 
by  the  name  of  the  Narragansett  Bay,  (a  copy  of  which  complaint  the 
inclosed  petition  and  narrative  will  represent  to  your  knowledge,)  we 
could  not  forthwith  proceed  to  a  full  hearing  and  determination  of  the 
matter,  it  not  appearing  unto  us,  that  you  were  acquainted  with  the 
particular  charge,  or  that  you  had  furnished  any  person  with  power  to 
make  defence  in  your  behalf,  nor  could  we  conveniently  respite  some  kind 
of  resolution  therein  without  a  great  prejudice  to  the  petitioners,  who 
would  have  lain  under  much  inconvenience,  if  we  had  detained  them 
from  their  families  till  all  the  formality  and  circumstances  of  proceeding 
(necessary  at  this  distance)  had  regularly  prepared  the  cause  for  a  hearing. 
We  shall  therefore  let  you  know  in  the  first  place,  that  our  present  resolu- 
tion is  not  grounded  upon  an  admittance  of  the  truth  of  what  is  charged, 
we  knowing  well  how  much  God  hath  honored  your  government,  and 
believing  that  your  spirits  and  affairs  are  acted  by  principles  of  justice, 
prudence  and  zeal  to  God,  and  therefore  cannot  easily  receive  any  evil 
impressions  concerning  your  proceedings.  In  the  next  place,  you  may 
take  notice,  that  we  found  the  petitioners'  aim  and  desire,  in  the  result  of 
it,  was  not  so  much  a  reparation  for  what  past,  as  a  settling  their  habita- 
tion for  the  future  under  that  government  by  a  charter  of  civil  incorpora- 
tion which  was  heretofore  granted  them  by  ourselves.  We  find  withal 
that  the  tract  of  land,  called  the  Narragansett  Bay,  (concerning  which 
the  question  is  arisen,)  was  divers  years  since  inhabited  by  those  of  Provi- 
dence, Portsmouth,  and  Newport,  who  are  interested  in  the  complaint,  and 
that  the  same  is  wholly  without  the  bounds  of  the  Massachusetts  patent 
granted  by  his  majesty.  We  have  considered  that  they  be  English,  and 
that  the  forcing  of  them  to  find  out  new  places  of  residence  will  be  very 
chargeable,  difficult,  and  uncertain. 

And  therefore  upon  the  whole  matter  do  hereby  pray  and  require 
you  to  permit  and  suffer  the  petitioners  and  all  the  late  inhabitants  of 
Narragansett  Bay,  with  their  families  and  such  as  shall  hereafter  join 


with  them,  freely  and  quietly  to  live  and  plant  upon  Shawomett  and  such 
other  parts  of  the  said  tract  of  land  within  the  bounds  mentioned  in  our 
said  charter,  on  which  they  have  formerly  planted  and  lived,  without 
extending  your  jurisdiction  to  any  part  thereof,  or  otherwise  disquieting 
them  in  their  consciences  or  civil  peace,  or  interrupting  them  in  their 
possession  until  such  time  as  we  shall  have  received  your  answer  to  their 
claim  in  point  of  title,  and  you  shall  thereupon  have  received  our  further 
order  therein. 

And  in  case  any  others,  since  the  petitioners'  address  to  England, 
have  taken  possession  of  any  part  of  the  lands  heretofore  enjoyed  by  the 
petitioners  or  any  their  associates,  you  are  to  cause  them  which  are  newly 
possessed,  as  aforesaid,  to  be  removed,  that  this  order  may  be  fully  per- 
formed. And  till  our  further  order  neither  the  petitioners  are  to  enlarge 
their  plantations,  nor  are  any  others  to  be  suffered  to  intrude  upon  any 
part  of  the  Narragansett  Bay. 

And  if  they  shall  be  found  hereafter  to  abuse  this  favor  by  any  act 
tending  to  disturb  your  right,  we  shall  express  a  due  sense  thereof,  so  as 
to  testify  a  care  of  your  honor,  protection,  and  encouragement. 

In  order  to  the  effecting  of  this  resolution,  we  do  also  require,  that 
you  do  suffer  the  said  Mr.  Gorton,  Mr.  Holden,  Mr.  Greene,  and  their 
company,  with  their  goods  and  necessaries,  to  pass  through  any  part  of 
that  territory  which  is  under  your  jurisdiction,  toward  the  said  tract  of 
land,  without  molestation,  they  demeaning  themselves  civilly,  any  former 
sentence  of  expulsion  or  otherwise  notwithstanding. 

We  shall  only  add  that  to  these  orders  of  ours  we  shall  ex^pect  a  con- 
formity, not  only  from  yourselves,  but  from  all  other  governors  and 
plantations  in  New  England  whom  it  may  concern.  And  so  commending 
you  to  God's  gracious  protection,  we  rest,  your  very  loving  friends. 

From   the  governor    in        Warwick,  Governor  and  Admi.  Jud. 
chief.    Lord    Admiral    and        Northumberland, 
Commissioners  for  foreign        Pembroke  and  Montgomery, 
Plantations,  sitting  at  West-        Nottingham, 
minster,  15  May,  1646.  Manchester, 

Era.  Dacre, 

Sam.  Vassall, 

Corn.  Holland, 

Wm.  Waller, 

Wm.  Purefoy, 

Dennis  Bond, 

Geo.  Snelling, 

Ben.  Rudyer. 


Upon  this  order  one  question  was,  whether  we  should  give 
the  commissioners  their  title,  least  thereby  we  should  acknowl- 
edge all  that  power  they  claimed  in  our  jurisdiction  as  well  as 
in  other  plantations,  which  had  not  so  large  a  charter  as  we. 
It  was  considered  withal,  that  whatever  answer  or  remonstrance 
we  presented  to  them,  if  their  stile  were  not  observed,  it  was 
doubted  they  would  not  receive  it. 

The  advice  of  the  elders  was  as  follows. 

Concerning  the  question  of  our  dependence  upon  England,  we  con- 

1.  That  as  we  stand  in  near  relation,  so  also  in  dependence  upon  that 
state,  in  divers  respects,  viz.  1.  We  have  received  the  power  of  our 
government  and  other  privileges,  derived  from  thence  by  our  charter. 
2.  We  owe  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  that  state.  3.  Erecting  such  a 
government  as  the  patent  prescribes  and  subjecting  ourselves  to  the  laws 
here  ordained  by  that  government,  we  therein  yield  subjection  to  the  state 
of  England.  4.  We  owe  unto  that  state  the  fifth  part  of  gold  and  silver 
ore  that  shall,  etc.  5.  We  depend  upon  the  state  of  England  for  protec- 
tion and  immunities  of  Englishmen,  as  free  denization,  etc. 

2.  We  conceive,  that  in  point  of  government  we  have  granted  by 
patent  such  full  and  ample  power  of  choosing  all  officers  that  shall  com- 
mand and  rule  over  us,  of  making  all  laws  and  rules  of  our  obedience,  and 
of  a  full  and  final  determination  of  all  cases  in  the  administration  of 
justice,  that  no  appeals  or  other  ways  of  interrupting  our  proceedings  do 
lie  against  us. 

3.  Concerning  our  way  of  answering  complaints  against  us  in  Eng- 
land, we  conceive,  that  it  doth  not  well  suit  with  us,  nor  are  we  directly 
called  thereto,  to  profess  and  plead  our  right  and  power,  further  than  in 
a  way  of  justification  of  our  proceedings  questioned,  from  the  words  of 
the  patent.  In  which  agitations  and  the  issues  thereof  our  agents  shall 
discern  the  mind  of  the  parliament  towards  us,  which  if  it  be  prepense  and 
favorable,  there  may  be  a  fit  season  to  procure  such  countenance  of  our 
proceedings,  and  confirmation  of  our  just  power,  as  may  prevent  such 
unjust  complaints  and  interruptions,  as  now  disturb  our  administrations. 
But  if  the  parliament  should  be  less  inclinable  to  us,  we  must  wait  upon 
providence  for  the  preservation  of  our  just  liberties. 

4.  Furthermore  we  do  not  clearly  discern,  but  that  we  may  give  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  and  the  rest  such  titles  as  the  parliament  hath  given 
them,  without  subjecting  to  them  in  point  of  our  government. 


5.  Lastly  we  conceive  that  as  the  hazardous  state  of  England,  the 
case  of  the  church  of  Bermuda,  and  so  this  weighty  case  of  our  liberties 
do  call  the  churches  to  a  solemn  seeking  of  the  Lord  for  the  upholding  of 
our  state  and  disappointment  of  our  adversaries. 

The  court  had  made  choice  of  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  (one 
of  the  magistrates  of  Plymouth,)  as  a  fit  man  to  be  employed 
in  our  present  affairs  in  England,  both  in  regard  of  his  abihties 
of  presence,  speech,  courage,  and  understanding,  as  also  being 
well  known  to  the  commissioners,  having  suffered  a  few  years 
before  divers  months  imprisonment,  by  means  of  the  last  arch 
prelate,  in  the  cause  of  New  England.  But  it  was  now  moved 
by  one  of  the  elders,  to  send  one  of  our  own  magistrates  and 
one  of  our  elders.  The  motion  and  the  reasons  of  it  were  well 
apprehended,  so  as  the  governor  and  Mr.  Norton,  teacher  of 
the  church  in  Ipswich,  were  named,  and  in  a  manner  agreed 
upon;  but  upon  second  thoughts  it  was  let  fall,  chiefly  for 
these  two  reasons,  L  it  was  feared,  in  regard  that  Mr.  Peter 
had  written  to  the  governor  to  come  over  and  assist  in  the 
parliament's  cause,  etc.,  that  if  he  were  there,  he  would  be 
called  into  the  parliament,  and  so  detained,  2.  many  were  upon 
the  wing,  and  his  departure  would  occasion  more  new  thoughts 
and  apprehensions,  etc.  3.  it  was  feared  what  changes  his  ab- 
sence might  produce,  etc. 

The  governor  was  very  averse  to  a  voyage  into  England, 
yet  he  declared  himself  ready  to  accept  the  service,  if  he  should 
be  called  to  it,  though  he  were  then  fifty-nine  years  of  age, 
wanting  one  month;  but  he  was  very  glad  when  he  saw  the 
mind  of  the  Lord  to  be  otherwise. 

The  court  conferred  with  the  elders  about  the  petition  of  Dr. 
Child,  etc.,  also,  for  it  had  given  great  offence  to  many  godly  in 
the  country,  both  elders  and  others,  and  some  answers  had 
been  made  to  it,  and  presented  to  the  court,  out  of  which  one 
entire  answer  had  been  framed,  in  way  of  declaration  of  the 
court's  apprehension  thereof,  not  by  way  of  answer,  because  it 
was  adjudged  a  contempt,  which  declaration  was  after  pub- 

296  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

lished.    The  elders  declared  their  opinion  about  it,  but  gave 
no  advice  for  censure,  etc.,  leaving  that  to  the  court. 

There  was  a  ship  then  ready  to  set  sail  for  England,  wherein 
Mr.  Fowle  (one  of  the  petitioners)  was  to  go,  etc.  The  court 
therefore  sent  for  him,  and  required  an  account  of  him  about 
it,  before  his  departure,  and  also  Mr.  John  Smith  of  Rhode 
Island,  being  then  in  town,  and  they  were  both  required  to  find 
sureties  to  be  responsal,  etc.,  whereupon  they  were  troubled, 
and  desired  they  might  answer  presently,  in  regard  they  were 
to  depart,  taking  exception  also,  that  the  rest  of  the  petitioners 
were  not  called  as  well  as  they.  Whereupon  Dr.  Child,  etc., 
were  sent  for,  and  all  appeared,  save  Mr.  Maverick;  and  the 
Dr.  (being  the  chief  speaker)  demanded  what  should  be  laid  to 
their  charge,  seeing  it  was  no  offence  to  prefer  a  petition,  etc. 
It  was  answered,  that  they  were  not  questioned  for  petitioning, 
but  for  such  miscarriages,  etc.,  as  appeared  in  their  petition 
and  remonstrance.  The  Doctor  replied,  desiring  that  they 
might  know  their  charge.  The  court  answered,  they  should 
have  it  in  due  time ;  it  was  not  ready  at  present,  nor  had  they 
called  them  then,  had  it  not  been,  that  some  of  them  were 
upon  their  departure,  and  therefore  the  court  required  sureties 
for  their  forth  coming,  etc.  The  Doctor,  etc.,  still  demanded 
what  offence  they  had  committed,  for  which  they  should  find 
sureties,  etc.  Upon  this  pressing,  one  clause  in  their  petition 
was  read  to  them,  which  was  this,  our  brethren  of  England's 
just  indignation  against  us,  so  as  they  fly  from  us  as  from  a 
pest,  etc.,  whereby  they  lay  a  great  scandal  upon  the  country, 
etc.  This  was  so  clear  as  they  could  not  evade  it,  but  quarrelled 
with  the  court,  with  high  terms.  The  Doctor  said,  they  did 
beneath  themselves  in  petitioning  to  us,  etc.,  and  in  conclusion 
appealed  to  the  commissioners  in  England.  The  governor  told 
them,  he  would  admit  no  appeal,  nor  was  it  allowed  by  our 
charter,  but  by  this  it  appeared  what  their  aim  was  in  their 
petition;  they  complained  of  fear  of  perpetual  slavery,  etc., 
but  their  intent  was,  to  make  us  slaves  to  them  and  such  as 

1646]  JOHN  WINTHROP,   GO\^RNOR  297 

themselves  were,  and  that  by  the  parhament  and  commission- 
ers, (meaning,  by  thi'eatening  us  with  their  authority,  or  calum- 
niating us  to  them,  etc.).  For  ourselves,  it  was  well  known, 
we  did  ever  honor  the  parhament,  and  were  ready  to  perform 
all  due  obedience,  etc.,  to  them  according  to  our  charter,  etc. 
The  court  let  them  know,  that  they  did  take  notice  of  their 
contemptuous  speeches  and  behavior,  as  should  further 
appear  in  due  time.  In  conclusion  Mr.  Fowle  and  Mr.  Smith 
were  committed  to  the  marshal  for  want  of  sureties,  and  the 
rest  were  enjoined  to  attend  the  court  when  they  should  be 
called.  So  they  were  dismissed,  and  Mr.  Fowle,  etc.  found 
sureties  before  night,  and  were  set  at  liberty. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  the  petition,  and 
out  of  it  to  draw  a  charge,  which  was  done,  as  followeth: 

The  court  doth  charge  Dr.  Child,  etc.,  with  divers  false  and  scandalous 
passages  in  a  certain  paper,  entitled  a  remonstrance  and  petition  (ex- 
hibited by  them  to  this  court  in  the  third  month  last)  against  the  churches 
of  Christ  and  the  civil  government  here  established,  derogating  from  the 
honor  and  authority  of  the  same,  and  tending  to  sedition,  as  in  the  par- 
ticulars following  will  appear: 

1.  They  take  upon  them  to  defame  our  government,  and  to  control 
both  the  wisdom  of  the  state  of  England  in  the  frame  of  our  charter,  and 
also  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  this  court,  in  charging  our  government 
to  be  an  ill-compacted  vessel. 

2.  They  lay  open  the  afflictions,  which  God  hath  pleased  to  exercise 
us  with,  and  that  to  the  worst  appearance,  and  impute  it  to  the  evil  of 
our  government. 

3.  They  charge  us  with  manifest  injury  to  a  great  part  of  the  people 
here,  persuading  them,  that  the  liberties  and  privileges  in  our  charter 
belong  to  all  freeborn  Englishmen,  inhabitants  here;  whereas  they  are 
granted  only  to  such  as  the  governor  and  company  shall  think  fit  to 
receive  into  that  fellowship. 

4.  They  closely  insinuate  into  the  minds  of  the  people,  that  those 
now  in  authority  do  intend  to  exercise  unwarranted  dominion  and  an 
arbitrary  government,  such  as  is  abominable  to  the  parliament  and  that 
party  in  England,  thereby  to  make  them  slaves;  and  (to  hide  them- 
selves) they   pretend  it   to  be  the  jealousies  of    others,  and   (which 

298  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

tends  to  stir  up  commotion)  they  foretel  them  of  intolerable  bondage 
to  ensiue. 

5.  They  go  about  to  weaken  the  authority  of  our  laws,  and  the 
reverence  and  esteem  of  them,  and  consequently  their  obedience  to  them, 
by  persuading  the  people,  that  partly  through  want  of  the  body  of  English 
laws,  and  partly  through  the  insufficiency  or  ill  frame  of  those  we  have, 
they  can  expect  no  sure  enjoyment  of  their  lives  and  liberties  under  them. 

6.  They  falsely  charge  us  with  denying  liberty  of  votes  in  such  cases 
where  we  allow  them,  as  in  choice  of  military  officers,  which  is  common 
to  the  non-freemen  with  such  as  are  free. 

7.  Their  speeches  tend  to  sedition,  by  insinuating  into  the  people's 
minds,  that  there  are  many  thousands  secretly  discontented  at  the  govern- 
ment, etc.,  whereby  those  who  indeed  were  so  might  be  emboldened  to 
discover  themselves,  and  to  attempt  some  innovation,  in  confidence  of  so 
many  thousands  to  join  with  them,  and  so  to  kindle  a  great  flame,  the 
foretelling  whereof  is  a  chief  means  to  kindle  it. 

8.  They  raise  a  false  report  and  foul  slander  upon  the  discipline  of 
our  churches,  and  upon  the  civil  government,  by  inferring  that  the  frame 
and  dispensation  thereof  are  such,  as  godly,  sober,  peaceable,  etc.,  men 
cannot  live  here  like  Christians,  which  they  seem  to  conclude  from  hence, 
that  they  desire  liberty  to  remove  where  they  may  live  like  Christians. 

9.  They  do  (in  effect)  charge  this  government  with  tyranny,  in  im- 
pressing their  persons  into  the  wars,  committing  them  to  prison,  fining, 
rating,  etc.,  and  all  unjustly  and  illegally. 

10.  They  falsely  charge  and  slander  the  people  of  God,  in  affirming 
that  Christian  vigilancy  is  no  way  exercised  towards  such  as  are  not  in 
church  fellowship,  whereas  themselves  know,  and  have  had  experience 
to  the  contrary.  And  if  they  had  discerned  any  such  failing,  they  ought 
first  to  have  complained  of  it  in  private  to  the  elders,  or  brethren  of  such 
churches  where  they  have  been  so  neglected,  which  (we  may  well  think) 
they  have  not  done,  nor  had  any  just  cause  thereof. 

11.  Having  thrown  all  this  dirt  and  shame  upon  our  churches  and 
government,  etc.,  they  endeavor  to  set  it  on,  that  it  might  stick  fast,  so  as 
all  men  might  undoubtedly  be  persuaded  of  the  reality  thereof,  by  pro- 
claiming it  in  their  conclusion,  that  our  own  brethren  in  England  have 
just  indignation  against  us  for  the  same,  which  they  labor  to  confirm  by 
the  effect  thereof,  viz.  that  for  these  evils  amongst  us,  these  our  own 
brethren  do  fly  from  us  as  from  a  pest. 

12.  Lastly,  that  it  may  yet  more  clearly  appear,  that  these  evils  and 
obliquities,  which  they  charge  upon  our  government,  are  not  the  mere 
jealousies  of  others,  but  their  own  apprehensions,  (or  pretences  rather,) 


they  have  publicly  declared  their  disaffection  thereto,  in  that,  being  called 
by  the  court  to  render  account  of  their  misapprehensions  and  evil  expres- 
sions in  the  premises,  they  refused  to  answer;  but,  by  appealing  from  this 
government,  they  disclaimed  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  before  they  knew 
whether  the  court  would  give  any  sentence  against  them,  or  not. 

Their  petition  being  read,  and  this  charge  laid  upon  them, 
in  the  open  court,  before  a  great  assembly,  they  desired  time  to 
make  answer  to  it,  which  was  granted.  .\nd  giving  the  court 
notice  that  their  answer  was  ready,  they  assembled  again,  and 
before  all  the  people  caused  their  answer  to  be  read,  which  was 
large,  and  to  little  purpose,  and  the  court  replied  to  the  particu- 
lars extempore,  as  they  were  read.  The  substance  both  of 
the  answer  and  reply  was,  as  followeth,  with  some  little  addi- 
tion, which  for  want  of  time  was  then  omitted. 

Answer.  To  the  first  they  answer,  that  they  termed  these 
plantations  an  ill-compacted  vessel,  1.  comparatively,  in  re- 
spect of  our  native  country,  2.  in  regard  of  the  paucity  of 
people,  scattered,  etc.,  3.  for  diversity  of  judgments  amongst 
us,  many  being  for  presbyterial  government,  according  to  the 
reformation  in  England,  others  opposing  it;  some  freemen, 
others  not.  Differences  there  are  also  about  bounds  of  col- 
onies, patents,  privileges,  etc. 

Reply.  To  this  was  rephed,  1.  that  the  being  of  a  thing, 
talis,  etc.,  hes  in  the  perfection  of  parts,  not  degrees;  a  child  of 
a  year  old  is  as  truly  a  man,  and  as  well  compact,  as  one  of 
sixty ;  a  ship  of  forty  tons  may  be  as  well  compact  a  vessel, 
as  the  Royal  Sovereign.  And  for  the  differences  which  are 
amongst  us,  (through  the  Lord's  mercy,)  they  are  not  either  in 
number  or  degree  suitable  to  those  in  England,  nor  do  they  con- 
cern our  esse  or  non  esse;  and  those  which  are,  are  raised  by 
such  discontented  and  unquiet  spirits  as  these  petitioners. 

To  the  second  they  answer  negatively,  which  needed  no 
reply,  it  being  evident  in  their  petition,  that  (though  they  speak 
of  our  sins  in  general,  yet)  they  chiefly  impute  them  to  our  evil 
government,  etc. 

300  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

Answer.  To  the  third,  they  deny  the  charge,  but  grant  that 
the  governor  and  company  may  have  some  pecuhar  privileges, 
as  other  corporations  of  England  have,  which  corporation 
privileges,  made  for  the  most  part  for  advancing  mechanical 
professions,  in  some  places  are  much  shghted  by  the  English 
gentry,  unless  in  London  and  some  great  cities,  because  free- 
born  privileges  are  far  greater  and  more  honorable,  etc. 

Reply.  To  this  it  was  rephed,  that  we  could  not  but  take 
this  as  a  scorn  and  slighting  of  us,  (according  to  their  former 
carriage,)  allowing  us  no  more  than  any  ordinary  corporation, 
and  such  privileges  only  as  belong  to  mechanic  men ;  but  for 
greater  and  more  gentile  privileges,  (as  they  term  them,)  those 
they  would  share  in ;  and  (which  they  impudently  deny  against 
the  plain  words  of  their  petition)  they  would  have  all  freeborn 
English  to  have  as  much  right  to  them  as  the  governor  and 

Answer.  To  the  fourth  they  answer  as  in  their  petition,  and 
a  reason  they  give  of  their  fear  of  arbitrary  government  is,  that 
some  speeches  and  papers  have  been  spread  abroad  for  main- 
tenance thereof,  etc.,  and  that  a  body  of  English  laws  have  not 
been  here  established,  nor  any  other  not  repugnant  thereto. 

Reply.  To  this  it  was  replied,  1.  that  the  constant  care 
and  pains  the  court  hath  taken  for  establishing  a  body  of  laws, 
and  that  which  hath  been  effected  herein  beyond  any  other 
plantation,  will  sufficiently  clear  our  government  from  being 
arbitrary,  and  our  intentions  from  any  such  disposition,  2.  for 
the  laws  of  England  (though  by  our  charter  we  are  not  bound 
to  them,  yet)  our  fundamentals  are  framed  according  to  them, 
as  will  appear  by  our  declaration,  which  is  to  be  published  upon 
this  occasion,  and  the  government  of  England  itself  is  more 
arbitrary  in  their  chancery  and  other  courts  than  ours  is,  3. 
because  they  would  make  men  believe,  that  the  want  of  the 
laws  of  England  was  such  a  grievance  to  them,  they  were  pressed 
to  show,  what  laws  of  England  they  wanted,  and  it  was  offered 
them,  (before  all  the  assembly,  who  were  desired  to  bear  witness 


of  it,)  that  if  they  could  produce  any  one  law  of  England,  the 
want  whereof  was  a  just  grievance  to  them,  the  court  would 
quit  the  cause,  whereupon  one  of  them  instanced  in  a  law  used 
in  London,  (where  he  had  been  a  citizen,)  but  that  was  easily 
taken  away,  by  showing  that  that  was  only  a  bye-law,  or  pecul- 
iar custom  of  the  city,  and  none  of  the  common  or  general 
laws  of  England. 

Answer.  They  answer  negatively  to  the  fifth,  alleging  that 
they  only  commend  the  laws  of  England  as  those  they  are  best 
accustomed  unto,  etc.,  and  therein  they  impudently  and  falsely 
affirm,  that  we  are  obliged  to  those  laws  by  om*  general  charter 
and  oath  of  allegiance,  and  that  without  those  laws,  or  others 
no  way  repugnant  to  them,  they  could  not  clearly  see  a  cer- 
tainty of  enjoying  their  lives,  hberties,  and  estates,  etc.,  ac- 
cording to  their  due  natural  rights,  as  freebom  Enghsh,  etc. 

Reply.  To  this  it  was  replied,  that  they  charge  us  with 
breach  of  our  charter  and  of  our  oaths  of  allegiance,  whereas 
our  allegiance  binds  us  not  to  the  laws  of  England  any  longer 
than  while  we  live  in  England,  for  the  laws  of  the  parliament 
of  England  reach  no  further,  nor  do  the  king's  writs  under 
the  great  seal  go  any  further;  what  the  orders  of  state  may, 
belongs  not  in  us  to  determine.  And  whereas  they  seem 
to  admit  of  laws  not  repugnant,  etc.,  if  by  repugnant  they 
mean,  as  the  word  truly  imports,  and  as  by  the  charter  must 
needs  be  intended,  they  have  no  cause  to  complain,  for  we  have 
no  laws  diametrically  opposite  to  those  of  England,  for  then 
they  must  be  contrary  to  the  law  of  God  and  of  right  reason, 
which  the  learned  in  those  laws  have  anciently  and  still  do 
hold  forth  as  the  fundamental  basis  of  their  laws,  and  that  if 
any  thing  hath  been  otherwise  estabhshed,  it  was  an  error,  and 
not  a  law,  being  against  the  intent  of  the  law-makers,  however 
it  may  bear  the  form  of  a  law  (in  regard  of  the  stamp  of  au- 
thority set  upon  it)  until  it  be  revoked. 

Answer.  To  the  sixth  they  confess,  that  non-freemen  have 
a  vote  in  choice  of  mifitary  officers,  but  they  justify  their  asser- 

302  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1646 

tion,  in  regard  they  must  first  take  an  oath  of  fidehty,  which, 
they  say,  is  not  (as  they  conceive)  warranted  by  our  charter, 
and  seems  not  to  concur  with  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  the 
later  covenants,  but  detracts  from  our  native  country  and  laws, 
so  as  they  cannot  take  it,  etc. 

Reply.  This  needs  no  reply.  An  absolute  denial,  and  a  de- 
nial sub  modo  are  not  the  same. 

Answer.  To  the  seventh  they  answer  negatively  only, 
which  their  petition  will  sufficiently  clear,  for  (reply)  the 
inference  is  so  plain,  as  is  obvious  to  any  reasonable  under- 

Answer  and  reply.    The  fike  for  the  eighth. 

Answer.  To  the  ninth  they  confess  the  words  in  their  peti- 
tion, viz.,  that  divers  of  the  English  subjects  have  been  im- 
pressed for  the  wars,  that  rates  are  many  and  grievous,  but 
charge  them  not  with  tyranny,  or  injustice,  or  illegal  proceed- 

Reply.  See  what  a  manifest  contradiction  they  have  run 
themselves  into.  They  complain  of  these  impresses  and  rates 
as  an  unsupportable  grievance,  and  yet  neither  tyrannical, 
unjust,  nor  illegal;  so  as  we  must  then  conclude  (as  the  very 
truth  is  indeed)  that  the  exercise  of  lawful  authority,  justice 
and  law,  are  a  grievance  to  these  men,  if  it  come  not  in  their 
own  way. 

Answer.  To  the  tenth,  they  would  shift  off  that  slander 
upon  our  churches  and  brethren,  by  this  distinction  of  Christian 
vigilancy,  properly  and  improperly  so  called;  properly  is  in 
three  respects,  1.  of  the  church  covenant,  2.  of  the  term, 
brethren,  3.  church  censure.  And  all  other  Christian  vigilancy 
they  account  improper;  and  so  this  is  not  to  be  intended  or 
comprised  in  this  proposition,  viz..  Christian  vigilancy  is  no 
way  exercised  towards  non-members. 

Reply.  This  is  so  gross  a  fallacy,  as  needs  no  skill  to  dis- 
cover it. 

Answer.    To  the  eleventh  they  answer  by  confessing  the 


words,  save  that  they  say,  they  spake  of  their  brethren,  not  our 
brethren.  Reply.  Who  they  challenge  for  their  brethren  pecul- 
iarly we  know  not,  for  all  such  there  as  in  judgment  of  charity 
go  for  true  Christians  in  England,  we  do  and  have  always 
accounted  brethren,  and  in  a  common  sense  all  of  that  nation 
we  have  accounted  brethren;  and  further  they  justify  that 
speech,  that  they  have  just  indignation  against  us,  etc.,  for 
three  reasons,  1.  for  not  establishing  the  laws  of  England,  2. 
not  admitting  them  to  civil  Uberties,  3.  not  admitting  them  to 
the  sacraments;  and  yet  they  dare  affirm  that  they  do  not 
charge  this  upon  the  court,  etc.  They  also  justify  that  speech, 
of  flying  from  us  as  from  a  pest,  by  the  like  speeches  some  of 
them  have  heard  from  godly  men  in  England,  and  by  so  many 
going  from  us,  and  so  few  coming  to  us.  But  admit  all  this  to 
be  true,  yet  what  calling  have  these  men  to  publish  tliis  to  our 
reproach?  And  beside  they  know  well,  that  as  some  speak 
evil  of  us,  because  we  conform  not  to  their  opinions,  in  allow- 
ing liberty  to  every  erroneous  judgment,  so  there  are  many,  no 
less  godly  and  judicious,  who  do  approve  our  practice,  and  con- 
tinue their  good  affection  to  us. 

Answer.  To  the  twelfth  (professing  their  ignorance  of  the 
meaning  of  the  word,  obliquities,  to  which  was  rephed,  that 
then  they  did  not  know  rather  what  rectum  was,  for  whatso- 
ever is  not  rectum  is  obliquum)  they  make  an  apology  for  their 
appeal,  as  conceiving  it  lawful  to  appeal  to  the  parliament,  to 
which  they  were  necessitated,  some  of  them  being  hindered 
from  their  necessary  occasions,  and  accounting  it  no  offence  to 
petition,  etc.,  nor  had  the  parliament  ever  censured  any  for  the 
like,  etc.  And  if  this  will  not  satisfy  the  court,  etc.,  some  few 
queries  to  the  parliament  (the  best  arbiters  in  these  cases)  will 
(we  hope)  end  all  controversies,  etc.,  concluding  that  they  hope 
we  will  censure  all  things  candidly  and  in  the  best  sense. 

To  which  it  was  replied,  that  appeals  did  not  lie  from  us,  by 
our  charter;  and  to  appeal,  before  any  sentence,  was  to  dis- 
claim our  jurisdiction,  etc. 

304  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

I  should  also  have  noted  the  Doctor's  logic,  who  undertook 
to  prove,  that  we  were  subject  to  the  laws  of  England.  His 
argument  was  this,  every  corporation  of  England  is  subject  to 
the  laws  of  England;  but  this  was  a  corporation  of  England, 
ergo,  etc. 

To  which  it  was  answered,  1.  that  there  is  a  difference 
between  subjection  to  the  laws  in  general,  as  all  that  dwell 
in  England  are,  and  subjection  to  some  laws  of  state,  proper 
to  foreign  plantations,  2.  we  must  distinguish  between  corpora- 
tions within  England  and  corporations  of  but  not  within 
England;  the  first  are  subject  to  the  laws  of  England  in  gen- 
eral, yet  not  to  every  general  law,  as  the  city  of  London  and 
other  corporations  have  divers  customs  and  by-laws  differing 
from  the  common  and  statute  laws  of  England.  Again, 
though  plantations  be  bodies  corporate,  (and  so  is  every  city 
and  commonwealth,)  yet  they  are  also  above  the  rank  of  an 
ordinary  corporation.  If  one  of  London  should  say  before  the 
mayor  and  aldermen,  or  before  the  common  council,  you  are 
but  a  corporation,  this  would  be  taken  as  a  contempt.  And 
among  the  Romans,  Grecians,  and  other  nations,  colonies  have 
been  esteemed  other  than  towns,  yea  than  many  cities,  for  they 
have  been  the  foundations  of  great  commonwealths.  And  it 
was  a  fruit  of  much  pride  and  folly  in  these  petitioners  to  de- 
spise the  day  of  small  things. 

These  petitioners  persisting  thus  obstinately  and  proudly  in 
their  evil  practice,  the  court  proceeded  to  consider  of  their  cen- 
sure, and  agreed,  that  the  Doctor  (in  regard  he  had  no  cause  to 
complain,  and  yet  was  a  leader  to  the  rest,  and  had  carried 
himself  proudly,  etc.,  in  the  court)  should  be  fined  fifty  pounds, 
Mr.  Smith  (being  also  a  stranger)  forty  pounds,  Mr.  Maverick 
(because  he  had  not  as  yet  appealed)  ten  pounds,  and  the  other 
four  thirty  pounds  each.*    So  being  again  called  before  the 

*  The  modern  reader  will  not  sympathize  with  this  narrow  action  of  the  theoc- 
racy. "  Surprise  almost  equals  our  indignation  at  this  exorbitant  imposition,  for 
in  this  very  year  Fowle  was  associated  with  Winthrop  as  one  of  the  selectmen  of 


court,  they  were  exhorted  to  consider  better  of  their  proceed- 
ings, and  take  knowledge  of  their  miscarriage,  which  was  great, 
and  that  they  had  transgressed  the  rule  of  the  Apostle  [blank], 
study  to  be  quiet  and  to  meddle  with  your  own  business. 
They  were  put  in  mind  also  of  that  sin  of  Corah,  etc.,  and  of 
the  near  resemblance  between  theirs  and  that;  they  only 
told  Moses  and  Aaron,  that  they  took  too  much  upon  them, 
seeing  all  were  the  Lord's  people,  etc.,  so  these  say,  that 
the  magistrates  and  freemen  take  too  much  upon  them,  seeing 
all  the  people  are  Englishmen,  etc.,  and  others  are  wise,  holy, 
etc.  They  were  offered  also,  if  they  would  ingenuously  ac- 
knowledge their  miscarriage,  etc.,  it  should  be  freely  remitted. 
But  they  remaining  obstinate,  the  court  declared  their  sentence, 
as  is  before  expressed. 

Upon  which  they  all  appealed  to  the  parliament,  etc.,  and 
tendered  their  appeal  in  writing.  The  court  received  the  pa- 
per; but  refused  to  accept  it,  or  to  read  it  in  the  court. 

Three  of  the  magistrates,  viz.,  Mr.  Bellingham,  Mr.  Salton- 
stall,  and  Mr.  Bradstreet  dissented,  and  desired  to  be  entered 
contradicentes  in  all  the  proceedings  (only  Mr.  Bradstreet  went 
home  before  the  sentence).  Two  or  three  of  the  deputies  did 
the  like.    So  the  court  was  dissolved.^ 

Dr.  Child  prepared  now  in  all  haste  to  go  for  England  in  the 
ship  which  was  to  go  about  a  week  after,  to  prosecute  their 
appeal,  and  to  get  a  petition  from  the  non-freemen  to  the  parlia- 

Boston,  and  Maverick  was  so  much  interested  in  the  great  work  of  fortifying 
Castle  Island,  that  he  advanced  a  large  part  of  the  outlay,  and  the  metropolis 
engaged  to  save  him  harmless  to  a  certain  extent.  Union  of  the  good  spirit  of 
the  civiHans,  that  dreaded  all  appeals  to  England  for  correction  of  any  error  in 
our  administration,  with  the  evil  spirit  of  the  clergy,  that  would  enforce  uniformity 
in  ceremonies  and  belief,  produced  the  effect  of  preventing  many  from  coming 
to  Massachusetts,  and  drove  away  many  who  had  already  established  here  their 
domestic  altars.  All  these  petitioners,  but  Maverick,  left  the  country,  I  believe. 
He  had  long  experience  enough  of  the  habits  of  our  rulers  to  know,  that  their 
intolerance  sometimes  yielded  to  interest,  and  that  humanity  often  overpowered 
the  perversity  of  their  zeal  for  God's  house,  by  which  they  might  seem  to  be  eaten 
up."    (Savage.) 

1  One  reads  gladly  of  the  dissent  of  these  important  men. 

306  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1646 

ment,  and  many  high  and  menacing  words  were  given  forth  by 
them  against  us,  which  gave  occasion  to  the  governor  and 
council  (so  many  of  them  as  were  then  assembled  to  hold  the 
court  of  assistants)  to  consider  what  was  fit  to  be  done.  Neither 
thought  they  fit  to  impart  their  counsel  to  such  of  the  magis- 
trates as  had  declared  their  dissent ;  but  the  rest  of  them  agreed 
to  stay  the  Doctor  for  his  fine,  and  to  search  his  trunk  and  Mr. 
Band's  study,  but  spake  not  of  it  till  the  evening  before  the 
Doctor  was  to  depart.  Then  it  was  propounded  in  council, 
and  Mr.  Bellingham  dissented,  as  before,  (yet  the  day  before 
he  moved  for  stopping  the  Doctor,  which  was  conceived  to  be  to 
feel  if  there  were  any  such  intention,)  and  presently  went  aside, 
and  spake  privately  with  one,  who  we  were  sure  would  prevent 
our  purpose,  if  it  were  possible.  Whereupon  (whereas  we  had 
agreed  to  defer  it  till  he  had  been  on  shipboard)  now  perceiving 
our  counsel  was  discovered,  we  sent  the  officers  presently  to 
fetch  the  Doctor,  and  to  search  his  study  and  Dand's  both  at 
one  instant,  which  was  done  accordingly,  and  the  Doctor  was 
brought,  and  his  trunk,  that  was  to  be  carried  on  shipboard 
(but  there  was  nothing  in  that,  which  concerned  the  business). 
But  at  Dand's  they  found  Mr.  Smith,  who  catched  up  some 
papers,  and  when  the  officer  took  them  from  him,  he  brake 
out  into  these  speeches,  viz.  we  hope  shortly  we  shall  have 
commission  to  search  the  governor's  closet.  There  were 
found  the  copies  of  two  petitions  and  twenty-three  queries, 
which  were  to  be  sent  to  England  to  the  commissioners  for 
plantations.  The  one  from  Dr.  Child  and  the  other  six  peti- 
tioners, wherein  they  declare,  how  they  had  formerly  petitioned 
our  general  court,  and  had  been  fined  for  the  same,  and  forced 
to  appeal,  and  that  the  ministers  of  our  churches  did  revile 
them,  etc.,  as  far  as  the  wit  or  mahce  of  man  could,  etc.,  and 
that  they  meddled  in  civil  affairs  beyond  their  calling,  and  were 
masters  rather  than  ministers,  and  ofttimes  judges,  and  that 
they  had  stirred  up  the  magistrates  against  them,  and  that  a 
day  of  humiliation  was  appointed,  wherein  they  were  to  pray 


against  them,  etc.  Then  they  mention  (as  passing  by  them) 
what  affronts,  jeers,  and  despiteful  speeches  were  cast  upon 
them  by  some  of  the  court,  etc.  Then  they  petition,  1.  for 
settled  churches  according  to  the  reformation  of  England,  2. 
that  the  laws  of  England  may  be  established  here,  and  that 
arbitrary  power  may  be  banished,  3.  for  hberties  for  English 
freeholders  here  as  in  England,  etc.,  4.  that  a  general  governor 
or  some  honorable  commissioners  be  appointed  for  setthng,  etc., 
5.  that  the  oath  of  allegiance  may  be  commanded  to  be  taken 
by  all,  and  other  covenants  which  the  parliament  shall  think 
most  convenient,  to  be  as  a  touchstone  to  try  our  affections  to 
the  state  of  England  and  true  restored  protestant  rehgion,  6. 
to  resolve  their  queries,  etc.,  7.  to  take  into  consideration  their 
remonstrance  and  petition  exhibited  to  the  general  court. 

Their  queries  were  chiefly  about  the  vahdity  of  our  patent, 
and  how  it  might  be  forfeited,  and  whether  such  and  such  acts 
or  speeches  in  the  pulpits  or  in  the  court,  etc.,  were  not  high 
treason ;  concerning  the  power  of  our  court  and  laws  in  divers 
particular  cases;  and  whether  they  may  be  hindered  by  the 
order  of  this  court  from  settling  in  a  church  way  according  to 
the  reformation  of  England,  etc. 

The  other  petition  was  from  some  non-freemen  (pretending 
to  be  in  the  name,  and  upon  the  sighs  and  tears  of  many 
thousands).  In  the  preamble  they  show  how  they  were  driven 
out  of  their  native  country  by  the  tyranny  of  the  bishops,  etc. 
Then  they  petition  for  liberty  of  conscience,  etc.,  and  for  a 
general  governor,  etc.  They  sent  their  agents  up  and  down 
the  country  to  get  hands  to  this  petition.  But  of  the  many 
thousands  they  spake  of,  we  could  hear  but  of  twenty-five  to 
the  chief  petition,  and  those  were  (for  the  most  part)  either 
young  men  who  came  over  servants,  and  never  had  any  show 
of  religion  in  them,  or  fishermen  of  Marblehead,  profane 
persons,  divers  of  them  brought  the  last  year  from  Newfound- 
land to  fish  a  season,  and  so  to  return  again;  others  were 
such  as  were  drawn  in  by  their  relations,  men  of  no  reason 

308  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

neither,  as  a  barber  of  Boston,  who,  being  demanded  by  the 
governor,  what  moved  him  to  set  his  hand,  made  answer,  that 
the  gentlemen  were  his  customers,  etc. ;  and  these  are  the  men, 
who  must  be  held  forth  to  the  parliament,  as  driven  out  of  Eng- 
land by  the  bishops,  etc.,  and  whose  tears  and  sighs  must  move 

Dr.  Child,  being  upon  this  apprehended  and  brought  before 
the  governor  and  council,  fell  into  a  great  passion,  and  gave 
big  words,  but  being  told,  that  they  considered  he  was  a  person 
of  quality,  and  therefore  he  should  be  used  with  such  respect 
as  was  meet  to  be  showed  to  a  gentleman  and  a  scholar,  but  if 
he  would  behave  himself  no  better,  he  should  be  committed  to 
the  common  prison  and  clapped  in  irons,  upon  this  he  grew 
more  calm;  so  he  was  committed  to  the  marshal,  with  Smith 
and  Dand,  for  two  or  three  days,  till  the  ships  were  gone.  For 
he  was  very  much  troubled  to  be  hindered  from  his  voyage,  and 
offered  to  pay  his  fine ;  but  that  would  not  be  accepted  for  his 
discharge,  seeing  we  had  now  new  matter  and  worse  against 
him  (for  the  writings  were  of  his  hand).  Yet,  upon  tender  of 
sufficient  bail,  he  was  set  at  hberty,  but  confined  to  his  house, 
and  to  appear  at  the  next  court  of  assistants.  His  confinement 
he  took  grievously,  but  he  could  not  help  it.  The  other  two 
were  committed  to  prison,  yet  lodged  in  the  keeper's  house, 
and  had  what  diet  they  pleased,  and  none  of  their  friends  for- 
bidden to  come  to  them.  There  was  also  one  Thomas  Joy,  a 
young  fellow,  a  carpenter,  whom  they  had  employed  to  get 
hands  to  the  petition;  he  began  to  be  very  busy,  and  would 
know  of  the  marshal,  when  he  went  to  search  Band's  study,  if 
his  warrant  were  in  the  king's  name,  etc.  He  was  laid  hold 
on,  and  kept  in  irons  about  four  or  five  days,  and  then  he  hum- 
bled himself,  confessed  what  he  knew,  and  blamed  himself  for 
meddling  in  matters  belonging  not  to  him,  and  blessed  God 
for  these  irons  upon  his  legs,  hoping  they  should  do  him  good 

^  The  great  risks  for  those  who  gave  their  names  will  explain  the  small  number 
of  signers. 


while  he  lived.  So  he  was  let  out  upon  reasonable  bail.  But 
Smith  and  Dand  would  not  be  examined,  and  therefore  were 
not  bailed;  but  their  offence  being  in  nature  capital,  etc., 
bail  might  be  refused  in  that  regard. 

For  their  trial  at  the  general  court  in  (4)  47  {June,  1647), 
and  the  sentence  against  them,  etc.,  it  is  set  down  at  large  in 
the  records  of  that  court,  with  their  petitions  and  queries  in- 
tended for  England,  and  all  proceedings.  Mr.  Dand  not  being 
able  to  pay  his  fine  of  two  hundred  pounds,  nor  willing  to  ac- 
knowledge his  offence,  was  kept  in  prison ;  but  at  the  general 
court  (3)  48  {May,  1648),  upon  his  humble  submission,  he  was 
freely  discharged.* 

Mr.  Winslow  being  now  to  go  for  England,  etc.,  the  court 
was  troubled  how  to  furnish  him  with  money  or  beaver,  (for 
there  was  nothing  in  the  treasury,  the  country  being  in  debt 
one  thousand  pounds,  and  what  comes  in  by  levies  is  com  or 
cattle,)  but  the  Lord  stirred  up  the  hearts  of  some  few  persons 
to  lend  one  hundred  pounds,  to  be  repaid  by  the  next  levy. 
Next  we  went  in  hand  to  draw  up  his  commission  and  instruc- 
tions, and  a  remonstrance  and  a  petition  to  the  commissioners 
in  England,  which  were  as  follows: 

To  the  right  honorable  Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  governor  in  chief, 
lord  admiral,  and  other  the  lords  and  gentlemen,  commissioners  for  for- 
eign plantations,  the  humble  remonstrance  and  petition  of  the  governor 
and  company  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England  in  America. 

In  way  of  answer  to  the  petition  and  declaration  of  Samuel  Gorton, 

Whereas  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  charter,  granted  to  your  petitioners 

*  Dr.  Robert  Child,  whose  boldness  was  met  by  such  severe  checks,  was  a 
young  man  well  trained  and  connected,  the  reputed  holder  of  a  degree  in  medicine 
from  the  University  of  Padua,  in  Italy.  Thomas  Joy,  a  man  of  humbler  station, 
but  perhaps  no  less  courageous  and  self-sacrificing,  was  the  ancestor  of  an  im- 
portant Boston  family.  The  recalcitrants  appear  to  have  believed  that  a  sub- 
version of  the  existing  colonial  government  would  be  an  easy  matter;  notice 
Smith's  remark  above.  Winthrop  and  his  party  plainly  appreciated  their  danger, 
and  sent  their  best  man,  Edward  Winslow,  to  present  to  the  powers  in  England 
their  carefully  worded  statement. 

310  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1646 

in  the  fourth  year  of  his  highness's  reign,  we  were  incorporated  into  a  body 
politic  with  divers  Hberties  and  privileges  extending  to  that  part  of  New 
England  where  we  now  inhabit,  we  do  acknowledge  (as  we  have  always 
done,  and  as  in  duty  we  are  bound)  that,  although  we  are  removed  out  of 
our  native  country,  yet  we  still  have  dependence  upon  that  state,  and  owe 
allegiance  and  subjection  thereunto,  according  to  our  charter,  and  ac- 
cordingly we  have  mourned  and  rejoiced  therewith,  and  have  held  friends 
and  enemies  in  common  with  it,  in  all  the  changes  which  have  befallen 
it.  Our  care  and  endeavor  also  hath  been  to  frame  our  government  and 
administrations  to  the  fundamental  rules  thereof,  so  far  as  the  different 
condition  of  this  place  and  people,  and  the  best  light  we  have  from  the 
word  of  God,  will  allow.  And  whereas,  by  order  from  your  honors,  dated 
May  15,  1646,  we  find  that  your  honors  have  still  that  good  opinion  of 
us,  as  not  to  credit  what  hath  been  informed  against  us  before  we  be 
heard,  we  render  humble  thanks  to  your  honors  for  the  same;  yet  foras- 
much as  our  answer  to  the  information  of  the  said  Gorton,  etc,  is  ex- 
pected, and  something  also  required  of  us,  which  (in  all  humble  submis- 
sion) we  conceive  may  be  prejudicial  to  the  liberties  granted  us  by  the 
said  charter,  and  to  our  well  being  in  this  remote  part  of  the  world,  (under 
the  comfort  whereof,  through  the  blessing  of  the  Lord,  his  majesty's 
favor,  and  the  special  care  and  bounty  of  the  high  court  of  parliament, 
we  have  lived  in  peace  and  prosperity  these  seventeen  years,)  our  humble 
petition  (in  the  first  place)  is,  that  our  present  and  future  conformity  to 
your  orders  and  directions  may  be  accepted  with  a  salvo  jure,  that  when 
times  may  be  changed,  (for  all  things  here  below  are  subject  to  vanity,) 
and  other  princes  or  parliaments  may  arise,  the  generations  succeeding 
may  not  have  cause  to  lament,  and  say,  England  sent  our  fathers  forth 
with  happy  liberties,  which  they  enjoyed  many  years,  notwithstanding 
all  the  enmity  and  opposition  of  the  prelacy,  and  other  potent  adversaries, 
how  came  we  then  to  lose  them,  under  the  favor  and  protection  of  that 
state,  in  such  a  season,  when  England  itself  recovered  its  own  ?  In  freto 
viximus,  in  portu  morimur.  But  we  confide  in  your  honors'  justice, 
wisdom,  and  goodness,  that  our  posterity  shall  have  cause  to  rejoice  under 
the  fruit  and  shelter  thereof,  as  ourselves  and  many  others  do;  and 
therefore  we  are  bold  to  represent  to  your  honors  our  apprehensions, 
whereupon  we  have  thus  presumed  to  petition  you  in  this  behalf. 

It  appears  to  us,  by  the  said  order,  that  we  are  conceived,  1.  to  have 
transgressed  our  limits,  by  sending  soldiers  to  fetch  in  Gorton,  etc.,  out 
of  Shaomett  in  the  Narragansett  Bay,  2.  that  we  have  either  exceeded  or 
abused  our  authority,  in  banishing  them  out  of  our  jurisdiction,  when 
they  were  in  our  power.     For  the  first  we  humbly  crave  (for  your  better 


satisfaction)  that  your  honors  will  be  pleased  to  peruse  what  we  have 
delivered  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  our  agent  or  commissioner, 
(whom  we  have  sent  on  purpose  to  attend  your  honors,)  concerning  our 
proceedings  in  that  affair  and  the  grounds  thereof,  which  are  truly  and 
faithfully  reported,  and  the  letters  of  the  said  Gorton  and  his  company, 
and  other  letters  concerning  them,  faithfully  copied  out  (not  verbatim 
only,  but  even  literatim,  according  to  their  own  bad  English).  The 
originals  we  have  by  us,  and  had  sent  them,  but  for  casualty  of  the  seas. 
Thereby  it  will  appear  what  the  men  are,  and  how  unworthy  your  favor. 
Thereby  also  will  appear  the  wrongs  and  provocations  we  received  from 
them,  and  our  long  patience  towards  them,  till  they  became  our  professed 
enemies,  wrought  us  disturbance,  and  attempted  our  ruin.  In  which 
case,  our  charter  (as  we  conceive)  gives  us  full  power  to  deal  with  them 
as  enemies  by  force  of  arms,  they  being  then  in  such  place  where  we  could 
have  no  right  from  them  by  civil  justice;  which  the  commissioners  for 
the  United  Colonies  finding,  and  the  necessity  of  calling  them  to  account, 
left  the  business  [to  us]  to  do. 

For  the  other  particular  in  your  honor's  order,  viz.,  the  banishment 
of  Gorton,  etc.,  as  we  are  assured,  upon  good  grounds,  that  our  sentence 
upon  them  was  less  than  their  deserving,  so  (as  we  conceive)  we  had 
sufficient  authority,  by  our  charter,  to  inflict  the  same,  having  full  and 
absolute  power  and  authority  to  punish,  pardon,  rule,  govern,  etc.,  granted 
us  therein. 

Now,  by  occasion  of  the  said  order,  those  of  Gorton's  company  begin 
to  lift  up  their  heads  and  speak  their  pleasures  of  us,  threatening  the  poor 
Indians  also,  who  (to  avoid  their  tyranny)  had  submitted  themselves  and 
their  lands  under  our  protection  and  government;  and  divers  other 
sachems,  following  their  example,  have  done  the  like,  and  some  of  them 
brought  (by  the  labor  of  one  of  our  elders,  Mr.  John  Eliot,  who  hath  ob- 
tained to  preach  to  them  in  their  own  language)  to  good  forwardness  in 
embracing  the  gospel  of  God  in  Christ  Jesus.  All  which  hopeful  begin- 
nings are  like  to  be  dashed,  if  Gorton,  etc.,  shall  be  countenanced  and 
upheld  against  them  and  us,  which  also  will  endanger  our  peace  here  at 
home.  For  some  among  ourselves  (men  of  unquiet  spirits,  affecting  rule 
and  innovation)  have  taken  boldness  to  prefer  scandalous  and  seditious 
petitions  for  such  liberties  as  neither  our  charter,  nor  reason  or  religion 
will  allow;  and  being  called  before  us  in  open  court  to  give  account  of 
their  miscarriage  therein,  they  have  threatened  us  with  your  honor's 
authority,  and  (before  they  knew  whether  we  would  proceed  to  any 
sentence  against  them,  or  not)  have  refused  to  answer,  but  appealed  to 
your  honors.     The  copy  of  their  petition,  and  our  declaration  thereupon. 


our  said  commissioner  hath  ready  to  present  to  you,  when  your  leisure 
shall  permit  to  hear  them.  Their  appeals  we  have  not  admitted,  being 
assured,  that  they  cannot  stand  with  the  liberty  and  power  granted  us  by 
our  charter,  nor  will  be  allowed  by  your  honors,  who  well  know  it  would 
be  destructive  to  all  government,  both  in  the  honor  and  also  in  the  power 
of  it,  if  it  should  be  in  the  liberty  of  delinquents  to  evade  the  sentence  of 
justice,  and  force  us,  by  appeal,  to  follow  them  into  England,  where  the 
evidence  and  circiunstances  of  facts  cannot  be  so  clearly  held  forth  as  in 
their  proper  place;  besides  the  insupportable  charges  we  must  be  at  in 
the  prosecution  thereof.  These  considerations  are  not  new  to  your 
honors  and  the  high  court  of  parliament,  the  records  whereof  bear  witness 
of  the  wisdom  and  faithfulness  of  our  ancestors  in  that  great  council,  who, 
in  those  times  of  darkness,  when  they  acknowledged  a  supremacy  in  the 
bishops  of  Rome  in  all  causes  ecclesiastical,  yet  would  not  allow  appeals 
to  Rome,  etc.,  to  remove  causes  out  of  the  courts  in  England. 

Beside,  (though  we  shall  readily  admit,  that  the  wisdom  and  experi- 
ence of  that  great  council,  and  of  your  honors,  as  a  part  thereof,  are  far 
more  able  to  prescribe  rules  of  government,  and  to  judge  of  causes,  than 
such  poor  rustics  as  a  wilderness  can  breed  up,  yet,)  considering  the  vast 
distance  between  England  and  these  parts,  (which  usually  abates  the 
virtue  of  the  strongest  influences,)  your  counsels  and  judgments  could 
neither  be  so  well  grounded,  nor  so  seasonably  applied,  as  might  either  be 
so  useful  to  us,  or  so  safe  for  yourselves,  in  your  discharge,  in  the  great 
day  of  account,  for  any  miscarriage  which  might  befal  us,  while  we  de- 
pended upon  your  counsel  and  help,  which  could  not  seasonably  be  ad- 
ministered to  us.  Whereas  if  any  such  should  befal  us,  when  we  have 
the  government  in  our  own  hands,  the  state  of  England  shall  not  answer 
for  it.  In  consideration  of  the  premises,  our  humble  petition  to  your 
honors  (in  the  next  place)  is,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  continue  your 
favorable  aspect  upon  these  poor  infant  plantations,  that  we  may  still 
rejoice  and  bless  our  God  under  your  shadow,  and  be  there  still  nourished 
(tanquam  calore  et  rore  coelesti;)  and  while  God  owns  us  for  a  people  of 
his,  he  will  own  our  poor  prayers  for  you,  and  your  goodness  towards 
us,  for  an  abundant  recompense.  And  this  in  special,  if  you  shall  please 
to  pass  by  any  failings  you  may  have  observed  in  our  course,  to  confirm 
our  liberties,  granted  to  us  by  charter,  by  leaving  delinquents  to  our  just 
proceedings,  and  discountenancing  our  enemies  and  disturbers  of  our 
peace,  or  such  as  molest  our  people  there,  upon  pretence  of  injustice. 
Thus  craving  pardon,  if  we  have  presumed  too  far  upon  your  honors' 
patience,  and  expecting  a  gracious  testimony  of  your  wonted  favor  by 
this  our  agent,  which  shall  further  oblige  us  and  our  posterity  in  all 


humble  and  faithful  service  to  the  high  court  of  parliament  and  to  your 
honors,  we  continue  our  earnest  prayers  for  your  prosperity  forever. 

By  order  of  the  general  court. 
(10)  (December)  46.  Increase  Nowell,  Secretary. 

John  Winthrop,  Governor. 

The  copy  of  the  commission  to  Mr.  Winslow. 

Mattachusetts  in  New  England  in  America. 

"Whereas  Samuel  Gorton,  John  Greene,  and  Randall  Holden,  by 
petition  and  declaration  exhibited  to  the  right  honorable  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  governor  in  chief,  and  commissioners  for  foreign  plantations, 
as  members  of  the  high  court  of  parliament,  have  charged  divers  false  and 
scandalous  matters  against  us,  whereof  their  honors  have  been  pleased  to 
give  us  notice,  and  do  expect  our  answer  for  clearing  the  same,  we  therefore 
the  governor  and  company  of  the  Mattachusetts  aforesaid,  assembled 
in  our  general  court,  being  careful  to  give  all  due  respect  to  his  lordship 
and  the  honorable  commissioners,  and  having  good  assurance  of  the  wis- 
dom and  faithfulness  of  you,  our  worthy  and  loving  friend,  Mr.  Edward 
Winslow,  do  hereby  give  power  and  commission  to  you  to  appear  before 
his  lordship  and  commissioners,  and  presenting  our  most  humble  duty 
and  service  to  their  honors,  for  us  and  in  our  name  to  exhibit  our  humble 
remonstrance  and  petition,  in  way  of  answer  to  the  said  false  and  unjust 
charge  of  the  said  Gorton,  etc.,  and  by  the  same  and  other  writings  and 
instructions  delivered  to  you  under  the  hand  of  Mr.  Increase  Nowell  our 
secretary,  to  inform  their  honors  of  the  truth  and  reason  of  all  our  pro- 
ceedings with  the  said  Gorton,  etc.,  so  as  our  innocency  and  the  justice 
of  our  proceedings  may  appear  to  their  honors'  satisfaction.  And  if  any 
other  complaints,  in  any  kind,  have  been,  or  shall  be,  made  against  us 
before  the  said  commissioners,  or  before  the  high  court  of  parliament, 
you  have  hereby  like  power  and  commission  to  answer  on  our  behalf  ac- 
cording to  your  instructions.  And  we  humbly  crave  of  the  high  court 
of  parliament  and  of  the  honorable  commissioners,  that  they  will  vouch- 
safe our  said  commissioner  free  liberty  of  seasonable  access,  as  occasion 
shall  require,  and  a  favorable  hearing,  with  such  credit  to  such  writings 
as  he  shall  present  in  our  name,  under  the  hand  of  our  said  secretary,  as 
if  we  had  presented  them  in  person,  upon  that  faith  and  credit,  which  we 
would  not  wittingly  violate,  for  all  worldly  advantages ;  and  that  our  said 
commissioner  may  find  such  speed  and  despatch,  and  may  be  under  such 
safe  protection,  in  his  stay  and  return,  as  that  honorable  court  useth  to 

314  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1646 

afford  to  their  humble  subjects  and  servants  in  like  cases.  In  testimony 
hereof  we  have  caused  our  common  seal  to  be  hereunto  affixed,  dated 
this  4  (10)  1646. 

By  order  of  the  court. 

Increase  Nowell,  Secretary. 
John  Winthrop,  Governor. 

Mr.  Winslow  his  instructions  were  of  two  sorts;  the  one 
(which  he  might  pubhsh,  etc.)  were  only  directions,  according 
to  his  commission,  and  remonstrance  and  other  writings 
dehvered  him.  The  other  were  more  secret,  which  were  these 

If  you  shall  be  demanded  about  these  particulars: — 

Obj.  1.  Why  we  make  not  out  our  process  in  the  king's  name?  you 
shall  answer: — 

1.  That  we  should  thereby  waive  the  power  of  our  government 
granted  to  us,  for  we  claim  not  as  by  commission,  but  by  a  free  donation 
of  absolute  government,  2.  for  avoiding  appeals,  etc. 

Obj.  2.  That  our  government  is  arbitrary. 

Answer.  We  have  four  or  five  hundred  express  laws,  as  near  the  laws 
of  England  as  may  be;  and  yearly  we  make  more,  and  where  we  have 
no  law,  we  judge  by  the  word  of  God,  as  near  as  we  can. 

Obj.  3.  About  enlarging  our  limits,  etc. 

Answer.  Such  Indians  as  are  willing  to  come  under  our  government, 
we  know  no  reason  to  refuse.  Some  Indians  we  have  subdued  by  just 
war,  as  the  Pequids.  Some  English  also,  having  purchased  lands  of  the 
Indians,  have  submitted  to  our  government. 

Obj.  4.  About  our  subjection  to  England. 

Answer  1.  We  are  to  pay  the  one  fifth  part  of  ore  of  gold  and  silver. 

2.  In  being  faithful  and  firm  to  the  state  of  England,  endeavoring 
to  walk  with  God  in  upholding  his  truth,  etc.,  and  praying  for  it. 

3.  In  framing  our  government  according  to  our  patent,  so  near  as 
we  may. 

Obj.  5.  About  exercising  admiral  jurisdiction. 
Answer  1 .  We  are  not  restrained  by  our  charter. 

2.  We  have  power  given  us  to  rule,  punish,  pardon,  etc.,  in  all  cases, 
ergo  in  maritime. 

3.  We  have  power  granted  us  to  defend  ourselves  and  offend  our 


enemies,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  ergo  we  must  needs  have  power  to 
judge  of  such  cases. 

4.  Without  this,  neither  our  own  people  nor  strangers  could  have 
justice  from  us  in  such  cases. 

Obj.  6.  About  our  independency  upon  that  state. 

Answer.  Our  dependency  is  in  these  points :  1.  we  have  received  our 
government  and  other  privileges  by  our  charter,  2.  we  owe  allegiance 
and  fidelity  to  that  state,  3.  in  erecting  a  government  here  accordingly 
and  subjecting  thereto,  we  therein  yield  subjection  to  that  state,  4.  in 
rendering  the  one  fifth  part  of  ore,  etc.,  5.  we  depend  upon  that  state  for 
protection,  and  immunities  as  freeborn  Englishmen. 

Obj.  7.  Seeing  we  hold  of  East  Greenwich,  etc.,  why  every  freeholder 
of  forty  shillings  per  annum  have  not  votes  in  elections,  etc.,  as  in  England. 

Answer.  Our  charter  gives  that  liberty  expressly  to  the  freemen  only. 

Obj.  8.  By  your  charter,  such  as  we  transport  are  to  live  under  his 
majesty's  allegiance. 

Answer.  So  they  all  do,  and  so  intended,  so  far  as  we  know. 

Obj.  9.  About  a  general  governor. 

Answer  1.  Our  charter  gives  us  absolute  power  of  government. 

2.  On  the  terms  above  specified,  we  conceive,  the  patent  hath  no 
such  thing  in  it,  neither  expressed,  nor  implied. 

3.  We  had  not  transported  ourselves  and  families  upon  such  terms. 

4.  Other  plantations  have  been  undertaken  at  the  charge  of  others 
in  England,  and  the  planters  have  their  dependence  upon  the  companies 
there,  and  those  planters  go  and  come  chiefly  for  matter  of  profit;  but 
we  came  to  abide  here,  and  to  plant  the  gospel,  and  people  the  country, 
and  herein  God  hath  marvellously  blessed  us. 


(1.)  (March.)]  At  the  court  of  assistants,  three  or  four  were 
sent  for,  who  had  been  very  active  about  the  petition  to  the 
commissioners  in  procuring  hands  to  it,  (it  being  thought  fit 
to  pass  by  such  as  being  drawn  in  had  only  subscribed  the 
petition,)  especially  Mr.  Samuel  Maverick  and  Mr.  Clerk  of 
Salem,  the  keeper  of  the  ordinary  there  and  a  church  member. 
These  having  taken  an  oath  of  fideUty  to  the  government,  and 
enjoying  all  Uberties  of  freemen,  their  offence  was  far  the 
greater.  So  they  were  bound  over  to  answer  it  at  the  next 
general  court. 

Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Dand  (giving  security  to  pay  their  fines, 
assessed  upon  the  former  petition,  within  two  months)  were 
bailed  to  the  general  court. 

Dr.  Child  also  was  offered  his  liberty,  upon  bail  to  the  gen- 
eral court,  and  to  be  confined  to  Boston ;  but  he  chose  rather 
to  go  to  prison,  and  so  he  was  committed. 

The  reason  of  referring  these  and  others  to  the  general  court 
was,  both  in  regard  the  cause  was  of  so  great  concernment,  as 
the  very  hfe  and  foundation  of  our  government,  and  also  be- 
cause the  general  court  had  cognizance  thereof  already  upon 
the  first  petition.^ 

Mr.  Burton,  one  of  the  petitioners,  being  in  the  town 

*  The  record  here  concluded,  deserves  careful  reading.  The  heads  in  New 
England  proceed  warily.  In  disturbed  England,  whether  the  King  or  Parliament 
was  to  prevail,  and  what  was  to  be  the  situation,  was  involved  in  doubt.  Behind 
the  shield  of  their  charter  they  determined,  if  they  could,  to  establish  a  large  de- 
gree of  independence,  but  it  must  be  noted  that  independence  at  this  time  was 
coupled  with  ecclesiastical  domination  and  general  loss  of  liberty,  whereas  depend- 
ence would  bring  to  the  colonies  the  far  freer  atmosphere  of  England.  For 
severe  contemporary  criticism  of  the  petition  Winslow  was  to  present,  see  Edward 
Johnson,  Wonder-Working  Providence,  book  in.,  chap.  in. 



meeting,  when  the  court's  declaration  was  read,  was  much 
moved,  and  spake  in  high  language,  and  would  needs  have  a 
copy  of  it,  which  so  soon  as  he  had,  he  went  with  it  (as  was 
undoubtedly  believed)  to  Dr.  Child,  and  in  the  way  fell  down, 
and  lay  there  in  the  cold  near  half  an  hour,  till  company  was 
gotten  to  carry  him  home  in  a  chair,  and  after  he  continued  in 
great  pain,  and  lame  divers  months. 

It  is  observable  that  this  man  had  gathered  some  provi- 
dences about  such  as  were  against  them,  as  that  Mr.  Winslow's 
horse  died,  as  he  came  riding  to  Boston ;  that  his  brother's  son 
(a  child  of  eight  years  old)  had  killed  his  own  sister  (being  ten 
years  of  age)  with  his  father's  piece,  etc.,  and  his  great  trouble 
was,  least  this  providence  which  now  befel  him,  should  be  im- 
puted to  their  cause. 

There  fell  out  at  this  time  a  very  sad  occasion.  A  merchant 
of  Plymouth  in  England,  (whose  father  had  been  mayor  there,) 
called  [blank]  Martin,  being  fallen  into  decay,  came  to  Casco 
Bay,  and  after  some  time,  having  occasion  to  return  into  Eng- 
land, he  left  behind  him  two  daughters,  (very  proper  maidens 
and  of  modest  behavior,)  but  took  not  that  course  for  their  safe 
bestowing  in  his  absence,  as  the  care  and  wisdom  of  a  father 
should  have  done,  so  as  the  eldest  of  them,  called  Mary,  twenty- 
two  years  of  age,  being  in  [the]  house  with  one  Mr.  Mitton, 
a  married  man  of  Casco,  within  one  quarter  of  a  year,  he  was 
taken  with  her,  and  soliciting  her  chastity,  obtained  his  desire, 
and  having  divers  times  committed  sin  with  her,  in  the  space 
of  three  months,  she  then  removed  to  Boston,  and  put  herself 
in  service  to  Mrs.  Bourne ;  and  finding  herself  to  be  with  child, 
and  not  able  to  bear  the  shame  of  it,  she  concealed  it,  and 
though  divers  did  suspect  it,  and  some  told  her  mistress  their 
fears,  yet  her  behavior  was  so  modest,  and  so  faithful  she  was 
in  her  service,  as  her  mistress  would  not  give  ear  to  any  such 
report,  but  blamed  such  as  told  her  of  it.  But,  her  time  being 
come,  she  was  delivered  of  a  woman  child  in  a  back  room  by 
herself  upon  the  13  (10)  (December  13)  in  the  night,  and  the 

318  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1647 

child  was  born  alive,  but  she  kneeled  upon  the  head  of  it,  till 
she  thought  it  had  been  dead,  and  having  laid  it  by,  the  child, 
being  strong,  recovered,  and  cried  again.  Then  she  took  it 
again,  and  used  violence  to  it  till  it  was  quite  dead.  Then  she 
put  it  into  her  chest,  and  having  cleansed  the  room,  she  went  to 
bed,  and  arose  again  the  next  day  about  noon,  and  went  about 
her  business,  and  so  continued  till  the  nineteenth  day,  that  her 
master  and  mistress  went  on  shipboard  to  go  for  England. 
They  being  gone,  and  she  removed  to  another  house,  a  midwife 
in  the  town,  having  formerly  suspected  her,  and  now  coming  to 
her  again,  found  she  had  been  delivered  of  a  child,  which,  upon 
examination,  she  confessed,  but  said  it  was  still-born,  and  so 
she  put  it  into  the  fire.  But,  search  being  made,  it  was  found 
in  her  chest,  and  when  she  was  brought  before  the  jury,  they 
caused  her  to  touch  the  face  of  it,  whereupon  the  blood  came 
fresh  into  it.*  Whereupon  she  confessed  the  whole  truth,  and 
a  surgeon,  being  called  to  search  the  body  of  the  child,  found  a 
fracture  in  the  skull.  Before  she  was  condemned,  she  con- 
fessed, that  she  had  prostituted  her  body  to  another  also,  one 
Sears.  She  behaved  herself  very  penitently  while  she  was  in 
prison,  and  at  her  death,  18  (1,)  {March  18)  complaining  much 
of  the  hardness  of  her  heart.  She  confessed,  that  the  first  and 
second  time  she  committed  fornication,  she  prayed  for  pardon, 
and  promised  to  commit  it  no  more;  and  the  third  time  she 
prayed  God,  that  if  she  did  fall  into  it  again,  he  would  make 
her  an  example,  and  therein  she  justified  God,  as  she  did 
in  the  rest.  Yet  all  the  comfort  God  would  afford  her,  was 
only  trust  (as  she  said)  in  his  mercy  through  Christ.  After 
she  was  turned  off  and  had  hung  a  space,  she  spake,  and 
asked  what  they  did  mean  to  do.  Then  some  stepped  up, 
and  turned  the  knot  of  the  rope  backward,  and  then  she 
soon  died. 

Mention  was  made  before  of  some  beginning  to  instruct  the 

*  In  this  pitiful  tale  appears,  as  in  a  previous  case,  a  very  old  and  wide-spread 


Indians,  etc.  Mr.  John  Eliot,  teacher  of  the  church  of  Roxbury, 
found  such  encouragement,  as  he  took  great  pains  to  get  their 
language,  and  in  a  few  months  could  speak  of  the  things  of 
God  to  their  understanding ;  and  God  prospered  his  endeavors, 
so  as  he  kept  a  constant  lecture  to  them  in  two  places,  one 
week  at  the  wigwam  of  one  Wabon,  a  new  sachem  near  Water- 
town  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wigwam  of 
Cutshamekin  near  Dorchester  mill.  And  for  the  furtherance 
of  the  work  of  God,  divers  of  the  English  resorted  to  his  lecture, 
and  the  governor  and  other  of  the  magistrates  and  elders 
sometimes ;  and  the  Indians  began  to  repair  thither  from  other 
parts.  His  manner  of  proceeding  was  thus ;  he  would  persuade 
one  of  the  other  elders  or  some  magistrate  to  begin  the  exercise 
with  prayer  in  Enghsh ;  then  he  took  a  text,  and  read  it  first  in 
the  Indian  language,  and  after  in  Enghsh ;  then  he  preached  to 
them  in  Indian  about  an  hour ;  (but  first  I  should  have  spoke 
of  the  catechising  their  children,  who  were  soon  brought 
to  answer  him  some  short  questions,  whereupon  he  gave  each 
of  them  an  apple  or  a  cake)  then  he  demanded  of  some  of 
the  chiefs,  if  they  understood  him ;  if  they  answered,  yea,  then 
he  asked  of  them  if  they  had  any  questions  to  propound.  And 
they  had  usually  two  or  three  or  more  questions,  which  he  did 
resolve.  At  one  time  (when  the  governor  was  there  and  about 
two  himdred  people,  Indian  and  English,  in  one  wigwam  of 
Cutshamekin 's)  an  old  man  asked  him,  if  God  would  receive 
such  an  old  man  as  he  was ;  to  whom  he  answered  by  opening 
the  parable  of  the  workmen  that  were  hired  into  the  vineyard ; 
and  when  he  had  opened  it,  he  asked  the  old  man,  if  he  did 
beheve  it,  who  answered  he  did,  and  was  ready  to  weep.  A 
second  question  was,  what  was  the  reason,  that  when  all  Eng- 
hshmen  did  know  God,  yet  some  of  them  were  poor.  His 
answer  was,  1.  that  God  knows  it  is  better  for  his  children  to 
be  good  than  to  be  rich ;  he  knows  withal,  that  if  some  of  them 
had  riches,  they  would  abuse  them,  and  wax  proud  and  wanton, 
etc.,  therefore  he  gives  them  no  more  riches  than  may  be  need- 


ful  for  them,  that  they  may  be  kept  from  pride,  etc.,  to  depend 
upon  him,  2.  he  would  hereby  have  men  know,  that  he  hath 
better  blessings  to  bestow  upon  good  men  than  riches,  etc.,  and 
that  their  best  portion  is  in  heaven,  etc.  A  third  question  was, 
if  a  man  had  two  wives,  (which  was  ordinary  with  them,)  seeing 
he  must  put  away  one,  which  he  should  put  away.  To  this  it 
was  answered,  that  by  the  law  of  God  the  first  is  the  true  wife, 
and  the  other  is  no  wife ;  but  if  such  a  case  fell  out,  they  should 
then  repair  to  the  magistrates,  and  they  would  direct  them 
what  to  do,  for  it  might  be,  that  the  first  wife  might  be  an 
adulteress,  etc.,  and  then  she  was  to  be  put  away.  When  all 
their  questions  were  resolved,  he  concluded  with  prayer  in  the 
Indian  language. 

The  Indians  were  usually  very  attentive,  and  kept  their 
children  so  quiet  as  caused  no  disturbance.  Some  of  them 
began  to  be  seriously  affected,  and  to  imderstand  the  things  of 
God,  and  they  were  generally  ready  to  reform  whatsoever  they 
were  told  to  be  against  the  word  of  God,  as  their  sorcery, 
(which  they  call  powwowing,)  their  whoredoms,  etc.,  idleness, 
etc.  The  Indians  grew  very  inquisitive  after  knowledge  both 
in  things  divine  and  also  human,  so  as  one  of  them,  meeting 
with  an  honest  plain  Englishman,  would  needs  know  of  him, 
what  were  the  first  beginnings  (which  we  call  principles)  of  a 
commonwealth.  The  EngHshman,  being  far  short  in  the 
knowledge  of  such  matters,  yet  ashamed  that  an  Indian  should 
find  an  EngUshman  ignorant  of  any  thing,  bethought  himself 
what  answer  to  give  him,  at  last  resolved  upon  this,  viz.  that 
the  first  principle  of  a  commonwealth  was  salt,  for  (saith 
he)  by  means  of  salt  we  can  keep  our  flesh  and  fish,  to  have 
it  ready  when  we  need  it,  whereas  you  lose  much  for  want 
of  it,  and  are  sometimes  ready  to  starve.  A  second  principle  is 
iron,  for  thereby  we  fell  trees,  build  houses,  till  our  land,  etc. 
A  third  is,  ships,  by  which  we  carry  forth  such  commodities  as 
we  have  to  spare,  and  fetch  in  such  as  we  need,  as  cloth,  wine, 
etc.    Alas!   (saith  the  Indian)  then  I  fear,  we  shall  never  be 


a  commonwealth,  for  we  can  neither  make  salt,  nor  iron,  nor 

It  pleased  God  so  to  prosper  our  fishing  this  season,  as  that 
at  Marblehead  only  they  had  taken  by  the  midst  of  the  (11) 
month  (January)  about  four  thousand  pounds  worth  of  fish. 

(10.)  {December. )Y  But  the  Lord  was  still  pleased  to  afflict 
us  in  our  shipping,  for  Major  Gibbons  and  Captain  Leverett 
having  sent  a  new  ship  of  about  one  hundred  tons  to  Virginia, 
and  having  there  freighted  her  with  tobacco,  going  out  of  the 
river,  by  a  sudden  storm  was  forced  on  shore  from  her  anchor, 
and  much  of  the  goods  spoiled,  to  the  loss  (as  was  estimated)  of 
above  two  thousand  pounds. 

I  must  here  observe  a  special  providence  of  God,  pointing 
out  his  displeasure  against  some  profane  persons,  who  took 
part  with  Dr.  Child,  etc.,  against  the  government  and  churches 
here.  The  com't  had  appointed  a  general  fast,  to  seek  God  (as 
for  some  other  occasions,  so)  in  the  trouble  which  threatened 
us  by  the  petitioners,  etc.  The  pastor  of  Hingham,  and  others 
of  his  church  (being  of  their  party)  made  light  of  it,  and  some 
said  they  would  not  fast  against  Dr.  Child  and  against  them- 
selves; and  there  were  two  of  them  (one  Pitt  and  Jolmson) 

'  The  apostleship  of  John  Eliot  will  always  be  held  one  of  the  most  creditable 
episodes  of  our  early  history.  Winthrop's  picture  of  his  labors  may  be  easily 
filled  out,  for  Eliot's  worth  has  always  been  recognized  and  celebrated  by  all 
New  England  histories  from  William  Hubbard  and  Cotton  Mather  to  Palfrey 
and  Edward  Everett  Hale.  See  also  his  life  by  Francis  in  Sparks's  American 
Biography,  first  series.  His  great  distinction  was  his  labor  among  the  Indians, 
crowned  by  his  colossal  work,  the  translation  of  the  Bible  into  Indian  (Cambridge, 
1662,  second  edition,  1680).  The  Christian  Commonwealth,  which  he  wrote  in 
1660,  was  not  approved,  and  he,  although  so  much  respected,  was  called  sharply 
to  account  for  it.  With  that  curious  facility  in  retraction  which  one  notices  in 
characters  high  and  low,  in  John  Cotton  as  well  as  John  Underbill,  he  recanted 
and  was  restored  to  favor.  He  had  a  savage  animosity  to  the  sin  of  wearing  wigs, 
sympathizing  here  with  Cotton  Mather,  who  writes,  "  for  men  to  wear  their  hair 
with  luxurious,  delicate,  feminine  prolixity,  or  to  disfigure  themselves  with  hair 
which  was  not  of  their  own,  but  above  all  for  ministers  of  the  gospel  to  ruffle  it 
in  excesses  of  this  kind,"  was  an  enormous  sin.  Eliot's  prejudice  against  tobacco 
was  equally  strong.  In  the  list  of  our  old  worthies,  he  is  as  brave  and  persist- 
ent as  any,  and  especially  marked  by  amiability  among  men  so  often  repulsively 
harsh.  *  1646. 

322  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1647 

who,  having  a  great  raft  of  masts  and  planks  (worth  forty  or 
fifty  pounds)  to  tow  to  Boston,  would  needs  set  forth  about 
noon  the  day  before  (it  being  impossible  they  could  get  to  Bos- 
ton before  the  fast;)  but  when  they  came  at  Castle  Island, 
there  arose  such  a  tempest,  as  carried  away  their  raft,  and 
forced  them  to  cut  their  mast  to  save  their  lives.  Some  of 
their  masts  and  planks  they  recovered  after,  where  it  had  been 
cast  on  shore ;  but  when  they  came  with  it  to  the  Castle,  they 
were  forced  back  again,  and  were  so  oft  put  back  with  contrary 
winds,  etc.,  as  it  was  above  a  month  before  they  could  bring  all 
the  remainder  to  Boston. 

Prescott,  another  favorer  of  the  petitioners,  lost  a  horse  and 
his  lading  in  Sudbury  river;  and  a  week  after,  his  wife  and 
children,  being  upon  another  horse,  were  hardly  saved  from 

A  woman  of  Charlestown  having  two  daughters,  aged  under 
fourteen,  sent  them  to  the  tide-mill  near  by  with  a  little  com. 
They  delivered  their  corn  at  the  mill,  and  returning  back  (they 
dwelt  towards  Cambridge)  they  were  not  seen  till  three  months 
after,  supposed  to  be  carried  away  by  the  tide,  which  was  then 
above  the  marsh.    This  was  13  (11)  (January  13). 

(1.)  (March.)]  In  the  midst  of  this  month  a  small  pinnace 
was  set  out  for  Barbados  with  [blank]  persons  and  store  of 
provisions.  It  was  her  fii'st  voyage,  and  2  (3)  (May  2)  after 
she  was  put  on  shore  at  Scituate,  the  goods  in  her,  but  not  a 
man,  nor  any  of  their  clothes. 

The  merchants  of  Boston  had  set  forth  a  small  ship  to  trade 
about  the  Gulf  of  Canada,  and  they  had  certificate  under  the 
public  seal  to  that  end.  They  set  sail  from  Boston  the  midst 
of  the  (1)  month  (March),  and  by  tempest  were  forced  into  an 
harbor  near  Cape  Sable,  and  having  lost  their  boat,  and  forced 
to  let  slip  their  cables,  were  driven  on  ground,  and  having  staid 
there  about  four  days,  Mr.  D'Aulney  having  intelligence  of 
them,  sent  eighteen  men  by  land,  who  finding  eleven  of  ours  on 
shore,  without  weapons,  surprised  them,  and  after  the  ship, 


having  but  six  men  in  her ;  and  being  carried  to  Port  Royal,  he 
examined  them  upon  oath,  whether  they  had  traded,  which 
they  had  not  done,  only  the  merchant  had  received  two  beaver 
skins,  given  him  by  the  sachem;  for  which,  (notwithstanding 
he  allowed  their  commission,)  after  he  had  kept  them  thi-ee 
weeks  prisoners,  he  kept  their  ship  and  goods  to  the  value 
of  one  thousand  pounds,  and  sent  them  home  in  two  shallops, 
meanly  provided,  and  without  any  lead  [?],  etc.  This  is  more 
fully  set  down  after,  fol.  99. 

One  [blank]  of  Windsor  arraigned  and  executed  at  Hartford 
for  a  witch.* 

1647.  30  (3.)  (May  30.)]  In  the  evening  there  was  heard 
the  report  as  of  a  great  piece  of  ordnance.  It  was  heard  all  over 
the  Bay,  and  all  along  to  Yarmouth,  etc.,  and  there  it  seemed 
as  if  it  had  been  to  the  southward  of  them. 

26.]  The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston.  Great  laboring 
there  had  been  by  the  friends  of  the  petitioners  to  have  one 
chosen  governor,  who  favored  their  cause,  and  some  new  mag- 
istrates to  have  been  chosen  of  their  side ;  but  the  mind  of  the 
coimtry  appeared  clearly,  for  the  old  governor  was  chosen 
again,  with  two  or  three  hundred  votes  more  than  any  other, 
and  no  one  new  magistrate  was  chosen  but  only  captain  Robert 

Captain  Welde  of  Roxbury  being  dead,  the  young  men  of 
the  town  agreed  together  to  choose  one  George  Denison,^  a 
young  soldier  come  lately  out  of  the  wars  in  England,  which 
the  ancient  and  chief  men  of  the  town  understanding,  they 
came  together  at  the  time  appointed,  and  chose  one  Mr. 
Prichard,  a  godly  man  and  one  of  the  chief  in  the  town,  passing 
by  their  Heutenant,  fearing  least  the  young  Denison  would 

^  Savage  noted  this  as  the  first  instance  in  New  England  of  the  witchcraft 
delusion.     The  case  is  not  mentioned  by  other  historians. 

^  George  Dennison  had  imbibed  in  Cromwell's  army,  ideas  and  a  spirit 
which  did  not  commend  him  to  the  Roxbury  brethren,  whose  minister  had  been 
the  strict  Thomas  Welde,  but  he  was  a  brave  and  active  soldier,  as  was  proved 
in  Philip's  War. 

324  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1647 

have  carried  it  from  him,  whereupon  much  discontent  and 
murmuring  arose  in  the  town.  The  young  men  were  over 
strongly  bent  to  have  their  will,  although  their  election  was  void 
in  law,  (George  Denison  not  being  then  a  freeman,)  and  the 
ancient  men  over- voted  them  above  twenty,  and  the  lieutenant 
was  discontented  because  he  was  neglected,  etc.  The  cause 
coming  to  the  court,  and  all  parties  being  heard,  Mr.  Prichard 
was  allowed,  and  the  young  men  were  pacified,  and  the  lieu- 

4  (4.)  {June  4.)]  Canonicus,  the  great  sachem  of  Narragan- 
sett,  died,  a  very  old  man.^ 

8.  (4.)  {June  8.)]  The  sjmod  began  again  at  Cambridge. 
The  next  day  Mr.  Ezekiel  Rogers  of  Rowley  preached  in  the 
forenoon,  and  the  magistrates  and  deputies  were  present,  and 
in  the  afternoon  Mr.  Eliot  preached  to  the  Indians  in  their  own 
language  before  all  the  assembly.  Mr.  Rogers  in  his  sermon 
took  occasion  to  speak  of  the  petitioners,  (then  in  question 
before  the  court,)  and  exhorted  the  court  to  do  justice  upon 
them,  yet  with  desire  of  favor  to  such  as  had  been  drawn  in, 
etc.,  and  should  submit.  He  reproved  also  the  practice  of 
private  members  making  speeches  in  the  church  assemblies  to 
the  disturbance  and  hindrance  of  the  ordinances,  also  the  call 
for  the  reviving  the  ancient  practice  in  England  of  children 
asking  their  parents'  blessing  upon  their  knees,  etc.  Also  he 
reproved  the  great  oppression  in  the  country,  etc.,  and  other 
things  amiss,  as  long  hair,  etc.  Divers  were  offended  at  his 
zeal  in  some  of  these  passages.  Mr.  Bradford,  the  governor  of 
Plymouth,  was  there  as  a  messenger  of  the  church  of  Plym- 
outh. But  the  sickness  (mentioned  here  in  the  next  leaf) 
prevailed  so  as  divers  of  the  members  of  the  synod  were 
taken  with  it,  whereupon  they  were  forced  to  break  up  on  the 

The  success  of  Mr.  Eliot's  labors  in  preaching  to  the  Indians 

^  A  faithful  friend  of  the  EngHsh  who  merited  from  the  governor  some  ap- 
preciative words. 


appears  in  a  small  book  set  forth  by  Mr.  Shepherd  and  by  other 
observations  in  the  country/ 

1646.  19,  (1.)  (March  19.)]  One  captain  Dobson  in  a  ship 
of  eighty  tons,  double  manned  and  fitted  for  a  man  of  war,  was 
set  forth  from  Boston  to  trade  to  the  eastward.  Their  testi- 
monial was  for  the  gulf  of  Canada.  But  being  taken  with 
foul  weather,  and  having  lost  their  boat,  they  put  into  harbor 
at  Cape  Sable,  and  there  shooting  ofT  five  or  six  pieces  of  ord- 
nance, the  Indians  came  aboard  them,  and  traded  some  skins; 
and  withal  Mr.  D'Aulney  had  notice,  and  presently  sent  away 
twenty  men  over  land,  (being  about  thirty  miles  from  Port 
Royal,)  who  lurking  in  the  woods  for  their  advantage,  provi- 
dence offered  them  a  very  fair  one.  For  the  ship,  having 
bought  a  shallop  of  the  Indians,  and  being  under  sail,  in  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor,  the  wind  came  about  southerly  with  such 
violence,  as  forced  them  to  an  anchor;  and  having  lost  all  their 
anchors,  they  were  forced  on  shore,  yet  without  danger  of  ship- 
wreck. Whereupon  the  master  and  merchant  and  most  of  the 
company  went  on  shore  (leaving  but  six  men  aboard)  and  car- 
ried no  weapons  with  them,  which  the  French  perceiving,  they 
came  upon  them  and  bound  them,  and  carried  the  master  to 
the  ship's  side,  who  commanded  the  men  aboard  to  yield  up  the 
ship.  The  French  being  possessed  of  the  ship,  carried  her  to 
Port  Royal,  and  left  some  of  their  company  to  conduct  the  rest 
by  land.  WTien  they  came  there,  they  were  all  imprisoned,  and 
examined  apart  upon  oath,  and  having  confessed  that  they  had 
traded,  etc.,  the  ship  and  cargo  (being  worth  in  all  one  thousand 
poimds)  was  kept  as  confiscated,  and  the  men  were  put  into 
two  old  shallops  and  sent  home,  and  arrived  at  Boston  6  (3) 
(May  6)  47.    The  merchants  complained  to  the  court  for 

'  The  reference  is  to  Rev.  Thomas  Shepard's  The  Day-Breaking  if  not  the 
Sun-Rising  of  the  Gospell  with  the  Indians  in  New  England  (London,  1647), 
reprinted  in  1865,  and  in  Old  South  Leaflets,  no.  143,  or  to  his  The  Clear  Sun- 
Shine  of  the  Gospel  breaking  forth  upon  the  Indians  in  New  England  (1648),  re- 
printed 1834,  1865;  and  perhaps  also  to  a  preceding  anonymous  tract,  New 
England's  First  Fruits  (London,  1643),  reprinted  1865. 


redress,  and  offered  to  set  forth  a  good  ship,  to  deal  with  some 
of  D'Aulney's  vessels,  but  the  court  thought  it  not  safe  nor 
expedient  for  us  to  begin  a  war  with  the  French ;  nor  could  we 
charge  any  manifest  wrong  upon  D'Aulney,  seeing  we  had  told 
him,  that  if  ours  did  trade  within  his  liberties,  they  should  do  it 
at  their  own  peril.  And  though  we  judged  it  an  injury  to 
restrain  the  natives  and  others  from  trading,  etc.,  (they  being 
a  free  people,)  yet,  it  being  a  common  practice  of  all  civil 
nations,  his  seizure  of  our  ship  would  be  accounted  lawful,  and 
our  letters  of  reprisal  unjust.  And  besides  there  appeared  an 
over-ruling  providence  in  it,  otherwise  he  could  not  have  seized 
a  ship  so  well  fitted,  nor  could  wise  men  have  lost  her  so  fool- 

At  Concord  a  bullock  was  killed  which  had  in  his  maw  a 
ten  shilling  piece  of  Enghsh  gold,  and  yet  it  could  not  be 
known  that  any  had  lost  it. 

A  barn  at  Salem  was  set  on  fire  with  lightning,  and  all  the 
corn  and  hay  consumed  suddenly.  It  fell  upon  the  thatch  in 
the  breadth  of  a  sheet,  in  the  view  of  people. 

(4.)  (June.)]  An  epidemical  sickness  was  through  the 
country  among  Indians  and  EngUsh,  French  and  Dutch.  It 
took  them  Hke  a  cold,  and  a  hght  fever  with  it.  Such  as  bled  or 
used  cooUng  drinks  died;  those  who  took  comfortable  things, 
for  most  part  recovered,  and  that  in  few  days.  Wherein  a 
special  providence  of  God  appeared,  for  not  a  family,  nor  but 
few  persons  escaping  it,  had  it  brought  all  so  weak  as  it  did 
some,  and  continued  so  long,  our  hay  and  com  had  been  lost 
for  want  of  help ;  but  such  was  the  mercy  of  God  to  his  people, 
as  few  died,  not  above  forty  or  fifty  in  the  Massachusetts,  and 
near  as  many  at  Connecticut.  But  that  which  made  the  stroke 
more  sensible  and  grievous,  both  to  them  and  to  all  the  country, 
was  the  death  of  that  faithful  servant  of  the  Lord,  Mr.  Thomas 
Hooker,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Hartford,  who,  for  piety,  pru- 
dence, wisdom,  zeal,  learning,  and  what  else  might  make  him 
serviceable  in  the  place  and  time  he  lived  in,  might  be  com- 


pared  with  men  of  greatest  note;  and  he  shall  need  no  other 
praise :  the  fruits  of  his  labors  in  both  Englands  shall  preserve 
an  honorable  and  happy  remembrance  of  him  forever/ 

14,  (4.)  {June  14.)]  In  this  sickness  the  governor's  wife, 
daughter  of  Sir  John  Tindal,  Knight,  left  this  world  for  a  better, 
being  about  fifty-six  years  of  age :  a  woman  of  singular  virtue, 
prudence,  modesty,  and  piety,  and  specially  beloved  and 
honored  of  all  the  country.^ 

The  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  colonies  should,  in 
course,  have  been  at  Plymouth  in  the  sixth  month  next,  but 
upon  special  occasion  of  the  Indians  there  was  a  meeting  ap- 
pointed at  Boston  [6ZanA;]  which  continued  to  the  17  (6)  (August 
17)  next.  The  chief  occasion  was,  that  Ninicraft,^  the  sachem 
of  Niantick,  had  professed  his  desire  to  be  reconciled  to  the 
English,  etc.,  and  that  many  Indians  would  complain  of 
Uncas  and  his  brother  their  falsehood  and  cruelty,  etc.,  if  they 
might  come  to  Boston  to  be  heard  there. 

The  general  court  made  an  order,  that  all  elections  of  gov- 
ernor, etc.,  should  be  by  papers  deUvered  in  to  the  deputies 
before  the  court,  as  it  was  before  permitted.  This  was  dis- 
liked by  the  freemen,  and  divers  of  the  new  towns  petitioned 
for  the  repeal  of  it,  as  an  infringement  of  their  liberties;  for 
when  they  consented  to  send  their  deputies  with  full  power, 
etc.,  they  reserved  to  themselves  matter  of  election,  as  appears 
by  the  record  of  the  court  [blank].  Upon  these  petitions  the 
said  order  was  repealed,  and  it  was  referred  to  the  next  court 

*The  judgment  of  posterity  bears  out  this  warm  contemporary  tribute. 
In  courage,  humanity  and  wisdom  the  founder  of  Connecticut  stands  among  the 
best  men  of  his  time. 

^The  virtues  of  Margaret  Winthrop,  the  governor's  third  wife,  are  richly 
attested.  She  received  the  esteem  of  all,  and  her  husband's  affection  was  pro- 
found. Her  letters  still  extant  (see  R.  C.  Winthrop,  Life  of  John  Winthrop) 
while  over-unctuous  with  the  inevitable  effusive  piety  of  the  age,  at  the  same 
time  show  the  helpful,  sweet-hearted  woman.  She  has  been  made  in  our  own 
day  the  subject  of  an  attractive  memoir  by  Mrs.  Earle. 

^  Often  spelt  Ninigret,  reported  to  have  saved  on  one  occasion  the  life  of  John 
Winthrop,  jr.,  whose  descendants  possess  a  portrait  of  the  sachem. 

328  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1647 

of  elections  to  consider  of  a  meet  way  for  ordering  elections, 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  petitioners  and  the  rest  of  the  free- 
men. But  that  com-t  being  full  of  business,  and  breaking  up 
suddenly,  it  was  put  off  farther. 

In  the  depth  of  winter,  in  a  very  tempestuous  night,  the  fort 
at  Saybrook  was  set  on  fire,  and  all  the  buildings  within  the  pal- 
isado,  with  all  the  goods,  etc.,  were  burnt  down,  captain  Mason, 
his  wife,  and  children,  hardly  saved.  The  loss  was  estimated 
at  one  thousand  pounds,  and  not  known  how  the  fire  came. 

Captain  Bridges  house  at  Lynn  burnt  down  27  (2)  48.^ 

At  Newfoundland,  towards  the  end  of  the  fishing  season, 
there  was  a  great  hiracano  in  the  night,  which  caused  a  great 
wreck  of  ships  and  boats,  and  much  fish  blown  off  the  shore 
into  the  sea.  Some  small  vessels  we  had  there,  but  through 
mercy  none  of  them  miscarried. 

The  United  Colonies  having  made  strict  orders  to  restrain  all 
trade  of  powder  and  guns  to  the  Indians,  by  occasion  whereof 
the  greatest  part  of  the  beaver  trade  was  drawn  to  the  French 
and  Dutch,  by  whom  the  Indians  were  constantly  furnished 
with  those  things,  though  they  also  made  profession  of  like 
restraint,  but  connived  at  the  practice,  so  as  our  means  of 
returns  for  Enghsh  commodities  were  grown  very  short,  it 
pleased  the  Lord  to  open  to  us  a  trade  with  Barbados  and 
other  Islands  in  the  West  Indies,  which  as  it  proved  gainful,  so 
the  commodities  we  had  in  exchange  there  for  our  cattle  and 
provisions,  as  sugar,  cotton,  tobacco,  and  indigo,  were  a  good 
help  to  discharge  our  engagements  in  England.  And  this 
summer  there  was  so  great  a  drouth,  as  their  potatoes  and  corn, 
etc.,  were  burnt  up;  and  divers  London  sliips  which  rode  there 
were  so  short  of  provisions  as,  if  our  vessels  had  not  supplied 
them,  they  could  not  have  returned  home;  which  was  an  ob- 
servable providence,  that  whereas  many  of  the  London  seamen 
were  wont  to  despise  New  England  as  a  poor,  barren  country, 
should  now  be  reheved  by  our  plenty. 

1  April  27,  1648. 


After  the  great  dearth  of  victuals  in  these  islands  followed 
presently  a  great  mortahty,  (whether  it  were  the  plague,  or 
pestilent  fever,  it  killed  in  three  days,)  that  in  Barbados  there 
died  six  thousand,  and  in  Christophers,  of  English  and  French, 
near  as  many,  and  in  other  islands  proportionable.  The  report 
of  this  coming  to  us,  by  a  vessel  which  came  from  Fayal,  the 
court  published  an  order,  that  all  vessels,  which  should  come 
from  the  West  Indies,  should  stay  at  the  castle,  and  not 
come  on  shore,  nor  put  any  goods  on  shore,  without  license 
of  three  of  the  council,  on  pain  of  one  hundred  pounds,  nor 
any  to  go  aboard,  etc.,  except  they  continued  there,  etc.,  on 
like  penalty.  The  like  order  was  sent  to  Salem  and  other  haven 
towns.  ^ 

But  one  goodman  Dell  of  Boston,  coming  from  Christophers 
in  a  small  pinnace,  and  being  put  in  to  Gloucester,  and  there 
forbidden  to  land,  and  informed  of  the  order  of  court,  yet 
coming  into  the  Bay,  and  being  hailed  by  the  Castle  boat, 
and  after  by  the  captain  of  the  Castle,  denied  that  he  came  from 
the  West  Indies,  and  having  taken  in  three  fishermen  (whom 
the  captain  knew)  who  joined  with  him  in  the  same  lie,  they 
were  let  pass,  and  so  came  on  shore  at  Boston,  before  it  was 
known.  But  such  of  the  council  as  were  near  assembled  the 
next  day,  and  sent  for  some  of  the  company,  and  upon  examina- 
tion finding  that  the  sickness  had  been  ceased  at  Christophers 
three  months  before  they  came  forth,  so  as  there  could  be  no 
danger  of  infection  in  their  persons,  they  gave  them  liberty  to 
continue  on  shore;  but  for  cotton  and  such  goods  as  might 
retain  the  infection,  they  ordered  them  to  be  laid  in  an  house 
remote,  and  for  Dell,  he  was  bound  over  to  the  next  court  to 
answer  his  contempt. 

About  fourteen  days  after  a  ship  came  from  Malago,  which 
had  staid  nine  days  at  Barbados.  She  was  stopped  at  the 
Castle.  The  captain  brought  the  master  and  two  others  to 
Boston  (which  he  ought  not  to  have  done).     Four  magistrates 

'  An  early  instance  of  quarantine  in  English  America. 

330  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1647 

examined  them  upon  oath,  and  finding  they  were  all  well,  save 
two,  (who  had  the  flux,)  and  no  goods  from  Barbados  but 
three  bags  of  cotton,  which  were  ordered  to  be  landed,  etc.,  at 
an  island,  the  ship  was  suffered  to  come  up,  but  none  to  come 
on  shore  for  a  week  after,  etc. 

4.  (6).  (August  4.)]  There  was  a  great  marriage  to  be  sol- 
emnized at  Boston.  The  bridegroom  being  of  Hingham,  Mr. 
Hubbard's  church,  he  was  procured  to  preach,  and  came  to 
Boston  to  that  end.  But  the  magistrates,  hearing  of  it,  sent 
to  him  to  forbear.  The  reasons  were,  1.  for  that  his  spirit 
had  been  discovered  to  be  averse  to  our  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
government,  and  he  was  a  bold  man,  and  would  speak  his  mind, 
2.  we  were  not  willing  to  bring  in  the  English  custom  of  minis- 
ters performing  the  solemnity  of  marriage,  which  sermons  at 
such  times  might  induce,  but  if  any  ministers  were  present,  and 
would  bestow  a  word  of  exhortation,  etc.,  it  was  permitted. 

The  new  governor  of  the  Dutch,  called  Peter  Stevesant, 
being  arrived  at  the  Monados,*  sent  his  secretary  to  Boston  with 
letters  to  the  governor,  with  tender  of  all  courtesy  and  good 
correspondency,  but  withal  taking  notice  of  the  differences  be- 
tween them  and  Connecticut,  and  offering  to  have  them  referred 
to  friends  here,  not  to  determine,  but  to  prepare  for  a  hearing 
and  determination  in  Europe ;  in  which  letter  he  lays  claim  to 
all  between  Connecticut  and  Delaware.  The  commissioners 
being  assembled  at  Boston,  the  governor  acquainted  them 
with  the  letter;  and  it  was  put  to  consideration  what  answer 
to  return.  Some  advised,  that  seeing  he  made  profession  of 
much  good  will  and  desire  of  all  neighborly  correspondency, 
we  should  seek  to  gain  upon  him  by  courtesy,  and  therefore  to 
accept  his  offer,  and  to  tender  him  a  visit  at  his  own  home,  or 
a  meeting  at  any  of  our  towns  where  he  should  choose.  But 
the  commissioners  of  those  parts  thought  otherwise,  supposing 
it  would  be  more  to  their  advantage  to  stand  upon  terms  of 
distance,  etc.    And  answer  was  returned  accordingly,  only  tak- 

^  Petrus  Stuyvesant  arrived  at  Manhattan  in  May,  1647. 


ing  notice  of  his  offer,  and  showing  our  readiness  to  give  him  a 
meeting  in  time  and  place  convenient.  So  matters  continued 
as  they  were. 

26.  (7).  {September  26.)]  But  it  appeared,  that  a  Dutch  ship 
from  Holland,  being  in  the  harbor  at  New  Haven,  (where  they 
had  traded  about  a  month,)  was  surprised  by  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor and  carried  to  the  Monhados.  The  manner  was  thus: 
The  merchants  of  New  Haven  had  bought  a  sliip  at  the  Mon- 
hados, wliich  was  to  be  delivered  at  New  Haven.  In  her  the 
Dutch  governor  put  a  company  of  soldiers,  who,  being  imder 
decks  when  the  ship  came  into  New  Haven,  took  their  oppor- 
tunity afterward,  upon  the  Lord's  day,  to  seize  the  Dutch  ship, 
and  having  the  wind  fair,  carried  her  away.  The  governor  of 
New  Haven  complained  of  the  injury  to  the  Dutch  governor, 
and  made  a  protest,  etc.  The  Dutch  governor  justified  the  act 
by  examples  of  the  Hke  in  Europe,  etc.,  but  especially  by 
claiming  the  place  and  so  all  along  the  seacoast  to  Cape  Codd. 
He  pretended  to  seize  the  ship  as  forfeit  to  the  West  India 
Company,  by  trading  in  their  limits  without  leave  or  recogni- 
tion. It  fell  out  at  the  same  time,  that  three  of  the  Dutch 
governor's  servants  fled  from  him  and  came  to  New  Haven, 
and  being  pursued,  were  there  apprehended  and  put  in  prison. 
The  Dutch  governor  writes  to  have  them  delivered  to  him,  but 
directs  his  letter  to  New  Haven  in  New  Netherlands.  Upon 
this  the  governor  of  New  Haven  refused  to  deliver  them,  and 
writes  back  to  the  Dutch,  maintaining  their  right  to  the  place, 
both  by  patent  from  King  James,  and  also  by  purchase  from 
the  natives,  and  by  quiet  possession  and  improvement  many 
years.  He  wrote  also  to  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts, 
acquainting  him  with  all  that  had  passed,  and  desired  advice. 
These  letters  coming  to  Boston  about  the  time  of  the  general 
court,  he  acquainted  the  court  with  them,  and  a  letter  was 
drawn  and  sent  (as  from  the  court)  to  this  purpose,  to  the 
Dutch  governor,  viz.  that  we  were  very  sorry  for  the  difference 
which  was  fallen  out  between  him  and  our  confederates  of 

332  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1647 

New  Haven ;  that  we  might  not  withhold  assistance  from  them, 
in  case  of  any  injurious  violence  offered  to  them;  that  we  ac- 
counted their  title  to  the  place  they  possessed  to  be  as  good  as 
the  Dutch  had  to  the  Monhados ;  that  we  would  willingly  inter- 
pose for  a  friendly  reconciliation ;  and  that  we  would  write  to 
New  Haven  to  persuade  the  delivery  of  the  fugitives,  etc.  We 
wrote  also  to  the  governor  of  New  Haven  to  the  same  purpose, 
intimating  to  him  that  at  our  request  he  might  dehver  the  fugi- 
tives without  prejudice  to  their  right  or  reputation.  But  this 
notwithstanding,  they  detained  the  fugitives  still,  nor  would 
send  our  letter  to  the  Dutch  governor;  whereupon  he  made 
proclamation  of  free  liberty  for  all  servants,  etc.,  of  New 
Haven  within  his  jurisdiction,  and  wrote  to  the  governor  of 
the  Massachusetts,  blaming  the  practice  in  the  general,  but  ex- 
cusing it  in  his  particular  case,  as  being  enforced  thereto,  etc. 
This  course  not  prevailing,  about  the  end  of  winter  he  wrote 
privately  to  the  fugitives,  and  the  minister  of  their  church 
wrote  also,  whereby  he  gave  such  assurance  to  the  fugitives, 
both  of  pardon  of  what  was  passed,  and  satisfaction  otherwise, 
as  they  made  an  escape  and  returned  home.  So  that  it  then 
appeared,  that  the  advice  sent  from  Boston  had  been  better  to 
have  been  put  in  practice  in  season,  than  their  own  judgment, 
in  pursuit  whereof  this  reproach  and  damage  befel  them. 

(1.)  (March.)]  After  this  the  Dutch  governor  writes  to 
our  governor  in  Dutch,  complaining  of  injuries  from  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  Haven,  (calling  him  the  pretended  governor,  etc.,) 
particularly  for  wronging  his  reputation  by  slanderous  reports, 
and  proffers  to  refer  all  differences  (as  formerly  he  had  done) 
to  the  two  governors  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  Mr. 
Winthrop  and  Mr.  Bradford,  by  name,  and  professing  all  good 
neighborhood  to  all  the  rest  of  the  colonies,  with  some  kind  of 
retractation  of  his  former  claim  to  New  Haven,  etc.,  as  if  all 
claim  by  word  or  writing,  protests,  etc.,  were  of  no  value,  so 
long  as  there  is  no  invasion  by  force. 

The  governor  of  New  Haven,  Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton,  he 


writes  also  about  the  same  time,  complaining  of  the  Dutch 
governor,  and  informing  of  Indian  intelligence  of  the  Dutch 
his  animating  the  natives  to  war  upon  the  English,  and  of 
the  excessive  customs  and  other  ill  usage  of  our  vessels  ar- 
riving there,  propounding  withal  a  prohibition  of  all  trade 
with  the  Dutch  until  satisfaction  were  given.  These  letters 
being  imparted  15  (1)  (March  15)  to  the  general  court  at  Bos- 
ton, they  thought  the  matter  more  weighty  and  general  to  the 
concernment  of  all  the  country,  than  that  any  thing  should 
then  be  determined  about  it,  and  more  fit  for  the  commissioners 
first  to  consider  of,  etc.,  and  retm'ned  answer  to  New  Haven 
accordingly.    See  after  115.^ 

About  this  time  we  had  intelligence  of  an  observable  hand 
of  God  against  the  Dutch  at  New  Netherlands,  which  though  it 
were  sadly  to  be  lamented  in  regard  of  the  calamity,  yet  there 
appeared  in  it  so  much  of  God  in  favor  of  his  poor  people  here, 
and  displeasure  towards  such  as  have  opposed  and  injured  them, 
as  is  not  to  be  passed  by  without  due  observation  and  acknowl- 
edgment. The  late  governor,  Mr.  William  Kieft,  (a  sober 
and  prudent  man,)  though  he  abstained  from  outward  force, 
yet  had  continually  molested  the  colonies  of  Hartford  and  New 
Haven,  and  used  menacings  and  protests  against  them,  upon 
all  occasions,  and  had  burnt  down  a  trading  house  which  New 
Haven  had  built  upon  Delaware  river,  and  went  for  Holland  in 
a  ship  of  400  tons,  well  manned  and  richly  laden,  to  the  value 
(as  was  supposed)  of  twenty  thousand  pounds,  and  carried 
away  with  him  two  of  our  people  under  censure,  (the  one  con- 
demned for  rape,)  though  we  pursued  them,  etc.  But  in  their 
passage  in  the  (8th)  month  (October),  the  ship,  mistaking  the 
channel,  was  carried  into  Severn,  and  cast  away  upon  the  coast 
of  Wales  near  Swansey,  the  governor  and  eighty  other  persons 
drowned,  and  some  twenty  saved. 

Complaint  had  been  made  to  the  commissioners  of  the  colo- 
nies, at  their  last  meeting,  by  Pumham  and  Sacononoco, 

*  P.  342  of  this  edition. 

334  WINTHROP'S  JOURNAL  [1647 

against  the  Gortonists  (who  were  now  returned  to  Shaomett, 
and  had  named  it  Warwick)  for  eating  up  all  their  corn  with 
their  cattle,  etc.  It  was  left  to  our  commissioners,  who  wrote 
to  some  in  those  parts  to  view  the  damages,  and  require  satis- 
faction. But  Mr.  Coggeshall  (who  died  soon  after)  and 
other  of  their  magistrates  of  Rhode  Island,  came  to  Shaomett, 
and  gave  the  praisers  a  warrant  imder  their  hands  and  one 
of  their  seals,  forbidding  them  or  any  other  to  intermeddle, 
etc.,  pretending  it  to  be  within  their  jurisdiction,  whereupon  the 
men  returned,  and  did  nothing.  And  upon  another  warrant 
from  the  president,  in  the  name  of  the  commissioners,  there 
was  nothing  done  neither;  so  as  the  poor  Indians  were  in  dan- 
ger to  be  starved,  etc.  Upon  their  farther  complaints  to  us,  the 
general  court  in  the  (1)  month  (il/arc/i)  sent  three  messengers  to 
demand  satisfaction  for  the  Indians,  and  for  other  wrongs  to 
some  English  there,  and  to  command  them  to  depart  the  place, 
as  belonging  to  us,  etc.  They  used  our  messengers  with  more 
respect  than  formerly,  but  gave  no  satisfaction,  bearing  them- 
selves upon  their  charter,  etc.  We  could  do  no  more  at  present, 
but  we  procured  the  Indians  some  com  in  the  mean  time. 

In  the  agitation  of  this  matter  in  the  general  court,  some 
moved  to  have  an  order  (upon  refusal  of  satisfaction,  etc.)  to 
send  forces  presently  against  them ;  but  others  thought  better 
to  forbear  any  resolution  until  the  return  of  our  messengers, 
and  the  rather  because  we  expected  our  agent  out  of  England 
shortly,  by  whom  we  should  know  more  of  the  success  of  our 
petition  to  the  parhament,  etc.,  it  being  very  probable,  that 
their  charter  would  be  called  in,  as  illegal,  etc.,  and  this  coun- 
sel prevailed. 

It  may  be  now  seasonable  to  set  down  what  success  it 
pleased  the  Lord  to  give  Mr.  Winslow,  our  agent,  with  the  par- 

Mr.  Winslow  set  sail  from  Boston  about  the  middle  of  lOber. 
(December),  1646,  and  carried  such  commissions,  instructions, 
etc.,  as  are  before  mentioned.    Upon  his  arrival  in  England, 


and  delivery  of  his  letters  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Sir  Henry 
Vane,  etc.,  from  the  governor,  he  had  a  day  appointed  for 
audience  before  the  committee,  and  Gorton  and  other  of  his 
company  appeared  also  to  justify  their  petition  and  informa- 
tion, which  they  had  formerly  exhibited  against  the  court,  etc., 
for  making  war  upon  them,  and  keeping  them  prisoners,  etc. 
But  after  that  our  agent  had  showed  the  two  letters  they  wrote 
to  us  from  Shaomett,  and  the  testimony  of  the  court,  and  some 
of  the  elders,  concerning  their  blasphemous  heresies  and  other 
miscarriages,  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  bring  about  the  hearts  of 
the  committees,  so  as  they  discerned  of  Gorton,  etc.,  what  they 
were  and  of  the  justice  of  our  proceedings  against  them ;  only 
they  were  not  satisfied  in  this,  that  they  were  not  within  our 
jurisdiction,  etc.,  to  which  our  agent  pleaded  tw^o  things,  1.  that 
they  were  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Plymouth  or  Connecticut, 
and  so  the  orders  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies 
had  left  them  to  us,  2.  the  Indians  (upon  whose  lands  they 
dwelt)  had  subjected  themselves  and  their  land  to  our  govern- 
ment. Whereupon  the  committee  made  this  order  following, 
which  they  directed  in  form  of  a  letter  to  Massachusetts, 
Plymouth,  and  Connecticut,  (one  to  each)  viz. 

After  our  hearty  commendations. 

In  our  late  letter  of  25  May,  etc.,  we  imparted  how  far  we  had  pro- 
ceeded upon  the  petition  of  Mr.  Gorton  and  Mr.  Holden,  etc.  We  did 
by  our  said  letter  declare  our  tenderness  of  your  just  privileges,  and  of 
preserving  entire  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  the  several  governments 
in  New  England,  whereof  we  shall  still  express  our  continued  care.  We 
have  since  that  taken  further  consideration  of  the  petition,  and  spent 
some  time  in  hearing  both  parties,  concerning  the  bounds  of  those  patents 
under  which  yourselves  and  the  other  governments  do  claim,  to  the  end 
we  might  receive  satisfaction,  whether  Shaomett  and  the  rest  of  the  tract 
of  land,  pretended  to  by  the  petitioners,  be  actually  included  within  any 
of  your  limits.  In  which  point  (being  matter  of  fact)  we  could  not,  at 
this  distance,  give  a  resolution,  and  therefore  leave  that  matter  to  be 
examined  and  determined  upon  the  place,  if  there  shall  be  occasion,  for 
that  the  boundaries  will  be  there  best  known  and  distinguished.    And  if 

336  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1647 

it  shall  appear,  that  the  said  tract  is  within  the  limits  of  any  of  the  New 
England  patents,  we  shall  leave  the  same,  and  the  inhabitants  thereof 
to  the  proper  jurisdiction  of  that  government  under  which  they  fall. 
Nevertheless,  for  that  the  petitioners  have  transplanted  their  families 
thither,  and  there  settled  their  residences  at  a  great  charge,  we  commend 
it  to  the  government,  within  whose  jurisdiction  they  shall  appear  to  be, 
(as  our  only  desire  at  present  in  this  matter,)  not  only  not  to  remove  them 
from  their  plantations,  but  also  to  encourage  them,  with  protection  and 
assistance,  in  all  fit  ways;  provided  that  they  demean  themselves  peace- 
ably, and  not  endanger  any  of  the  English  colonies  by  a  prejudicial  corre- 
spondency with  the  Indians,  or  otherwise,  wherein  if  they  shall  be  found 
faulty,  we  leave  them  to  be  proceeded  with  according  to  justice.  To 
this  purpose  we  have  also  written  our  letters  of  this  tenor  to  the  govern- 
ments of  New  Plymouth  and  Connecticut,  hoping  that  a  friendly  com- 
pliance will  engage  these  persons  to  an  inoffensive  order  and  conformity, 
and  so  become  an  act  of  greater  conquest,  honor,  and  contentment  to  you 
all,  than  the  scattering  or  reducing  of  them  by  an  hand  of  power.  And 
so,  not  doubting  of  your  concurrence  with  this  desire,  as  there  shall  be 
occasion,  we  commend  you  to  the  grace  of  Christ,  resting 
Your  very  affectionate  friends. 
From    the    Committee,  Warwick,  Gov'r.  and  Admiral, 

etc.  22  of  July,  1647.  Pembroke  and  Montgomery, 


Arth.  Heselrige, 

John  Rolle, 

Hen.  Mildmay, 

Geo.  Fenwick, 

Wm.  Purefoy, 

Rich.  Salway, 

Miles  Corbet, 

Cor.  Holland, 

Geo.  Snelling. 

The  first  letter  from  the  committee  after  Mr.  Winslow  had 
delivered  our  petition  and  remonstrance,  which  should  have 
been  inserted  before  the  former. 

After  our  hearty  commendations,  etc. 

By  our  letter  of  May  15,  1646,  we  communicated  to  you  our  reception 
of  a  complaint  from  Mr.  Gorton  and  Mr.  Holden,  etc.,  touching  some 


proceedings  tried  against  them  by  your  government.  We  also  imparted 
to  you  our  resolutions  (grounded  upon  certain  reasons  set  forth  in  our 
said  letter)  for  their  residing  upon  Shaomett,  and  the  other  parts  of  that 
tract  of  land,  which  is  mentioned  in  a  charter  of  civil  incorporation  here- 
tofore granted  them  by  us,  praying  and  requiring  you  to  permit  the  same 
accordingly,  without  extending  your  jurisdiction  to  any  part  thereof,  or 
disquieting  them  in  their  civil  peace,  or  otherwise  interrupting  them  in 
their  possession,  until  we  should  receive  your  answer  to  the  same  in  point 
of  title,  and  thereupon  give  further  order.  We  have  since  received  a 
petition  and  remonstrance  from  you  by  your  commissioner,  Mr.  Winslow, 
and  though  we  have  not  yet  entered  into  a  particular  consideration  of  the 
matter,  yet  we  do,  in  the  general,  take  notice  of  your  respect,  as  well  to 
the  parliament's  authority,  as  your  own  just  pri\'ileges,  and  find  cause  to 
be  further  confirmed  in  our  former  opinion  and  knowledge  of  your  pru- 
dence and  faithfulness  to  God  and  his  cause.  And  perceiving  by  your 
petition,  that  some  persons  do  take  advantage,  from  our  said  letter,  to 
decline  and  question  your  jurisdiction,  and  to  pretend  a  general  liberty  to 
appeal  hither,  upon  their  being  called  in  question  before  you  for  matters 
proper  to  your  cognizance,  we  thought  it  necessary  (for  preventing  of 
further  inconveniences  in  this  kind)  hereby  to  declare,  that  we  intended 
not  thereby  to  encourage  any  appeals  from  your  justice,  nor  to  restrain 
the  bounds  of  your  jurisdiction  to  a  narrower  compass  than  is  held  forth 
by  your  letters  patent,  but  to  leave  you  with  all  that  freedom  and  latitude 
that  may,  in  any  respect,  be  duly  claimed  by  you;  knowing  that  the  limit- 
ing of  you  in  that  kind  may  be  very  prejudicial  (if  not  destructive)  to  the 
government  and  public  peace  of  the  colony.  For  your  further  satisfac- 
tion wherein,  you  may  remember,  that  our  said  resolution  took  rise  from 
an  admittance,  that  the  Narragansett  Bay  (the  thing  in  question)  was 
wholly  without  the  bounds  of  your  patent,  the  examination  whereof  will, 
in  the  next  place,  come  before  us.  In  the  mean  time  we  have  received 
advertisement,  that  the  place  is  within  the  patent  of  New  Plymouth,  and 
that  the  grounds  of  your  proceedings  against  the  complainants  was  a 
joint  authority  from  the  four  governments  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  which  if  it  falls  in  upon  proof,  will  much 
alter  the  state  of  the  question. 

And  whereas  our  said  direction  extended  not  only  to  yourselves,  but 
also  to  all  the  other  governments  and  plantations  in  New  England,  whom 
it  might  concern,  we  declare,  that  we  intended  thereby  no  prejudice  to 
any  of  their  just  rights,  nor  the  countenancing  of  any  practice  to  violate 
them ;  and  that  we  shall  for  the  future  be  very  ready  to  give  our  encourage- 
ment and  assistance  in  all  your  endeavors  for  settling  of  your  peace  and 

338  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1647 

government,  and  the  advancement  of  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  whose 

blessing  we  commend  your  persons  and  affairs. 
Your  very  loving  friends. 

From  the  committee  of  Lords  and  Warwick,  Gov*r.  and  Admiral, 

Commons,  etc.,  25  May,  1647.  Bas.  Denbigh, 

Edw.  Manchester, 
Wm.  Say  and  Seale, 
Fr.  Dacre, 
Wm.  Waller, 
Arthur  Heselrige, 
Miles  Corbet, 
Fr.  Allen, 
Wm.  Purefoy, 
Geo.  Fenwick, 
Cor.  Holland. 

The  committee  having  thus  declared  themselves  to  have  an 
honorable  regard  of  us  and  care  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the 
four  United  Colonies  and  other  EngUsh  plantations  to  the  east- 
ward, (for  they  had  confirmed  Mr.  Rigby  his  patent  of  Ligonia, 
and  by  their  favorable  interpretation  of  it  had  brought  it  to  the 
sea-side,  whereas  the  words  of  the  grant  laid  it  twenty  miles 
short,  and  had  put  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge  out  of  all  as  far  as 
Saco,)  our  agent  proceeded  to  have  the  charter  (which  they  had 
lately  granted  to  those  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence)  to 
be  called  in,  as  lying  within  the  patent  of  Plymouth  or  Con- 

*  The  colony  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  work  of  Winslow.  Ligonia 
was  the  Plough  Patent,  of  the  fortunes  of  which  we  have  several  times  read. 
Though  Gorton  and  his  followers  were  dispossessed  at  Warwick,  we  are  not  to 
understand  from  the  misleading  language  of  the  paragraph  that  Providence  and 
Newport  were  disturbed. 


1648.  10,  (3.)  {May  10.)]  The  court  of  elections  was  at 
Boston.  Mr.  Symmes,  pastor  of  Charlestown,  preached.  Mr. 
Winthrop  was  chosen  governor  again,  and  Mr.  Dudley,  deputy 
governor,  Mr.  Endecott,  sergeant  major,  and  he  and  Mr. 
Bradstreet,  commissioners,  etc. 

(3.)  Here  arrived  three  ships  from  London  in  one  day.  By 
the  passengers  we  understood,  as  also  by  letters  from  Mr.  Wins- 
low,  etc.,  how  the  hopes  and  endeavors  of  Dr.  Child  and  other 
the  petitioners,  etc.,  had  been  blasted  by  the  special  providence 
of  the  Lord,  who  still  wrought  for  us.  Dr.  Child  had  a  brother, 
a  major  of  a  regiment  in  Kent,  who,  being  set  on  by  his  brother 
and  William  Vassall,  (who  went  from  Scituate  to  petition 
against  the  country,  etc.)  set  out  a  pamphlet,  wherein  he  pub- 
lished their  petition,  exhibited  to  our  general  court,  and  other 
proceedings  of  the  court.  This  was  answered  by  Mr.  Winslow 
in  a  book,  entitled  the  Salamander,  (pointing  therein  at  Mr. 
Vassall,  a  man  never  at  rest,  but  when  he  was  in  the  fire  of 
contention,)  wherein  he  cleared  the  justice  of  our  proceedings.* 
As  for  those  who  went  over  to  procure  us  trouble,  God  met 
with  them  all.  Mr.  Vassall,  finding  no  entertainment  for  his 
petitions,  went  to  Barbados. 

Dr.  Child  preferred  a  petition  to  the  committee  against  us, 
and  put  in  Mr.  Thomas  Fowle  his  name  among  others ;  but  he, 
hearing  of  it,  protested  against  it,  (for  God  had  brought  him 
very  low,  both  in  his  estate  and  in  his  reputation,  since  he 

*  The  two  publications  referred  to  are  Major  John  Child's  New  England's 
Jonas  cast  up  at  London,  and  Winslow's  New  England's  Salamander  Discovered. 
Both  were  published  at  London  in  1647,  and  both  were  reprinted  in  the  Collections 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  the  former  in  second  series,  IV,,  the  latter 
in  third  series,  II. 


340  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

joined  in  the  first  petition).  After  this  the  Doctor,  meeting 
with  Mr.  Willoughby*  upon  the  exchange,  (this  Mr.  Willoughby 
dwelt  at  Charlestown,  but  his  father  was  a  colonel  of  the  city,) 
and  falling  in  talk  about  New  England,  the  Doctor  railed 
against  the  people,  saying  they  were  a  company  of  rogues  and 
knaves;  Mr.  Willoughby  answered,  that  he  who  spake  so,  etc., 
was  a  knave,  whereupon  the  Doctor  gave  him  a  box  on  the  ear. 
Mr.  Willoughby  was  ready  to  have  closed  with  him,  etc.,  but 
being  upon  the  exchange,  he  was  stayed,  but  presently  ar- 
rested him.  And  when  the  Doctor  saw  the  danger  he  was  in, 
he  employed  some  friends  to  make  his  peace,  who  ordered  him 
to  give  five  pounds  to  the  poor  of  New  England,  (for  Mr. 
Willoughby  would  have  nothing  of  him,)  and  to  give  Mr. 
Willoughby  open  satisfaction  in  the  full  exchange,  and  to  give 
it  under  his  hand,  never  to  speak  evil  of  New  England  men  after, 
nor  to  occasion  any  trouble  to  the  country,  or  to  any  of  the 
people,  all  which  he  gladly  performed ;  and  besides  God  had  so 
blasted  his  estate,  as  he  was  quite  broken,  etc. 

Samuel  Gorton  arrived  here.  The  court,  being  informed  of 
it,  made  an  order  that  he  should  be  apprehended,  etc.,  but  he 
sending  us  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  letter,  desiring  only  that  he 
might  have  liberty  to  pass  home,  the  court  recalled  their  former 
order,  and  gave  him  a  week's  liberty  to  provide  for  his  depart- 
ure. This  was  much  opposed  by  some;  but  the  most  consid- 
ered, that,  it  being  only  at  the  Earl's  request,  (no  command,) 
it  could  be  no  prejudice  to  our  liberty,  and  our  commissioner 
being  still  attending  the  parliament,  it  might  much  have  disad- 
vantaged our  cause  and  his  expedition,  if  the  Earl  should  have 
heard  that  we  had  denied  him  so  small  a  request.  Yet  it  was 
carried  only  by  a  casting  voice. 

The  Gortonists  of  Shaomett,  hearing  how  matters  were  like 
to  go  against  them  in  England,  and  [illegible]  by  Aquiday, 

*  Francis  Willoughby  returning  to  New  England  became  a  much  respected 
citizen,  attaining  the  office  of  deputy-governor,  and  at  the  Restoration  strongly 
opposing  the  exercise  of  the  royal  prerogative. 


MDCXLIX.    ,- 


t  tffime  ftw  mcmerat/le  '■ 

'1  tccUrroKcs.  .    ' 



HF  (Tovemcur  .-nj  Af^Ojip.M-mvcd,  l-rinfJiTl; 
Uf  then-  ftir  P„tent .  wh'ch  wjs  gr,  imtci!  ro  t bJ?^| 
Colanie  fvir:  Maflathufetsl  Ijy  J  Honour^ We 

«    Ifiac  Juhnronf/:.-onc<.foorM,£i9r.-tM  .aGcnd 
rr.anerrincnrfi.rpic'rY^Cvirroc.'.Iei'eaf'ot.  -^  - 

I'   y     Seafon  Mcftjpnivcsof pfOvifionsfroinCngijnd* 



Thctinic(;fgre,tfc^.v..,  , 

A  orcatt>  finalitic  anoneft  rhc  In^lKini'bvthefni^UI  J 
r-s  whf rr f  Chickatabut iachcro of  Njponfct  Jycd, as  | • 
nifi.  ].it,n«c  Ijme»S'j!.inore».  ,  * 

6  »     >;?  S.n-.uclSkcltoii  Pidor  10  the  Church  at  Stlcm 

■     AgrcitHir-cM  ,  wherln  ib.  ^«tHepe  of  400 
WJSjrivi-n.MillinreatMr.  Haiiohs.       .  I 

I  Mr.  Tohn  Oldham  in  hij  8.rt  ^v  5  I:i 
of  Block-IfUn:! ,  who  wEn-fiirprlM.l  ill  ■«  fimc  h.u 
!i;lnG  Hop,  broHjh!  thither  (t  infthis  r^T"'''-'' 
j    >  treaty  i^  [Jcac-lr  concluJcJ  vaih  Mi  ir.toniir.uh. 

.  Jhc  11  tlt.crc  at  Wi;thets6c:lu  by  the  rc-VK-tS-- 
i    Miftick  Fort  t  ken  and  the  Tcquuts  iiain  *n4  biirm 
it>ythcli;|lilhi..i{Rivcr.  ■    •    -  ' 

Fiock-Tfl  nJCtib/iieJ :'nJn.aJc tributary. 
1    ThcfiiftSynoJat  C.imbri^igc.- 
I   Mrs.  HmcbinfonSc  her  errors  banifl'xJ. 
Thierc.tandgL-nerjll  Earth-tju.Kc. 
A  vit^cnt  ten^p'.-ft  which  brake  Jowi:c  rhe  ' 
*i  Cbarlftown.  &  c;^u)cei  two  floOils  Sn  lix'hov;'  ^  ^ 
yi4     JohnHjTvtT.i  nufterofArfj,ofEitut^arnd  C^V  . , 
,     ;_  r  ..u.M...  -.-.-.f  .,1:  Jj  1,^  willpCe  the  h.-if  Jflii^ 
Btcdto  abvltC-jot^fpuniii)  ftirthii 

6  3 


■n>!c-Kil  : 

'  tftatc  <  which  1... 

!     crcttiFgbfrhcColicr'gc.     .  *i 

Si  17     Wr.Rog^tBirkfienJi;nonc.or*uf!*giftr^te5  *6u| 
..^t-ffsrsofige,  J  man  offmgularpK'ty  ji4f  nr  Titii- 



ithertemifcft,  which  threw  JownT<5n-i;tr  -(^rSi  ;.  _ 
whirn  ;tble»atSoiitl«riyftcisj  rivo?;-' 
til  fuot^bo\'frrhcmed*nv«».«'  j^^^?* 
hrthroii^hoiitihe^oimy  .  -^  T^- 
licon'piies.g.iiiftthi.E  ilh.  '»„ 
V-ftit^l  "■ 



1 164?  'in 


Pafcit2<jnL  fubmiiced  to  our  GoTenimeniP. 
This  winter  five  weeks  tcgcrlier  CharJC-Rix-v wj^ 

In.i,,>iis  to  cuti  oft  all  the  tngUm,         If 

ThiJ  year  IcvcralweiJ-aff.  ace  pction*  I'v:  G.i-.iIl 
in  Vii^inij.  fcnt  to  us  foi  (ome  to  iliip«t*  iUl  Woryi 
Wr.  Toir.pron  jnd  Mr.  Knowles  were  fct- . 
y     Another  on  thcX,oic»(lay  tiKirnJiw 
The  fonr  £r^riu.Co!onie»  *.tl-  MajUchiii;;,*  pij 
rroHtli, Connecticut 6c  New-haven. wcrcnr.ijod. 
i»     I'n,iiham&;  ^^cononocobacbt:rr.s  ,  Uiboiirteuuiein- 
fclve*  8c  rhoii  p  opietothe  £ng.iUi. 

This  fniniTier  the  Lord  rem  gr^^t  fiocks  o^  l-igeons. 
which dcvuartdmoLh  com. 

Miiiuonimoh  wjgciiig  warr  ■;§  jnftUocas.  <9«ft(aJU:ii 
and  patio  de^tth  foi  his  irc,»  htiu-, 
S     FtvcS  chems  ,  CBtchioukia^Mjireanonnet  ,S4] 
Sachem.  WiHamcfen  tNci-.wjion  fubcpiusa  huem- 
felvcs.  their  people  fit  i^n  .»  amous. 

KCicoiuway  the  chief  :>«cheiT  upon  Uerin.2Cft ,  flC 
bisfon)  C£muin  ^'oiuntafiiT  Aod.'Bbmitiadtuottr G9- 
wcmmtnt . 

\  The  Nmowganfets  bcjm  to  wa/r fiponUor js, in  rc 
Venijc  ofMiamornmoh  bi&tiv^h. 
I  Mi.  George  thillipj ,  hrft  r«*oiir  of  J  Ch»f  ch  a  Wj 
ijatf'  TheNarrowgtiif«Sachirm»,  yeicWaftdMexm..  .., 
jfon  of»clvt>u  peace  wirbihu*  fcrtt.jfl- 
Ukigivc4  oFthc chief  uftnrirchiidren for Hoft  aes. 
""  Lord  feoctTmitttHiinofCaRtvilursamonKftus, 
tji3icbLdthoiow«af&ckk,  like  iicne<i acn>  wd 
fpuylcd  much  com. 
Wr.Eliot  b<s«ntoprc«chwf  If4uii5  iathciiowec 

Ad  hpiieisicali  faint  ccogh  throo^h  the  Countrf .  ) 
Mr.  Tho,  Hooker  Paftuorof  theChntch  jcHertfofd' 
fted  ffutn  his  Idboar? ,  1 

Mr.  Gr-cnPittoorKMhe  Charchar  Reading,  dj'wl.    I 

rk  .*.^A.i*^ .  fcfj  occ.  m.  jt^^tidif^  oaci^tnuBc,  A«i  uJ 


From  the  original  copy  in  the  New  Yor  k  Public  Library  {Lenox  Building) 


began  to  consider  how  they  might  make  their  peace  with  us, 
and  for  that  end  sent  two  of  their  company  to  petition  our  gen- 
eral com't,  etc.,  but  these  messengers  being  come  to  Dedham, 
and  hearing  that  the  court  was  adjourned,  they  came  no 
further ;  but  one  of  them  wrote  a  letter  to  our  governor,  in  this 
tenor  following: — 

To  the  right  worshipful  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  the  Massa- 
Humbly  presented  to  your  worship's  consideration, 
That  whereas  I,  with  another,  was  chosen  by  the  general  court  held 
at  Providence  the  eighteenth  of  this  month,  and  sent  with  an  humble 
request  to  this  honorable  state  concerning  Shaomett  business,  but  when 
we  came  at  Dedham,  hearing  that  the  general  court  was  adjourned,  1 
your  suppliant  (being  an  inhabitant  of  Shaomett)  seriously  weighing  my 
present  condition  there,  I  made  bold  to  advise  with  Mr.  Powell*  concern- 
ing the  same,  who  advised  me  to  repair  to  your  worship,  which  (on  con- 
sideration) I  could  not,  till  I  had  some  knowledge  of  your  worship's 
favorable  acceptation.    My  humble  request  therefore  is,  that  your  worship 
would  be  pleased  to  send  me  your  mind  in  a  few  lines  concerning  the 
premises.     So,  craving  your  worship's  favorable  construction, 

I  remain, 

Yours,  most  humbly, 

RuFus  Barton. 
Dedham,  May  22,  1648. 

This  year  com  was  very  scarce,  and  so  it  was  in  all  countries 
of  Europe.  Our  scarcity  came  by  occasion  of  our  transporting 
much  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the  Portugal  and  Spanish 
Islands.  The  magistrates  sent  out  to  have  a  survey  of  the 
corn  in  the  country,  and  finding  it  to  fall  very  short,  the  next 
general  court  made  an  order  to  prohibit  transportation  except 
of  such  as  should  be  brought  in  from  other  parts  and  such  as 
were  sold  before  to  be  transported,  etc.  Yet  this  restraint 
notwithstanding,  etc.,  the  price  did  not  rise  12d.  in  the  bushel, 

*  Michael  Powell  kept  the  ordinary,  or  tavern,  at  Dedham;  but  coming  later 
to  Boston,  was  one  of  the  founders  and  ruling  elders  of  the  Second  Church. 

342  WINTHROFS   JOURNAL  [1648 

nor  (through  the  good  providence  of  the  Lord)  was  the  scarcity 
much  felt  among  the  people. 

Mr.  Eaton  having  again  moved  the  governor  to  know  the 
mind  of  the  court  touching  the  Dutch  governor's  proceedings, 
the  court  appointed  a  committee  to  consider  of  it,  (after  the 
court  was  adjourned,)  and  withal  to  consider  of  the  articles  of 
confederation,  and  some  of  the  commissioners'  orders ;  for  there 
was  some  murmuring  among  the  people  about  the  inequality 
of  some  articles,  as  that  we  bearing  more  than  half  the  charge 
upon  all  occasions,  etc.,  should  yet  have  no  more  commissioners 
than  the  smallest  of  the  other,  and  that  all  charges  should  be 
levied  by  the  poll,  considering  how  great  a  part  of  our  people 
were  laborers  and  craftsmen,  and  of  theirs  the  most  were 
farmers  and  well  stocked,  etc. 

28,  (3.)  (May  28.)]  Soon  after  the  court  was  adjourned,  the 
governor  received  two  letters  from  the  Dutch  governor,  holding 
forth  much  assurance  of  his  sincere  affection  to  a  firm  peace  and 
neighborly  compliance  with  all  the  Enghsh,  and  that  upon 
these  grounds,  1.  our  unity  in  the  true  religion,  2.  the  ancient 
league  between  the  two  nations,  3.  the  community  in  danger, 
in  respect  of  the  common  enemy,  both  Spaniards  and  Indians, 
4.  the  reconciUng  former  differences  and  preventing  future,  5. 
the  benefit  of  a  mutual  league,  both  offensive  and  defensive, 
against  a  common  enemy;  and  offered  to  meet  Mr.  Bradford, 
the  governor  of  Plymouth,  and  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  governor 
of  the  Massachusetts,  at  Connecticut,  at  such  time  as  we 
should  appoint,  and  to  refer  all  to  us. 

The  governor  returned  answer  to  him,  of  what  gladness  he 
conceived  in  his  forwardness  to  peace,  and  had  no  reason  to 
doubt  of  his  cordial  intentions,  etc.,  promising  to  further  the 
meeting  what  lay  in  his  power,  etc. 

There  was  some  reason,  why  the  Dutch  governor's  spirit 
should  begin  to  fall,  both  in  regard  of  the  weakness  the  state  of 
Holland  (especially  the  West  India  Company)  were  fallen 
into,  (which  was  not  the  least  occasion  of  their  late  peace 


with  Spain,)*  and  also  in  respect  of  the  doubts  which  he  was 
fallen  into  at  this  time,  both  from  his  own  unruly  people,  and 
also  of  their  neighbor  Indians,  for  neither  would  his  people  be 
restrained  from  furnishing  the  Indians  with  guns,  powder,  etc., 
nor  would  the  Indians  endure  to  be  without  that  trade;  and 
the  great  loss  the  company  had  sustained  by  late  wreck  of 
three  ships,  and  the  old  governor  and  many  principal  men 
with  him,  made  him  doubtful  of  any  great  supply  from  Holland. 

4.  (4).  {June  4.)]  Here  arrived  one  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,^ 
who  had  been  in  Virginia  about  seven  years.  He  came  first 
with  a  patent  of  a  county  Palatine  for  Delaware  Bay,  but 
wanting  a  pilot  for  that  place,  he  went  to  Virginia  and  there 
having  lost  the  estate  he  brought  over,  and  all  his  people 
scattered  from  him,  he  came  hither  to  retm-n  to  England  for 
supply,  intending  to  return  and  plant  Delaware,  if  he  could  get 
sufficient  strength  to  dispossess  the  Swedes. 

This  year  a  new  way  was  found  out  to  Connecticut,  by 
Nashoway,  which  avoided  much  of  the  hilly  way. 

The  magistrates,  being  informed  at  a  court  of  assistants  that 
four  or  five  Indians,  who  Hved  upon  the  spoil  of  their  neighbors, 
had  murdered  some  Indians  of  Nipnett,  who  were  subject  to 
this  government,  and  robbed  their  wigwam,  sent  twenty  men  to 
Nashoway  to  inquire  of  the  truth  of  the  matter,  and  to  appre- 
hend the  murderers,  if  they  could  be  found ;  but  being  fled  to 
Narragansett,  they  returned,  and  informed  us  certainly  of  the 
persons  murdered,  and  of  the  actors,  etc.,  which  was  of  this 
good  use,  (though  they  could  not  apprehend  them,)  that  the 
Indians  saw  our  care  of  them,  and  readiness  to  protect  them, 
and  revenge  their  wrongs. 

'The  United  Provinces  ended  the  "Eighty  Years'  War"  with  Spain  by  the 
treaty  of  Miinster,  January  30,  1648.  The  Dutch  West  India  Company,  whose 
fortunes  had  fallen  very  low,  was  rechartered  in  1647. 

^  An  unsuccessful  adventurer  who  planned  a  large  enterprise,  and  secured 
in  1634  a  patent  from  the  crown  of  Ireland,  making  him  "Earl  Palatine  of  the 
province  of  New  Albion."  Of  the  great  feudal  domain  projected,  nothing  ever 
came.  Its  history  is  fully  related  by  Professor  Gregory  B.  Keen  in  Winsor's 
Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  III.  457-468. 

344  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

After  this,  two  Indians,  of  Cutshamekin's  procuring,  offering 
themselves  to  apprehend  some  of  the  murderers,  we  gave  them 
commission,  and  withal  wrote  to  Mr.  Pincheon  to  assist  them,  I 
etc.  (they  being  near  Springfield).  Mr.  Pincheon  offered  his 
assistance,  but  wrote  to  the  governor,  that  the  Indians  mur- 
dered, nor  yet  the  murderers,  were  not  our  subjects,  and  withal 
that  it  would  endanger  a  war;  whereupon  the  governor  ad- 
vising with  the  deputy,  etc.,  wrote  back  presently  to  Mr. 
Pincheon,  that  then  he  should  proceed  no  further,  but  send 
back  the  Indians,  etc. 

At  this  court  one  Margaret  Jones  of  Charlestown  was  indict- 
ed and  found  guilty  of  witchcraft,  and  hanged  for  it.  The 
evidence  against  her  was,  1.  that  she  was  found  to  have  such  a 
malignant  touch,  as  many  persons,  (men,  women,  and  children,) 
whom  she  stroked  or  touched  with  any  affection  or  displeasure, 
or,  etc.,  were  taken  with  deafness,  or  vomiting,  or  other  violent 
pains  or  sickness,  2.  she  practising  physic,  and  her  medicines 
being  such  things  as  (by  her  own  confession)  were  harmless,  as 
aniseed,  liquors,  etc.,  yet  had  extraordinary  violent  effects,  3. 
she  would  use  to  tell  such  as  would  not  make  use  of  her  physic, 
that  they  would  never  be  healed,  and  accordingly  their  diseases 
and  hurts  continued,  with  relapse  against  the  ordinary  course, 
and  beyond  the  apprehension  of  all  physicians  and  sm*geons,  4. 
some  things  which  she  foretold  came  to  pass  accordingly ;  other 
things  she  could  tell  of  (as  secret  speeches,  etc.)  which  she  had 
no  ordinary  means  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of,  5.  she  had 
(upon  search)  an  apparent  teat  in  her  secret  parts  as  fresh  as  if 
it  had  been  newly  sucked,  and  after  it  had  been  scanned,  upon 
a  forced  search,  that  was  withered,  and  another  began  on  the 
opposite  side,  6.  in  the  prison,  in  the  clear  day-hght,  there  was 
seen  in  her  arms,  she  sitting  on  the  floor,  and  her  clothes  up, 
etc.,  a  httle  child,  which  ran  from  her  into  another  room,  and 
the  officer  following  it,  it  was  vanished.  The  hke  child  was 
seen  in  two  other  places,  to  which  she  had  relation;  and  one 
maid  that  saw  it,  fell  sick  upon  it,  and  was  cured  by  the  said 


Margaret,  who  used  means  to  be  employed  to  that  end.  Her 
behavior  at  her  trial  was  very  intemperate,  lying  notoriously, 
and  railing  upon  the  jury  and  witnesses,  etc.,  and  in  the  like 
distemper  she  died.  The  same  day  and  hour  she  was  executed, 
there  was  a  very  great  tempest  at  Connecticut,  which  blew 
down  many  trees,  etc. 

4.  {June.)]  The  wife  of  one  WiUip  of  Exeter  was  found  in 
the  river  dead,  her  neck  broken,  her  tongue  black  and  swollen 
out  of  her  mouth,  and  the  blood  settled  in  her  face,  the  privy 
parts  swollen,  etc.,  as  if  she  had  been  much  abused,  etc. 

A  vessel  of  Connecticut  being  the  last  winter  at  Quorasoe,* 
in  the  possession  of  the  Dutch,  found  there  a  negro,  who  had 
lost  his  legs,  and  had  been  sent  thither  out  of  Holland  to 
perform  such  service  to  the  governor,  etc.,  as  he  was  fit  for 
(having  been  trained  up  to  some  learning  in  Holland).  This 
man  had  attained  to  some  good  savor  of  religion,  so  as  he  grew 
weary  of  the  Dutch  of  the  island,  who  were  very  debauched, 
(only  one  man  he  found  some  piety  in,)  and  there  being  some 
Indians  in  the  island,  he  acquainted  himself  with  them,  and 
having  attained  some  skill  in  their  language,  he  began  to  in- 
struct them  and  their  children  in  the  knowledge  of  God,  etc., 
and  the  Lord  so  blessed  his  endeavors,  as  the  Indians  began  to 
hearken  to  him,  and  yielded  themselves  to  be  taught  at  certain 
times  which  this  negro  appointed.  This  negro  told  the  master 
of  the  English  vessel,  one  Bull,  a  godly  and  discreet  man,  of  all 
his  proceedings,  and  what  comfort  he  had  in  that  one  godly 
Dutchman,  saying  that  he  never  was  in  his  company  but  he 
found  Jesus  Christ  warming  him  at  the  heart.  He  inquired  of 
Bull  about  New  England  and  our  rehgion  and  churches,  and 
asked  if  we  were  of  those  Christians,  who  advanced  the  doctrine 
of  merits,  etc.,  and  much  rejoiced  when  he  heard  the  truth  of 
our  doctrine,  etc.,  and  showed  himself  very  desirous  to  see  New 
England ;  and  so  he  left  him  at  that  time. 

28.]    The  Welcome,  of  Boston,  about  300  tons,  riding  before 

*  Curayao. 

346  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

Charlestown,  having  in  her  eighty  horses  and  120  tons  of  ballast, 
in  calm  weather,  fell  a  rolUng,  and  continued  so  about  twelve 
hours,  so  as  though  they  brought  a  great  weight  to  the  one 
side,  yet  she  would  heel  to  the  other,  and  so  deep  as  they  feared 
her  foundering.  It  was  then  the  time  of  the  county  court  at 
Boston,  and  the  magistrates  hearing  of  it,  and  withal  that  one 
Jones  (the  husband  of  the  witch  lately  executed)  had  desired  to 
have  passage  in  her  to  Barbados,  and  could  not  have  it  without 
such  payment,  etc.,  they  sent  the  officer  presently  with  a  war- 
rant to  apprehend  him,  one  of  them  saying  that  the  ship  would 
stand  still  as  soon  as  he  was  in  prison.  And  as  the  officer  went, 
and  was  passing  over  the  ferry,  one  said  to  him,  you  can  tame 
men  sometimes,  can't  you  tame  this  ship?  The  officer  an- 
swered, I  have  that  here,  that  (it  may  be)  will  tame  her,  and 
make  her  be  quiet ;  and  with  that  showed  his  warrant.  And  at 
the  same  instant,  she  began  to  stop  and  presently  staid,  and 
after  he  was  put  in  prison,  moved  no  more. 

There  appeared  over  the  harbor  at  New  Haven,  in  the 
evening,  the  form  of  the  keel  of  a  ship  with  three  masts,  to 
which  were  suddenly  added  all  the  tackling  and  sails,  and 
presently  after,  upon  the  top  of  the  poop,  a  man  standing  with 
one  hand  akimbo  under  his  left  side,  and  in  his  right  hand  a 
sword  stretched  out  toward  the  sea.  Then  from  the  side  of 
the  ship  which  was  from  the  town  arose  a  great  smoke,  which 
covered  all  the  ship,  and  in  that  smoke  she  vanished  away;  but 
some  saw  her  keel  sink  into  the  water.  This  was  seen  by 
many,  men  and  women,  and  it  continued  about  a  quarter  of  an 

Divers  letters  passed  between  our  governor  and  the  Dutch 
governor  about  a  meeting  for  reconciling  the  differences 
between  our  confederates  of  New  Haven,  etc.,  and  him. 
But  Mr.  Bradford,  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  (being  one  of  the 

^  The  spectral  ship  of  New  Haven,  the  tradition  of  which  was  taken  up  and 
characteristically  developed  by  Cotton  Mather,  is  one  of  the  most  weird  of  New 
England  legends,  and  has  become  very  familiar  to  the  later  generations. 


two  whom  the  Dutch  governor  desired  to  refer  the  differences 
unto,  being  sent  unto  about  it,  came  to  Boston,  and  there 
excused  himself,  by  bodily  infii-mities  and  other  reasons,  that 
he  could  not  go  to  Hartford  that  summer,  but  promised  (the 
Lord  assisting)  to  prepare  against  the  middle  of  the  (4)  {June) 
next  summer.  So  the  governor  (Mr.  Hopkins  being  then  also 
at  Boston)  despatched  away  letters  presently  to  the  Dutch 
governor  to  certify  him  thereof,  who  returned  answer  soon 
after,  that  he  was  very  sorry  the  meeting  did  not  hold,  and 
professed  his  earnest  inclination  to  peace,  and  that  he  never 
had  any  thought  of  war,  and  desired  that  in  the  mean  time  all 
things  might  remain  as  they  were,  neither  encroaching  upon 
others'  pretended  hmits,  desiring  withal  that  he  might  meet  the 
commissioners  of  the  colonies  also  to  treat  with  them  about 
the  Indian  trade,  which  was  much  abused,  etc. 

15.  (6.)  {August  15.)]  The  synod  met  at  Cambridge  by  ad- 
journment from  the  (4)  {June)  last.  Mr.  Allen  of  Dedham 
preached  out  of  Acts  15,  a  very  godly,  learned,  and  particular 
handling  of  near  all  the  doctrines  and  applications  concerning 
that  subject  with  a  clear  discovery  and  refutation  of  such 
errors,  objections,  and  scruples  as  had  been  raised  about  it  by 
some  young  heads  in  the  country. 

It  fell  out,  about  the  midst  of  his  sermon,  there  came  a  snake 
into  the  seat,  where  many  of  the  elders  sate  behind  the  preacher. 
It  came  in  at  the  door  where  people  stood  thick  upon  the  stairs. 
Divers  of  the  elders  shifted  from  it,  but  Mr.  Thomson,  one  of 
the  elders  of  Braintree,  (a  man  of  much  faith,)  trode  upon  the 
head  of  it,  and  so  held  it  with  his  foot  and  staff  with  a  small 
pair  of  grains,^  until  it  was  killed.  This  being  so  remarkable, 
and  nothing  falhng  out  but  by  divine  providence,  it  is  out  of 
doubt,  the  Lord  discovered  somewhat  of  his  mind  in  it.  The 
serpent  is  the  devil;  the  synod,  the  representative  of  the 
churches  of  Christ  in  New  England.  The  devil  had  formerly 
and  lately  attempted  their  disturbance  and  dissolution;  but 

*  Pair  of  grains,  a  sort  of  fish-spear. 

348  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

their  faith  in  the  seed  of  the  woman  overcame  him  and  crushed 
his  head. 

The  synod  went  on  comfortably,  and  intended  only  the  fram- 
ing of  a  confession  of  faith,  etc.,  and  a  form  of  chm*ch  discipline 
(not  entertaining  any  other  business).  For  the  first,  they 
wholly  agreed  with  that  which  the  assembly  in  England  had 
lately  set  forth.  For  the  other,  viz.,  for  discipline,  they 
drew  it  by  itself,  according  to  the  general  practice  of  our 
churches.     So  they  ended  in  less  than  fourteen  days.' 

This  month,  when  our  first  harvest  was  near  had  in,  the 
pigeons  came  again  all  over  the  country,  but  did  no  harm, 
(harvest  being  just  in,)  but  proved  a  great  blessing,  it  being 
incredible  what  multitudes  of  them  were  killed  daily.  It  was 
ordinary  for  one  man  to  kill  eight  or  ten  dozen  in  half  a  day, 
yea  five  or  six  dozen  at  one  shoot,  and  some  seven  or  eight. 
Thus  the  Lord  showed  us,  that  he  could  make  the  same 
creature,  which  formerly  had  been  a  great  chastisement,  now 
to  become  a  great  blessing. 

About  the  midst  of  this  summer,  there  arose  a  fly  out  of  the 
ground,  about  the  bigness  of  the  top  of  a  man's  Httle  finger,  of 
brown  color.  They  filled  the  woods  from  Connecticut  to  Sud- 
bury with  a  great  noise,  and  eat  up  the  young  sprouts  of  the 
trees,  but  meddled  not  with  the  corn.  They  were  also  between 
Plymouth  and  Braintree,  but  came  no  fm-ther.  If  the  Lord 
had  not  stopped  them,  they  had  spoiled  all  our  orchards,  for 
they  did  some  few. 

At  the  last  meeting  of  the  commissioners  at  New  Haven, 
information  was  given  them,  that  Sequashin,  a  sachem  near 

'  At  this  synod  was  laid  down  the  famous  Cambridge  platform  upon  which 
the  Congregational  polity  of  New  England  substantially  rested  until  1780.  Twenty 
years  of  experience  had  taught  the  leaders  that  Congregationalism  might  be 
too  absolute.  Hence  this  grafting  upon  the  original  idea,  of  the  council  or 
synod,  which  differed  from  Presbyterianism  in  not  being  permanent,  only  resorted 
to  in  temporary  emergencies,  and  yet  was  a  decided  check  upon  independency. 
The  platform  or  Book  of  Discipline,  as  it  was  often  called,  was  adopted,  hardly 
with  cordiality,  but  remained  long  in  authority.  See  Palfrey,  History  of  New 
England,  I.  330. 


Hartford,  would  have  hired  an  Indian  to  kill  some  of  the  mag- 
istrates of  Hartford,  whereupon  he  was  sent  for,  but  came  not, 
and  being  among  other  Indians  about  Pacomtuckett,^  they  sent 
for  Unkas,  who  undertook  to  fetch  him  in,  which  he  not  being 
able  to  do  by  force,  he  surprised  him  in  the  night,  and  brought 
him  to  Hartford,  where  he  was  kept  in  prison  divers  weeks. 
But  there  not  being  sufficient  proof  to  convict  him,  etc.,  he 
was  discharged.  Yet  the  Indians,  from  whom  he  was  taken, 
took  it  so  to  heart  against  Uncas,  as  they  intended  to  make 
war  upon  him,  and  the  Narragansetts  sent  wampom  to  them 
to  encourage  them;  and  accordingly  in  this  month,  there 
were  gathered  together  from  divers  parts  about  one  thousand 
Indians  armed,  three  hundred  or  more  having  guns,  powder, 
and  bullets,  and  were  at  Pacumtuckett  preparing,  etc.,  which 
the  magistrates  of  Hartford  hearing  of,  they  sent  three  horse- 
men to  them  (one  being  very  expert  in  the  Indian  language)  to 
know  their  intent,  and  to  tell  them,  that  if  they  made  war  upon 
Uncas,  the  English  must  defend  him.  The  Indian  sachems 
entertained  the  mcssengcre  courteously ;  and  having  heard  their 
message,  they  took  time  to  give  their  answer,  which  was  this, 
viz.  they  knew  the  English  to  be  a  wise  and  warlike  people,  and 
they  intended  not  to  fall  out  with  them,  therefore  for  the  present 
they  would  desist,  and  consider  further  of  the  matter.  And 
God  had  so  disposed,  as  at  the  same  instant  they  had  intelli- 
gence of  a  defeat  given  to  some  of  their  confederates  by  other  In- 
dians, which  called  them  to  their  aid,  and  also  the  Narragansett 
had  failed  to  send  them  all  the  wampom  he  had  promised.  Thus 
the  Lord  delivered  us  from  that  war,  which  must  needs  have 
been  very  dangerous,  especially  to  our  brethren  of  Connecticut. 
The  Narragansett  and  Niantick  dealing  thus  underhand  con- 
trary to  their  covenant,  and  being  yet  behind  near  one  thousand 
fathom  of  the  wampom  they  should  have  paid  us  long  since, 
the  commissioners,  sitting  at  Plymouth,  (7)  (September)  or- 
dered four  men  to  be  sent  to  them,  with  an  interpreter,  with 
*  Pocumtuckett  became  later  Deerfield. 

350  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

instructions  how  to  treat  with  them,  both  concerning  their 
hiring  other  Indians  to  war  upon  Uncas,  and  also  about  the 
wampom  behind.  Captain  Atherton  and  Captain  Prichard, 
assisted  with  two  others,  voluntarily  undertook  this  service, 
and  went  hence,  3  (8)  (October  3).  They  were  to  have  taken 
Benedict  Arnold  for  their  interpreter ;  but  he  being  from  home, 
they  went  to  Mr.  Williams,  who  sent  for  the  sachems.  But 
they  had  heard  that  many  horsemen  were  come  to  take  them, 
which  made  Pesicus  fly  over  to  Rhode  Island.  Then  our 
messengers  went  to  Niantick,  where  Ninicraft  entertained  them 
courteously,  (there  they  staid  the  Lord's  day,)  and  came 
back  with  them  to  Mr.  Williams,  and  then  Pesicus  and  Canoni- 
cus'  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them,  and  being 
demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks  against  Uncas,  they 
solemnly  denied  it;  onlj?-  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohawk, 
being  a  great  sachem,  and  their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come 
so  near  them,  they  sent  some  twenty  fathom  of  wampom  for 
him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians  is.  And  Canoni- 
cus'  son,  called  [blank,]  used  this  asseveration,  viz.  English- 
man's God  doth  know,  that  we  did  not  send  to  stir  up  or  hire 
the  Mohawks  against  Uncas.  Then  they  further  promised, 
that  they  would  not  meddle  with  Uncas,  nor  stir  up  any 
other  against  him,  before  they  had  paid  all  their  debt  of  wam- 
pom to  the  English,  and  then  they  would  require  satisfaction 
for  all  the  wrongs  Uncas  had  done  them,  and  if  the  English 
would  not  see  them  satisfied,  they  would  consider  what  to  do. 
And  for  their  wampom  behind,  etc.,  they  desired  the  English 
to  bear  with  them,  in  regard  their  want  of  com  last  winter  had 
made  them  lay  out  their  wampom  to  the  English  for  corn ;  but 
in  the  spring  they  would  provide  part  of  it,  and  the  rest  so  soon 
as  they  could. 

(8.)  (October.)]  A  shallop  having  been  fishing  at  Monhigen, 
and  returning  with  other  boats,  and  being  to  put  in  at  Dama- 
rell's  cove,^  the  other  boats  fell  to  their  oars  (the  wind  failing) 

*  Now  Damariscove  Island,  near  Monhegan,  on  the  Maine  coast. 


and  called  upon  this  boat  to  do  the  Uke,  that  they  might  be 
harbored  before  night ;  but  they  were  slothful,  and  neglected, 
etc.,  whereupon  she  missed  her  way,  and  was  spht  upon  a  rock, 
and  all  the  men  (being  four,  and  one  Indian)  and  all  the  goods 

20.]  In  the  time  of  our  general  court  here  arrived  from 
Virginia  one  Mr.  Haryson,  pastor  of  the  church  of  Nanseman 
there,  and  reported  to  us,  that  their  chiirch  was  grown  to  one 
hundred  and  eighteen  persons,  and  many  more  looking  towards 
it,  which  had  stirred  up  the  governor  there.  Sir  William  Berk- 
ley, to  raise  persecution  against  them,  and  he  had  banished 
their  elder,  Mr.  Durand,  and  himself  (viz.  Mr.  Haryson)  was  to 
depart  the  country  by  the  third  ship  at  furthest,  which  had 
caused  [him]  to  come  now  to  take  advice  of  the  magistrates 
and  elders  here  about  the  matter.  First  he  spake  with  the 
magistrates,  and  propounded  two  things,  1.  whether  their 
church  ought  not  to  remove,  upon  this  persecution,  2.  whether 
we  would  advise  them  to  remove. 

To  the  first  our  answer  was,  that  seeing  God  had  carried  on 
his  work  so  graciously  hitherto,  etc.,  and  that  there  was  so  great 
hope  of  a  far  more  plentiful  harvest  at  hand,  (many  of  the 
council  being  well  inclined,  etc.,  and  one  thousand  of  the  people 
by  conjecture,)  they  should  not  be  hasty  to  remove,  as  long 
as  they  could  stay  upon  any  tolerable  terms.  2.  For  the  place 
they  should  remove  to,  if  necessitated,  Mr.  Haryson  acquainted 
us  with  a  place  allowed  and  propounded  to  them,  and  the  oc- 
casion of  it,  which  was  thus:  Captain  Wm.  Sayle  of  Summers 
Islands,^  having  been  lately  in  England,  had  procured  an 
ordinance  of  parhament  for  planting  the  Bahamas  Islands 
(now  called  Eleutheria)  in  the  mouth  of  the  gulf  of  Florida, 
and  wanting  means  to  carry  it  on,  had  obtained  of  divers  par- 
hament men  and  others  in  London  to  undertake  the  work, 
which  they  did,  and  drew  up  a  covenant  and  articles  for  all  to 
enter  into,  who  would  come  into  the  business.    The  first  article 

*  Bermudas. 

352  WINTHROP'S   JOURNAL  [1648 

was  for  liberty  of  conscience,  wherein  they  provided,  that  the 
civil  magistrate  should  not  have  cognizance  of  any  matter 
which  concerned  religion,  but  every  man  might  enjoy  his  own 
opinion  or  religion,  without  control  or  question,  (nor  was  there 
any  word  of  maintaining  or  professing  any  rehgion  or  worship 
of  God  at  all ;)  and  the  commission  (by  authority  of  the  ordi- 
nance of  parliament)  to  Captain  Sayle  to  be  governor  three 
years  was  with  limitation,  that  they  should  be  subject  to  such 
orders  and  directions  as  from  time  to  time  they  should  receive 
from  the  company  in  England,  etc.  Upon  these  terms  they 
furnished  him  with  a  ship  and  all  provisions  and  necessaries  for 
the  design,  and  some  few  persons  embarked  with  him,  and 
sailed  to  the  Summers  Islands,  where  they  took  in  Mr.  Patrick 
Copeland,  elder  of  that  church,  a  godly  man  of  near  eighty 
years  of  age,  and  so  many  other  of  the  church  there,  as  they 
were  in  the  ship  in  all  seventy  persons.  But  in  the  way  to 
Eleutheria,  one  Captain  Butler,  a  young  man  who  came  in  the 
ship  from  England,  made  use  of  his  liberty  to  disturb  all  the 
company.  He  could  not  endure  any  ordinances  or  worship, 
etc.,  and  when  they  arrived  at  one  of  the  Eleutheria  Islands, 
and  were  intended  there  to  settle,  he  made  such  a  faction,  as 
enforced  Captain  Sayle  to  remove  to  another  island,  and  being 
near  the  harbor,  the  ship  struck  and  was  cast  away.  The  per- 
sons were  all  saved,  save  one,  but  all  their  provisions  and  goods 
were  lost,  so  as  they  were  forced  (for  divers  months)  to  lie  in 
the  open  air,  and  to  feed  upon  such  fruits  and  wild  creatures  as 
the  island  afforded.  But  finding  their  strength  to  decay,  and 
no  hope  of  any  relief.  Captain  Sayle  took  a  shallop  and  eight 
men,  with  such  provisions  as  they  could  get,  and  set  sail, 
hoping  to  attain  either  the  Summers  Islands,  or  Virginia,  or 
New  England ;  and  so  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  favor  them,  that 
in  nine  days  they  arrived  in  Virginia,  their  provisions  all  spent, 
etc.  Those  of  the  church  reheved  them,  and  furnished  them 
with  a  bark  and  provisions  to  return  to  relieve  their  com- 
pany left  in  Eleutheria.    Captain  Sayle,  finding  the  church  in 


this  state,  persuaded  them  to  remove  to  Eleutheria,  which  they 
began  to  hsten  unto,  but  after  they  had  seen  a  copy  of  his  com- 
mission and  articles,  etc.  (though  he  undertook  to  them,  that 
the  company  in  England  would  alter  any  thing  they  should 
desire,  yet)  they  paused  upon  it  (for  the  church  were  very 
orthodox  and  zealous  for  the  truth)  and  would  not  resolve 
before  they  had  received  advice  from  us.  Whereupon  letters 
were  returned  to  them,  dissuading  them  from  joining  with  that 
people  under  those  terms. 

(9)  (November)  2.]  Here  arrived  a  Dutch  hoy  of  about  30 
tons,  with  cordage  and  other  goods,  seven  men  in  her.  She 
came  from  the  Isle  of  Wight  hither  in  five  weeks. 

18.]  One  Bezaleel  Payton  of  the  church  of  Boston,  coming 
from  Barbados  in  a  vessel  of  60  tons,  was  taken  with  a  great 
storm  of  wind  and  rain  at  east  in  the  night,  between  Cape  Cod 
and  the  bay,  so  as  he  was  forced  to  put  out  two  anchors ;  but 
the  storm  increasing,  they  were  put  from  their  anchors,  and 
seeing  no  way  but  death  before  their  eyes,  they  commended 
themselves  to  the  Lord,  who  delivered  them  marvelously,  for 
they  were  carried  among  Conyhasset  rocks,  yet  touched  none 
of  them,  and  put  on  shore  upon  a  beach,  and  presently  there 
came  a  mighty  sea,  which  lifted  their  vessel  over  the  beach  into 
a  smooth  water,  and  after  the  storm  was  over,  they  used  means, 
and  gate  her  safe  out. 

The  like  example  of  the  blessing  of  prayer  fell  out  not  long 
after  in  saving  a  small  open  vessel  of  ours,  wherein  was  one 
Richard  Collicut  of  the  church  of  Dorchester,  who  being  east- 
ward about  trading  was  carried  by  a  violent  storm  among  the 
rocks,  where  they  could  find  no  place  to  get  out.  So  they  went 
to  prayer,  and  presently  there  came  a  great  sea,  and  heaved 
their  vessel  over  into  the  open  sea,  in  a  place  between  two  rocks. 


11,  (11.)  (January  11.)]  About  eight  persons  were  drowned 
this  winter,  all  by  adventuring  upon  the  ice,  except  three, 
whereof  two  (one  of  them  being  far  in  drink)  would  needs  pass 
from  Boston  to  Winisemett  in  a  small  boat  and  a  tempestuous 
night.  This  man  (using  to  come  home  to  Winisemett  di'unken) 
his  wife  would  tell  him,  he  would  one  day  be  drowned,  etc.,  but 
he  made  hght  of  it.  Another  went  aboard  a  ship  to  make 
merry  the  last  day  at  night,  (being  the  beginning  of  the  Lord's 
day,)  and  returning  about  midnight  with  three  of  the  ship's 
company,  the  boat  was  overset  by  means  of  the  ice,  they  guid- 
ing her  by  a  rope,  which  went  from  the  ship  to  the  shore.  The 
seamen  waded  out,  but  the  Boston  man  was  drowned,  being  a 
man  of  good  conversation  and  hopeful  of  some  work  of  grace 
begun  in  him,  but  drawn  away  by  the  seamen's  invitation. 
God  will  be  sanctified  in  them  that  come  near  him.  Two 
others  were  the  children  of  one  of  the  church  of  Boston.  While 
their  parents  were  at  the  lecture,  the  boy,  (being  about  seven 
years  of  age,)  having  a  small  staff  in  his  hand,  ran  down  upon 
the  ice  towards  a  boat  he  saw,  and  the  ice  breaking,  he  fell  in, 
but  his  staff  kept  him  up,  till  his  sister,  about  fourteen  years 
old,  ran  down  to  save  her  brother  (though  there  were  four  men 
at  hand,  and  called  to  her  not  to  go,  being  themselves  hasting  to 
save  him)  and  so  drowned  herself  and  him  also,  being  past 
recovery  ere  the  men  could  come  at  them,  and  could  easily 
reach  ground  with  their  feet.  The  parents  had  no  more  sons, 
and  confessed  they  had  been  too  indulgent  towards  him,  and 
had  set  their  hearts  over  much  upon  him. 

This  puts  me  in  mind  of  another  child  very  strangely 
drowned  a  little  before  winter.  The  parents  were  also  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  Boston.    The  father  had  undertaken  to 



maintain  the  mill-dam,  and  being  at  work  upon  it,  (with  some 
help  he  had  hired,)  in  the  afternoon  of  the  last  day  of  the  week, 
night  came  upon  them  before  they  had  finished  what  they  in- 
tended, and  his  conscience  began  to  put  him  in  mind  of  the 
Lord's  day,  and  he  was  troubled,  yet  went  on  and  wrought  an 
hour  within  night.  The  next  day,  after  evening  exercise,  and 
after  they  had  supped,  the  mother  put  two  children  to  bed  in 
the  room  where  themselves  did  lie,  and  they  went  out  to  visit 
a  neighbor.  When  they  returned,  they  continued  about  an 
hour  in  the  room,  and  missed  not  the  child,  but  then  the  mother 
going  to  the  bed,  and  not  finding  her  yoimgest  child,  (a  daugh- 
ter about  five  years  of  age,)  after  much  search  she  found  it 
drowned  in  a  well  in  her  cellar ;  which  was  very  observable,  as 
by  a  special  hand  of  God,  that  the  child  should  go  out  of  that 
room  into  another  in  the  dark,  and  then  fall  down  at  a  trap 
door,  or  go  down  the  stairs,  and  so  into  the  well  in  the  farther 
end  of  the  cellar,  the  top  of  the  well  and  the  water  being  even 
with  the  ground.  But  the  father,  freely  in  the  open  congrega- 
tion, did  acknowledge  it  the  righteous  hand  of  God  for  his 
profaning  his  holy  day  against  the  checks  of  his  own  conscience. 


Abigail,  ship,  i.  160,  161. 

Acomenticus,  see  York,  Me. 

Adams,  Brooks,  Emancipation  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, i.  13,  275  n.;  ii.  174  n. 

Adams,  C.  F.,  Antinomianism  in  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  i.  242  n. ; 
quoted,  i.  255  n.;  Three  Episodes  of 
Mass.  History,  i.  53  n.,  197  n.,  222  n. 

Agawam,  see  Ipswich. 

Albany,  ii.  33  n.,  161  n. 

Alden,  John,  Hocking  episode,  i.  124. 

Alderman,  John,  i.  135. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  ii.  181. 

Allegiance  to  England,  how  construed, 
ii.  309-315. 

Allein,  Francis,  ii.  283,  338. 

Allen,  messenger  to  Aulnay,  ii.  247. 

Allen,  Bozoun,  ii.  229-245. 

Allen,  Rev.  John,  ii.  276,  291,  347. 

AUerton,  Isaac,  i.  49,  65,  113,  119,  145, 
156,  176;  ii.  94,  220. 

Ambrose,  ship,  i.  24,  50,  58. 

Ames,  Dr.  William,  i.  160  n. 

Anabaptists,  i.  297;  ii.  39,  53,  177,  257, 
259-260,  274-275,  282. 

Anasquam,  i.  166. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Com- 
pany, i.  260  n. 

Andover,  ii.  16  n.,  99,  199,  262. 

Andrew,  Thomas,  i.  68  n. 

Andrews,  Richard,  gifts,  i.  128;  ii.  70, 

Antinomian  controversy,  i.  195-199, 
201-207,  208-212,  215-218,  225,  226, 
230,  258,  2.59,  273,  284,  297;  ii.  260; 
Wheelwright's  fast  day  sermon,  i.  211 ; 
Synod  acts  in,  i.  232-235;  General 
Court  acts  in,  239-241;  Winthrop, 
Short  Story  of  the  Rise,  Reign  and 
Ruin  of  the  Antinomians,  i.  242-255; 
Winthrop  justifies  himself,  i.  256-257; 
Mrs.  Hutchinson  examined,  i.  260- 
261,  263-265. 

Aquidneck,  see  Rhode  Island. 

Arbella,  Lady,  see  Johnson,  Lady  Ar- 

Arbella,  ship,  i.  23;  prepares  for  attack, 
27-28;  Winthrop's  voyage  on,  27-50. 

Ark,  ship,  i.  131. 

Armine,  Lady,  ii.  222. 

Armine,  Sir  William,  ii.  222  n. 

Arnold,  Mr.,  i.  286. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  ii.  122,  123,  125,  350. 

Articles  of  confederation,  see  Confedera- 
tion of  the  colonies. 

Aspinwall,  William,  i.  52,  241  n.,  258; 
ii.  164,  181;   banished,  i.  239;   ii.  56. 

Assembly  of  the  elders,  see  Synod. 

Assistants,  court  of,  i.  52  n.;  see  also 
General  Court. 

Atherton,  Humphrey,  ii.  140,  350. 

Aulnay,  Charles  de,  i.  163;  ii.  182-183, 
244;  claims,  i.  201;  threatens  trading 
ships,  ii.  88;  English  attack  on  Penob- 
scot, ii.  180;  negotiations  with,  ii. 
202-205,  270,276,  284-285;  captures 
a  Boston  ship,  ii.  322-323,  325-326; 
death,  ii.  248  n.;  see  also  La  Tour, 

Austin,  Mr.,  ii.  11. 

Avery,  Rev.  John,  i.  156. 

Avery's  Fall,  i.  156  n. 

Ayanemo,  chief,  i.  226. 

Azores,  i.  103,  208  n. 

Bagnall,  Walter,  i.  69,  98. 
Bahamas,  ii.  351-353. 
Bailey,  Dissuasive,  i.  233  n. 
Baker,  Mr.,  imprisoned,  ii.  9. 
Baker,  John,  ii.  29-30. 
Baker,  Robert,  ii.  24. 
Ball,  Capt.,  i.  144,  181. 
Ball,  Mr.,  i.  279. 

Baltimore,  Lord,  i.  120;  ii.  67,  150. 
Barbados,  ii.  74,  142-143,  328. 
Barcroft's  wife  accused,  i.  108. 
Barecove,  see  Hingham. 
Barnstaple,  founded,  i.  308. 
Barrington,  Thomas,  ii.  198. 




Barton,  Rufus,  ii.  341. 

Batchelor,  Rev.  Stephen,  i.  81,  169,  266; 
ii.  45-46,  179,  221. 

Bayley,  Capt.,  ii.  197,  208,  256,  285; 
sued  by  Madame  La  Tour,  ii.  199, 
204,  205-206,  208-209. 

Beaver  Brook,  named,  i.  73. 

Beecher,  Thomas,  master  of  the  Talhot, 
i.  24. 

Beggerly,  Richard,  i.  287 

Bell,  Philip,  ii.  142-143. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  i.  137,  146;  depu- 
ty governor,  i.  149;  quarrel  with  Win- 
throp,  i.  321-322;  chosen  governor, 
ii.  31,  36;  married,  ii.  43-44;  opposes 
the  other  magistrates,  ii.  46-48,  66  n., 
117,  189,  218,  266,  305,  306. 

Bendall,  Edward,  ii.  67. 

Benjamin,  John,  i.  178. 

Bennet,  Philip,  ii.  73. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  ii.  163,  168,  351. 

Berkley,  Alderman,  ii.  204,  207,  208, 

Bermudas,  i.  126,  176;  ii.  33  n.,  351. 

Bernard,  Rev.,  i.  279,  293. 

Bewett,  Hugh,  banished,  ii.  17. 

Bilbao,  trade  with,  ii.  157. 

Billington,  John,  hanged,  i.  53. 

Binks,  Mr.,  i.  88. 

Bird,  ship,  i.  107. 

Bird  Island,  i.  146. 

Blackstone,  William,  see  Blaxton. 

Blakiston,  J.,  ii.  198. 

Blaxton,  William,  i.  9,  50  n.,  52  n. 

Blessing  of  the  Bay,  ship,  i.  65,  67,  68; 
visits  Long  Island,  i.  109;  visits  Con- 
necticut River,  i.  109,  128. 

BHnman,  Rev.  Richard,  ii.  58. 

Block  Island,  i.  183,  186,  187-188,  228, 

Bodij  of  Liberties,  i.  323-324;  ii.  49. 

Bond,  Dennis,  ii.  293. 

Book,  of  Discipline,  ii.  348  n. 

Boone  Isle,  sighted,  i.  48. 

Boston,  i.  134  n.,  218  n. ;  named,  i.  52  n., 
53;  defences,  i.  80,  86,  113,  124;  In- 
dian alarm,  i.  91-92;  first  inn,  shop, 
and  market,  i.  120;  allotment  of  town 
lands,  i.  114,  143-144;  training  day, 
i.299;  ii.  42,  107-108;  harbor  frozen, 
i.  143;  ii.  54;  rules  for  ships,  i.  180; 
La  Tour's  visit,  ii.  105-108;  ships 
seized  at,  ii.  183-187,  190,  197,  199- 
201,  254-255;  free  trade,  ii.  246. 

Boston,  church,  i.  52  n.,  83,  89,  114, 
116,  209  n.;  ordains  Rev.  John  Wil- 
son, i.  95;  site,  i.  318-319;  ii.  23;  at- 
titude towards  Winthrop,  i.  324;  see 
also  Antinomian  controversy,  Synod. 

Bourne,  Mrs.,  ii.  317. 

Bourne,  Nehemiah,  ii.  253. 

Bradford,  William,  i.  12,  57  n.,  93,  97, 
157,  305;  ii.  324,  332,  342,  346;  vis- 
its Winthrop,  i.  71,  103;  Hocking  epi- 
sode, i.  128-129,  131;  warns  against 
the  Indians,  i.  194;  ii.  6,  115. 

Bradstreet,  Gov.  Simon,  i.  167  n.;  ii.  28, 
39,  117,  271,  305;  commissioner  of 
confederation,  ii.  98,  175,  339. 

Braintree,  i.  197. 

Braintree  company,  i.  90. 

Brewster,  William,  i.  93. 

Bridges,  Capt.  Robert,  ii.  247,  269-270, 
323,  328. 

Brierly,  Rev.,  i.  219. 

Briscoe,  Mr.,  ii.  88,  91. 

Briscoe,  Nathaniel,  i.  310-314;  ii.  61. 

Britton,  Mr.,  i.  293. 

Britton,  James,  ii.  161-163. 

Broad  Sound,  i.  258;  ii.  130. 

Brook,  capt.  of  the  Gift,  i.  53. 

Brooke,  Lord,  i.  Ill,  124,  137,  161. 

Brookline,  i.  90,  141,  294 

Brooks,  Mr.,  i.  228. 

Brown,  James,  i.  183. 

Brown,  John,  ii.  228-229,  261. 

Brown,  Richard,  i.  66,  71,  95,  130,  137. 

Browne,  John,  i.  12,  52  n. 

Browne,  Kellam,  i.  14. 

Browne,  Robert,  i.  7. 

Browne,  Samuel,  i.  12,  52  n. 

Brown's  Island,  i.  160. 

Buckland,  William,  i.  68  n. 

Bulkley,  Rev.  John,  ii.  250. 

Bulkley,  Rev.  Peter,  i.  158,  182,  212, 

Bull,  Capt.,  ii.  345. 

Bull,  Dixy,  pirate,  i.  82,  95,  98,  101. 

Bumstead,  Thomas,  ii.  210. 

Burdet,  Rev.  George,  i.  279-280,  295, 
328;  complaints,  i.  285,  300;  fined, 
ii.  8. 

Burdock,  master  of  the  William  and 
Jane,  i.  100. 

Burglary  by  Harvard  students,  ii.  169. 

Burleigh,  capt.  of  Yarmouth  castle,  i.  25. 

Burr,  Rev.  Jonathan,  ii.  22-23. 

Burrows,  Mr.,  ii.  279. 



Burton,  Thomas,  ii.  271,  316-317. 
Butcher,  Union,  ii.  228. 
Butler,  Capt.,  ii.  352. 
Butterfield,  Mr.,  killed,  i.  192. 

Cadiz,  shipwrecks  at,  ii.  249-250. 
Calvert,  Leonard,  i.  131;  ii.  67,  150. 
Cambridge,  i.  84,  113,  134  n.,  218  n.; 

site,  i.  54;  named,  i.  270;  defences,  i. 

74,  78;   church,  i.  91,  111,  173-174; 

wishes  more  land,  i.  124,  126;  migra- 
tions to  Connecticut,  i.  128,  132-133, 

180;    court  of  elections,  i.  215-216; 

printing  press,  i.  293. 
Cambridge  assembly,  see  Synod. 
Cambridge,  Eng.,  agreement,  i.  14. 
Cambridge  platform,  ii.  348  n. 
Cammock,  Thomas,  i.  92. 
Cane,  see  Keayne,  Robert. 
Canonicus,  chief,  i.  65,  76,  89;   ii.  134, 

143,  350;  Oldham  episode,  i.  184-186, 

189,    190;    treaty  with,   i.    192-194; 

wishes  to  attack  Uncas,  ii.  168-169; 

dies,  ii.  324. 
Cape  Ann,  see  Gloucester. 
Cape  Cod,  i.  46,  109,  138,  148. 
Cape  Porpoise,  Me.,  i.  91. 
Carman,  see  Kerman. 
Carter,  deputy  governor  of  Providence, 

West  Indies,  ii.  33. 
Carter,  Rev.  Thomas,  ii.  88. 
Carver,  John,  i.  93  n.,  94  n. 
Casde  Island,  i.  130,  132,  180,  222,  263; 

flag  at,  i.  174,  182;   fortifications,  ii. 

155,  158-160,  251,  305  n. 
Caterpillars,  ii.  277. 
Chaddock,  Capt.  John,  ii.  150-151, 153, 

Champlain,  Lake,  i.  224  n. 
Charity,  ship,  i.  178. 
Charles  River,  i.  73,  287. 
Charles,  ship,  i.  24,  51,  59,  81 ;  ii.  20,  45. 
Charlestown,  i.  51,  52  n.,  132,  134  n., 

218  n.;  founded,  i.  9,  13;  church,  i. 

95,  121,  176. 
Chauncy,  Rev.  Charies,  i.  332;  ii.  67. 
Cheeseborough,  William,  i.  63. 
Chelsea,  i.  9,  50,  147. 
Chesapeake  Bay,  i.  100  n. 
Chickatabot,  chief,  i.  64,  68,  76,  89,  111; 

ii.  156;  visits  Winthrop,  i.  59,  62. 
Child,   John,     New  England's  Jonas 

cast  up  at  London,  ii.  339  n. 
Child,  Dr.  Robert,  ii.  321-322,    339- 

340;  petition  of,  ii.  271, 289, 295, 296; 
charges  against,  ii.  297-299;  answers, 
ii.  299-303;  fined,  ii.  304;  appeals,  ii. 
305,  306-307;  imprisoned,  ii.  308, 
309,  316;  counter  petitions,  ii.  309- 

Children  sent  from  London,  ii.  96. 

Chippacursett  island,  i.  138. 

Christopher  islands,  see  St.  Christopher. 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  i.  146  n. 

Clark,  John,  constable  of  Watertown, 
i.  78. 

Clarke,  John,  i.  277;  ii.  41. 

Clerk,  Mr.,  of  Salem,  ii.  316. 

Cleves,  George,  i.  224;  ii.  157-158,  266- 

Clotworthy,  Sir  John,  i.  164. 

Coach,  ship,  ii.  17. 

Cochitawit,  see  Andover. 

Coddington,  William,  i.  52  n.,  60,  79, 
100,  114,  143;  upholds  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson, i.  215,  216,  219,  241  n.,  297; 
in  Rhode  Island,  i.  270,  299,  331;  ii. 
41,  53  n. 

Coggan,  John,  i.  120. 

Coggeshall,  John,  i.  123,  239,  241  n.; 
in  Rhode  Island,  ii.  41,  334. 

Cohasset,  i.  238,  287,  305  n. 

Colbron,  William,  i.  14,  53,  59. 

Colchester,  see  Salisbury. 

Cole,  Andrew,  capt.  of  the  Little  Nep- 
tune, I.  29. 

Cole,  John,  ii.  277  n. 

Cole,  Robert,  drunkard,  i.  120. 

Cole,  Samuel,  i.  120. 

CoUicot,  Richard,  ii.  353. 

Collier,  William,  i.  131;  ii.  98. 

Collins,  Mr.,  ii.  7-8,  39-40,  138. 

Commissioners  of  plantations,  hostile  to 
Massachusetts,  i.  135,  307;  demand 
the  patent,  i.  274,  278,  301 ;  Gorton 
case,  ii.  282-283, 292-293;  Massachu- 
setts petitions,  ii.  309-313;  reply,  ii. 
335-3.38;  Virginia,  ii.  163. 

Concord,  Mass.,  i.  158;  church,  i.  182, 
212;  ii.  68,278. 

Concord,  N.  H.,  i.  306  n. 

Confederation  of  the  colonies,  ii.  98-99, 
141-142;  proposed,  i.  231,  287,  321 
n.;  ii.  82,  163;  articles,  ii.  100-105. 

Congregationalism,  ii.  348  n. 

Connecticut,  i.  61  n.,  107,  108,  118;  set- 
tlements, i.  128,  132-134,  152,  161, 
162,  163,   165,  166,   178,  180,  200; 



controversy  with  Plymouth,  i.  103, 
109-110,  144,  157,  174-175,  213; 
with  the  Dutch,  i.  103,  109-110,  144, 
157,  301;  ii.  32,  132-134,  278,  287; 
with  Massachusetts,  i.  287-291;  In- 
dians in,  i.  212,  265-266;  ii.  79-80; 
joins  confederation,  ii.  99-105. 

Cook,  George,  ii.  140,  143-144. 

Cook,  John,  ii.  96. 

Copeland,  Rev.  Patrick,  ii.  352. 

Copp's  Hill,  ii.  63  n. 

Corbet,  Miles,  ii.  198,  336,  338. 

Corn,  cost  of,  i.  64,  76,  131;  used  in 
payment  of  debts,  ii.  6;  scarcity,  ii. 

Cornhill,  Mr.,  ii.  138. 

Cornish,  Mr.,  ii.  218-219. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  i.  52  n.,  105-106, 
119,  132  n.,  135,  170,  174,  182,  267, 

276,  279;  ii.  139,  148,  260;  preaches, 
i.  15,  107,  133,  145,  231,  299;  ii.  30, 
70,  145;  in  Boston  church,  i.  108, 
110-111,  114,  116,  128,  179,  319;  ii. 
14;  upholds  the  magistrates,  i.  124, 
125  n.,  143-144;  ii.49,211;  prepares 
code  of  laws,  i.  196;  Way  of  the  Coiv- 
gregational  Churches  Cleared,  i.  220  n., 
233  n.;  commercial  ethics,  i.  317-318; 
Body  of  Liberties,  i.  323;  sermons 
printed,  ii.  69;  see  also  Antinomian 
controversy;  invited  to  Westminster 
Assembly,  i.  223  n.;  ii.  71-72;  men- 
tioned, i.  120,  128,  142,  177  n.,  213, 

277,  285;  ii.  20  n.,  65,  130,  321  n. 
Cotton,  Seaborn,  i.  107. 

Council  for  New  England,  i.  10,  224  n., 
225  n. 

Council,  standing,  i.  178;  attack  on,  i. 
304-305;  ii.  59-60,  86-88. 

Court,  general,  see  General  Court. 

Coventry,  R.  I.,  ii.  122  n. 

Cowper,  Mr.,  of  Piscataqua,  i.  115. 

Coytmore,  Thomas,  ii.  70,  92,  249. 

Cradock,  Matthew,  i.  11,  23  n.;  sug- 
gests transfer  of  the  government,  i. 
14;  visits  the  Arbella,  i.  23-24,  26; 
defends  the  Mass.  company,  i.  101; 
ii.  195;  ordered  to  give  up  the  patent, 
i.  128-129,  300-301;  mentioned,  i. 
44,  64,  66,  67,  119. 

Craford,  Mr.,  drowned,  i.  130. 

Cromwell,  Capt.,  ii.  272-273,  285. 

Cross,  Mr.,  ii.  289. 

Cross  in  the  flag,  see  Flag. 

Cura9ao,  ii.  181  n.,  345  n. 

Customs  duties,  ii.  97,  246,  277-278. 

Cutshamekin,  chief,  i.  186,  189;  ii.  7, 
75,  123,  276,  319,  344;  treaty  with, 
i.  192-194;  disarmed,  ii.  74;  submits 
to  Massachusetts,  ii.  156,  160. 

Cutting,  Capt.,  i.  225. 

Dacre,  Francis,  ii.  283,  293,  338. 

Dalkin,  Mr.,  ii.  165. 

Dalton,  Rev.  Timothy,  ii.  28,  39, 46, 179. 

Damariscove  Island,  ii.  350  n. 

Dand,  John,  ii.  271,  306,  308,  309,  316. 

Dates,  method  of  reckoning,  i.  23  n., 

145  n. 
Davenport,  Rev.  John,  i.  223,  232,  247 

n.,  249;    ii.  71-72;    preaches,  i.  230, 

235;  in  New  Haven,  i.  265,  298,  308. 
Davenport,  Richard,  i.  137,  186,  227. 
Daye,  Stephen,  i,  293. 
Dedham,  i.  279. 
Deer  Island,  i.  146. 
Deerfield,  ii.  349. 
Defence,  ship,  i.  160. 
Delaware  river,  attempt  to  explore,  ii. 

164,  181,  190-191. 
Delaware  settlements,  ii.  56,  70,  101, 

Dell,  George,  ii.  329. 
Denison,  Daniel,  ii.  270. 
Dennison,  George,  ii.  323-324. 
Deputies,  see  General  Court. 
Desire,  ship,  i.  187,  260,  331. 
Dexter,  H.  M.,  As  to  Roger  Williams  and 

his  Banishment,  i.  57  n.,  243. 
Dick,  Anthony,  i.  291. 
Dickerson,  Mr.,  i.  322. 
Diving  bell  used  in  Boston  harbor,  ii. 

Dobson,  Capt.,  ii.  325-326. 
Dorchester,  i.  132,  134  n.;  settlers,  i,  50, 

52    n.,    103,    218   n.;     petitions   for 

Stoughton,    i.    150 ;     settlements    in 

Conn.,  i.  157,  174-175,  178;  church, 

i.  177,  187;  ii.  22-23. 
Dorety,  Mr.,  drowned,  i.  141. 
Dove,  ship,  comes  from  Maryland,  i.  131 
Dover,  N.  H.,  i.  96  n.,  320,  328;  ii.  28  n., 

38,  89. 
Downing,  Emanuel,  i.  14,  15,  60,  99, 

111,  302;  ii.  250;  flag  episode,  i.  141; 

house  burned,  ii.  220. 
Downing,  Sir  George,  i.  60  n.;  ii.  84  n., 




Downing,  Lucy,  i.  302  n. 

Dudley,  Lieut.,  i.  63. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  i.  14,  94,  182,  203;  ii. 
58,  60,  117,  261"  chosen  deputy  gov- 
ernor, i.  15,  215;  ii.  269,  339;  rela- 
tions with  Winthrop,  i.  75,  77,  79,  84- 
88,  91,  113-114,  169-171,  269;  Puri- 
tanism of,  i.  104-105;  chosen  gov- 
ernor, i.  125,  135;  ii.  3,  229;  member 
of  standing  council,  i.  178,  305  n.;  re- 
lations with  Bellingham,  ii.  47,  48; 
commissioner  of  confederation,  ii.  98, 
175;  relations  with  La  Tour  and 
Aulnay,  ii.  131,247,270;  mentioned, 
i.  49n.,  60,  315n.;  ii.  59,  177  n. 

Dummer,  Jeremy,  i.  80  n. 

Dummer,  Richard,  i.  80,  81  n.,  112,  149, 
215;  gift  to  Winthrop,  ii.  4. 

Dummer,  William,  i.  80  n. 

Dunkirk,  i.  27. 

Dunster,  Rev.  Henry,  i.  332  n. 

Durand,  Mr.,  ii.  351. 

Dutch  settlers,  i.  102,  130;  ii.  4-5,  35, 
181,  191;  claim  Connecticut,  i.  109, 
166;  ii.  33,  160-161,330-333;  Indian 
troubles,  i.  139,  219;  ii.  95-96,  134, 
276-277;  negotiations  with  Massa- 
chusetts, ii.  141-142,  176,  342,  340- 
347;   see  also  Connecticut. 

Dutch  West  India  Co.,  i.  109;  ii.  33, 
343  n. 

Duxbury,  mentioned,  i.  200  n. 

Dyer,  Mary,  i.  266-269. 

Dyer,  William,  i.  266,  268. 

Eames,  Anthony,  ii.  229-245. 

Earle,  A.  M.,  Margaret  Winthrop,  ii. 
327  n. 

Earthquake  of  1638,  i.  270,  292;  of 
1643,  ii.  91. 

Eastham,  i.  166. 

Easton,  Nicholas,  i.  284;  ii.  41. 

Eaton,  Nathaniel,  i.  310-315;  ii.  20, 332, 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  i.  223,  310;  ii.  74, 
161,  278,  287;  goes  to  New  Haven,  i. 
231,  298;  commissioner  for  confeder- 
ation, ii.  98. 

Edwards,  Gangraena,  i.  65  n. 

Edye,  John,  i.  99. 

Eleanor,  ship,  ii.  57. 

Eliot,  Mr.,  of  Ipswich,  i.  142. 

Eliot,  Jacob,  ii.  209-210. 

Eliot,  Rev.  John,  apostle,  i.  70,  73,  142: 

ii.  276;  minister  at  Roxbury,  i.  94; 
preaches  to  the  Indians,  ii.  311,  319- 
321,  324;  Christian  Commonwealth, 
ii.  321  n. 

Elizabeth  Cape,  i.  224. 

Elizabeth  Bonadventure,  ship,  i.  102. 

Elizabeth  Dorcas,  ship,  i.  128. 

Elston,  John,  i.  66. 

Elsynge,  H.,  ii.  90. 

Endeavor,  ship,  ii.  245. 

Endicott,  John,  i.  49,  120,  305;  ii.  16, 
229,  269,  339;  in  Salem,  i.  10,  11,  62, 
117,  157,  285;  ii.  25-26;  married,  i. 
51;  relations  with  the  Indians,  i.  61, 
186-189,  191,  194;  flag  episode,  i. 
147,  149-150,  174  n.;  member  of 
standing  council,  i.  215,  304,  305  n.; 
deputy  governor,  ii.  49-50,  58;  gov- 
ernor, ii.  169;  mentioned,  i.  12,  52  n., 
69,212;  ii.  20n.,  247. 

Epidemics  in  New  England,  i.  Ill,  119; 
ii.  2()7,  326;  in  West  Indies,  ii.  329. 

Essex  county,  ii.  164  n.,  170. 

Everell,  James,  i.  294. 

Ewre,  Mr.,  i.  228. 

Exeter,  N.  H.,  i.  197  n.,  237  n.,  294,  306, 

Faber,  Mr.,  i.  329. 

Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  218  n.;   ii.  251. 

Familists,  i.  65,  262,  .328;  ii.  260, 

Fareivelf  to  the  Church  of  England,  i.  26, 
135  n. 

Farrett,  James,  ii.  4. 

Feake  Isle,  i.  100. 

Feake,  Robert,  i.  73. 

Felloivsliip,  ship,  i.  155  n. 

Fenwick,  George,  i.  308;  ii.  69, 145,  283, 
336,  338;  commissioner  of  confedera- 
tion;  ii.  98. 

Feme,  Capt.,  i.  181,224. 

Field,  Darby,  ascends  W'hite  Mts.,  ii. 
62-63,  85. 

Finch,  Mr.,  i.  53. 

Firmin,  Giles,  i.  110. 

Firmin,  of  Watertown,  i.  54. 

Firnes,  Capt.,  ii.  248. 

Fish,  Gabriel,  i.  329. 

Fiske,  John,  Dutch  and  English  Colonies 
in  America,  ii.  161  n;  Old  Virginia 
and  her  Neighbors,  ii.  150  n. 

Flag,  defaced,  i.  137,  141,  1